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Quinio, Julie. "La phonologie des emprunts français non anglicisés en anglais." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040014/document.
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Ce travail porte sur la phonologie des emprunts français non-anglicisés, c’est-à-dire qui ne suivent pas toutes les règles de l’anglais et conservent des caractéristiques françaises. Dans la première partie, nous décrivons la méthodologie employée pour la sélection du corpus, ce qui nous amène à étudier la terminologie utilisée dans la linguistique de l’emprunt, et présentons la base de données qui servira à l’analyse de ces emprunts. Dans la seconde partie, nous supprimons de cette base de données initiale toutes les variantes anglicisées, ce qui donne lieu à de nombreuses discussions sur la phonologie de l’anglais. Enfin, la dernière partie présente l’analyse de la base de données finale, ne contenant que des variantes non-anglicisées. En partant de l’idée que ces emprunts imitent la prononciation française, nous montrons comment les phonèmes français sont adaptés en anglais, et de quelle manière les locuteurs anglophones signalent l’origine française d’un mot<br>This study focuses on the phonology of non-anglicized French loanwords, i.e. those which do not follow all English rules and retain French characteristics. The first part describes the methodology used for the selection of the corpus, which brings about discussions on loanword terminology, and presents the database that will be used in the analysis of these loanwords. The second part is dedicated to the deletion of the anglicized variants remaining in the database, which brings about many discussions on English phonology. Finally, the last part presents the analysis of the final database, containing only non-anglicized variants. Starting with the idea that these loanwords imitate the French pronunciation, we show how French phonemes are adapted into English, and how English speakers indicate the French origin of a word
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Chevrier, Natacha. "Analyse de la phonologie du bribri (chibcha) dans une perspective typologique : nasalité et géminée modulée." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2033/document.
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Le bribri est une langue chibcha parlée au Costa Rica (Amérique Centrale). Les langues chibcha représentent la principale famille de l’Aire Intermédiaire (Constenla 1991), qui relie la Mesoamérique aux zones amazonienne et andine. Ce sont cependant toutes des langues en danger, encore relativement peu décrites.Cette thèse est une analyse de la phonologie du bribri (Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004), problématisée autour de ses caractéristiques typologiques :(i) Le système nasal : le bribri fait partie des rares langues du monde dans lesquelles la nasalité n’est pas distinctive pour les consonnes. Les consonnes nasales présentes dans l’output sont le résultat d’harmonies nasales (Cohn 1993 ; Walker 1998, 2001) et d’hypervoisement par abaissement du voile du palais (Iverson & Salmons 1996 ; Solé 2009). Alors que le premier processus avait en partie été décrit pour le bribri (Wilson 1970 ; Constenla 1982, 1985 ; Tohsaku 1987), le second n’avait pas encore été identifié.(ii) La consonne /tk/ : une unité distinctive, combinant deux lieux, sans pour autant être une consonne doublement articulée, contrairement à ce qui avait précédemment été décrit (Lehmann 1920 ; Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004). Je propose de l’analyser comme une géminée modulée (contour segment, Sagey 1990).La présente étude s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux qui considèrent que les structures phonologiques doivent être expliquées par des contraintes phonétiques, comme les travaux précurseurs d’Ohala (1975, 1981, 1983). J’utilise plus particulièrement le modèle de la Phonologie Articulatoire (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). Les analyses s’appuient sur des données acoustiques, récoltées dans deux communautés bribri entre 2012 et 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma et Amubre).En plus d’une démarche typologique et phonétique, j’adopte une approche dialectale et diachronique, afin de mieux appréhender le système phonologique de la langue<br>Bribri is a Chibchan language spoken in Costa Rica (Central America). Chibchan languages form the main family of the Intermediate Area (Constenla 1991), which links Mesoamerica to the Amazonian and the Andean regions. All of them are endangered and are still under described.This dissertation provides an analysis of Bribri phonology (Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004) problematized according to its typological characteristics:(i) The nasal system: Bribri is among the few languages in the world to lack distinctive nasal consonants. The nasal consonants present in the output result from nasal harmony (Cohn 1993; Walker 1998, 2001) and hypervoicing through velopharyngeal opening (Iverson & Salmons 1996; Solé 2009). While the first process has been partially described for Bribri (Wilson 1970; Constenla 1982, 1985; Tohsaku 1987), the second has not been individuated in the language.(ii) The consonant /tk/: the consonant /tk/ is a distinctive unit which combines two places of articulation. Contrary to what has been previously described (Lehmann 1920; Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004), it is not a doubly articulated consonant. I propose to analyse it as a contour geminate consonant (based on the concept of contour segment, Sagey 1990).Following Ohala’s pioneering work (1975, 1981, 1983), this work is based on the assumption that phonological structures must be explained by phonetic constraints. More specifically, I use the Articulatory Phonology frame (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). The analysis is based on acoustic data collected among two Bribri communities, between 2012 and 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma and Amubre).Along the typological and phonetic approach, I have adopted a dialectal and diachronical point of view to better capture the phonological system of the language
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Danesi, Paolo. "Le contraste et la computation phonologique dans l'apprentissage des primitives phonologiques : Une analyse des harmonies vocaliques de rehaussement basée sur des primitives émergentes en Radical Substance Free Phonology." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022COAZ2040.
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RVH est un processus qui affecte la hauteur des voyelles. En présence de voyelles hautes, les voyelles moyennes d'un mot s'élèvent. Les harmonies fermantes présentent une propriété particulière: le rehaussement peut être scalaire ou complet. Les harmonies scalaires ferment les voyelles d'un degré de hauteur, tandis que les harmonies complètes transforment n'importe quelle voyelle en voyelle haute. Les RVH peuvent également être asymétriques: tous les déclencheurs attendus ne déclenchent pas l'harmonie, ou toutes les cibles attendues ne sont pas affectées (une voyelle haute peut ne pas déclencher le processus bien qu'étant phonétiquement haute, ou une voyelle peut ne pas se fermer bien que les autres voyelles le fassent). Dans le cas spécifique du parasitisme, certaines cibles ne subissent l'harmonie que si elles partagent une propriété avec le déclencheur. Trois dialectes de la Lombardie orientale montrent des RVH différentes: à Brescia toutes les voyelles moyennes sont affectées par le processus ; à Bergame l'harmonie cible uniquement les voyelles moyennes arrondies. En Camuno, où l'harmonie est parasitique, les voyelles arrondies se ferment lorsqu'elles sont suivies par des voyelles hautes, tandis que les voyelles non-arrondies ne réagissent que si la voyelle déclenchante est non arrondie. Il est montré que les théories qui peuvent formaliser les asymétries ont des problèmes avec les RVH scalaires, tandis que les théories qui traitent les RVH scalaires sont incapables de gérer les RVH asymétriques. Cette thèse soutient que les asymétries sont une forme spécifique de règles folles (Bach & Harms 1972, Chabot 2021): la classe des voyelles moyennes se divise en un sous-ensemble qui subit l'harmonie et un autre qui ne réagit pas. Cela nécessite l'existence de classes phonologiquement actives (Mielke 2008), plutôt que de classes naturelles. L'origine des difficultés rencontrées par les analyses existantes de RVH est l'hypothèse que les primitives mélodiques ainsi que leurs corrélats phonétiques sont universels et innés. La plupart des théories supposent que les primitives font partie d'un ensemble fixe où le corrélat phonétique de chaque primitive est donné à la naissance et est le même dans toutes les langues. L'alternative (Radical Substance Free Phonology) est une théorie basée sur des primitives émergentes, qui soutient qu'il n'y a pas des primitives à l'état initial de l'apprentissage: les enfants naissent avec la connaissance qu'il existe des primitives et qu'ils doivent les construire à partir des informations environnementales à leur disposition. Différents modèles d'émergence des primitives sont comparés. Les approches analysées (Dresher 2014, Sandstedt 2018, Odden 2022) considèrent que les primitives émergent sous l'influence du contraste et de la computation phonologique. Ils diffèrent cependant en ce que pour Dresher et Sandstedt le contraste et la computation sont également importants, tandis que pour Odden la computation est primaire et le contraste secondaire. Il est montré que dans un environnement où des primitives come α ou β sont utilisées, différentes théories de la computation peuvent produire des spécifications phonologiques différentes. Cette thèse plaide pour une computation phonologique où seuls l'addition et la soustraction des primitives sont permises. Dans cet environnement, les modèles de Dresher et Sandstedt ne peuvent rendre compte des RVH scalaires, alors que l'approche d'Odden peut construire les ensembles requis de représentations pour les RVH parasitiques et scalaires.Il peut également analyser les processus conditionnés par la morphologie, en profitant du fait que les primitives émergentes impliquent une interface entre la phonétique et la phonologie où les associations entre objets phonétiques et phonologiques sont arbitraires.L'approche d'Odden est formellement simple: la computation seule guide l'enfant vers les spécifications phonologiques sans recourir à d'autres mécanismes supplémentaires<br>Raising Vowel Harmony-RVH is a harmonic process that affects the height of vowels. In presence of high vowels, mid-vowels of a word raise. RVH displays a peculiar property: raising may be scalar or complete. Scalar RVH raise vowels by a degree of height, while complete RVH turn any vowel into a high vowel regardless of its lexical height. RVH may also be asymmetric: not all expected triggers actually trigger the harmony, or not all expected targets are affected (a high vowel may not trigger RVH though being high, or a mid-vowel may not raise while all other mid-vowels do). In the case of parasitism, some targets undergo VH only if they share a property with the trigger. The cross-linguistic properties of RVH are explored through a typological survey. Original fieldwork shows that three similar Eastern Lombard dialects display different RVHs. In Bresciano all mid-vowels are affected by raising ; in Bergamasco RVH targets only rounded mid-vowels. In Camuno RVH is parasitic : rounded vowels undergo raising whenever they are followed by high vowels, while unrounded vowels do so only if the triggering vowel is also unrounded. It is shown that theories able to formalize asymmetries encounter problems with scalar raising patterns, while theories that address the scalar nature of raising are unable to handle asymmetric RVH. It is argued that asymmetries and parasitic RVH are a form of crazy rules (Bach & Harms 1972, Chabot 2021): the class of mid vowels splits into a subset that undergoes raising and another that does not. This requires the existence of phonologically active classes (Mielke 2008), rather than of phonetically natural classes. It is argued that RVHs can only be described when phonological patterning alone defines which segments share a given prime. Given this background, it appears that the origin of the problems of existing analyses of RVH is the shared assumption that melodic primes as well as their phonetic correlates are universal and innate. Most theories assume the existence of a fixed set of primes that is universal and innate, where the phonetic correlate of every prime is given at birth and is the same in all languages. The alternative (Radical Substance Free Phonology) is a theory based on emergent primes, which argues that primes and their phonetic correlates are learned. There are no primes at the initial state : children are born with the knowledge that there are primes and that they will need to construct them based on environmental information. Primes are language-specific and have an arbitrary correlation with phonetics, which depends on contrast and behavior of segments in phonological processing (Mielke 2008, Dresher 2014). Different models of prime emergence are compared (Dresher 2014, Sandstedt 2018, Odden 2022). These proposals consider contrast and phonological processing as factors in prime emergence. For Dresher and Sandstedt contrast and processing are equally important, while for Odden processing has a logical precedence over contrast. In an environment where primes such as α β are used, different theories of computation may produce different prime specifications. This thesis argues for an approach to computation where only addition and subtraction of primes are allowed. This corresponds to the state of computation in Autosegmentalism, where primes may be either linked or delinked. On the representational side, this thesis endorses unary primes. It is shown that Sandstedt's model fails to account for scalar raising patterns and Odden's approach can build the required sets of representations for both parasitic and scalar RVH. It can also account for morphologically conditioned processes based on the fact that emergent primes entail phonetic arbitrariness, i.e. an interface between phonetics and phonology where mappings are arbitrary. Odden's approach is formally simpler than the others: processing alone guides the learner to prime specifications without recurring to other additional assumptions
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Marchal-Nasse, Colette. "De la phonologie à la morphologie du Nzebi, langue bantoue (B52) du Gabon." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213225.
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Onken, Busaki. "Letter-sound relationship in modern British English: theoretical considerations and teaching implications for Zairean efl beginners." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213424.
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Commissaire, Eva. "Orthographic and phonological coding during L2 visual word recognition in L2 learners : lexical and sublexical mechanisms." Thesis, Lille 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LIL30007/document.
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L'acquisition des représentations orthographiques et phonologiques en anglais langue seconde (L2) chez des francophones (élèves en classe de 6ème et de 4ème, étudiants universitaires) était examinée dans ce travail. La technique d'amorçage masqué permettait de révéler la précision du codage orthographique lexical, après seulement deux années d'acquisition de l'anglais, et ce, indépendamment de la typicalité orthographique des mots (étude 1). Des éléments en faveur d'un accès au lexique non-sélectif à la langue étaient observés : un effet inhibiteur des mots cognates émergeait chez des élèves de 4ème dans une tâche de décision lexicale (étude 2). De plus, des expériences mettant en jeu l'effet d'amorçage orthographique inter-langue relevaien de la compétition lexicale inter-langue chez le groupe le plus compétent uniquement (étude 3). Un surprenant effet facilitateur en tâche de décision lexicale pour les mots L2 dont l'orthographe était partagée entre les deux langues, par rapport aux mots dont l'orthographe était spécifique de la L2, signalait l'influence de la typicalité orthographique en reconnaissance visuelle de mots en L2 (étude 4). Le codage graphémique semblait fonctionnel après quelques mois d'acquisition de la L2, bien que des différences émergeaient entre les différents groupes de niveaux au sujet de la typicalité orthographique des graphèmes (étude 5). Enfin, une co-activation des correspondances écrit-oral de chaque langue était mise en évidence chez ces apprenants L2 (étude 6) ainsi que l'influence des correspondances de la L1 sur la reconnaissance de mots en L2 (étude 7)<br>Orthographic and phonological coding during second language (L2) learning in a school context was examined in the present work. Masked priming techniques revealed that lexical orthographic representations were finely_tuned after only two years of acquisition and that this coding was comparable for words of varying orthographic typically (study 1). Evidence in favour of language non-selectivity during lexical access was uncovered : a cognate inhibition effect emerged in grade 8 for lexical decision (study 2). In addition, tests of cross-language orthographic neighbourhood effects using masked priming revealed cross-language lexical competition in the highest proficiency group only (study 3). Intriguing evidence of facilitation effects in lexical decision for L2 words whose orthography was shared across languages compared to words whose orthography was L2-specific signalled the influence of orthographic typicality during L2 visual word recognition (study 4). Grapheme coding was also shown to be functional after only a few months of L2 learning, though differences emerged across proficiency levels in relation to the orthographic typicality of graphemes (study 5). Finally, evidence was found for the parallel activation of print-to-sound correspondences from both languages in young L2 learners (study 6) and for the influence of first language correspondences on L2 visual word recognition (study 7)
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Couasnon, Graziella. "« Cul et chemise », « Modes et travaux », « Émilie et Nathan » : étude des principes gouvernant la coordination par «et» de deux mots en français." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BOR30022/document.
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Ce travail de thèse a pour objet l’étude des principes gouvernant la coordination par « et » de deux mots en français. Il a pour but d’observer l’émergence de facteurs actifs dans la sélection d’un ordre préférentiel de coordination binaire directe par « et », hors contexte, selon un angle essentiellement phonologique ; et ainsi de tenter d'en proposer une pré-hiérarchisation en français. Il apparaît, en effet, que pour des exemples tels que « Cul et chemise », « Modes et travaux », « Émilie et Nathan », l'ordre adopté ici est l'ordre préférentiel en français, et ceci que l'on se base sur le jugement intuitif des locuteurs, ou qu'on l'atteste au moyen de relevés statistiques. Les locuteurs privilégient souvent spontanément un ordre à un autre dans ce type de formations, le jugeant plus naturel. Partant de ce constat, la question qui se pose est celle de savoir quels sont les facteurs qui régissent l'ordre de ces constituants en français. De nombreuses études se sont intéressées à cette problématique pour d'autres langues, spécifiquement pour l'anglais (Cooper et Ross (1975), Pinker et Birdong (1979), Wright, Hay et Bent (2002, 2005)). Toutes tendent à prouver que de nombreux facteurs phonologiques et extra-phonologiques jouent un rôle important dans le processus de formation de deux mots coordonnés. Néanmoins, à notre connaissance, l'étude des facteurs phonologiques actifs dans la coordination binomiale par « et » en français demeure à ce jour inédite. Nous tenterons de combler cette lacune. Pour ce faire, dans une approche empirique et expérimentale, nous avons rassemblé des données statistiquement valides, à partir desquelles nous avons ensuite dégagé des principes généraux. Puis, nous avons proposé une analyse phonologique dans le cadre d'une approche en terme d'interactions de contraintes inspirée par Plénat [1996,1997] dans laquelle nous appréhendons la sélection d'un ordre binomial préférentiel de coordination par « et » comme le résultat de conflits entre des principes ou des contraintes<br>The concerns of this work are : first, to bring out the factors controlling two-word coordinating in French (nouns, adjectivies, tensed verbs and adverbs), second, to demonstrate the existence of active principles in choosing a preferential order to coordinate two nouns with “et”, third, to propose a study of coordinated words permutation, from a mainly phonological point of view. It seems indeed that, in examples such as “Cul et chemise”, “Mode et travaux” or “Emilie et Nathan”, the order displayed is the preferred one in French, either considering native speakers’ intuitive judgement or confirming it by a statistics survey. Speakers often spontaneously prefer an order, judged more natural, over the other in such structures. With this observation in mind, we asked ourselves a question: what are the factors that affect the order of those components in French. Many studies have taken an interest in that issue for other languages and in particular for English (Cooper and Ross (1975), Pinker and Birdong (1979), Wright, Hay and Bent (2002, 2005)). All of them tend to prove that several phonological and extra-phonological factors play an important part in the process of coordinating two words. There is however no study yet, as far as we know, about the phonological factors active in coordinating two words with “et” in French. We’ve this shortcoming. Aiming to that, with an empirical and experimental approach, we gathered statistically valid data, from which we drew general principles. Then, we made a phonological analysis in a constraint interaction framework inspired by Plénat [1996,1997], for which we looked at the “et”-coordinated two-word order preferred choice as the result of a conflict between principles or constraints
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Janssens, Baudouin. "Doubles réflexes consonantiques: quatre études sur le bantou de zone A (bubi, nen, bafia, ewondo)." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212773.
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Green, Antony D. "Phonology limited." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1551/.
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Phonology Limited is a study of the areas of phonology where the application of optimality theory (OT) has previously been problematic. Evidence from a wide variety of phenomena in a wide variety of languages is presented to show that interactions involving more than just faithfulness and markedness are best analyzed as involving language-specific morphological constraints rather than universal phonological constraints. OT has proved to be a highly insightful and successful theory of linguistics in general and phonology in particular, focusing as it does on surface forms and treating the relationship between inputs and outputs as a form of conflict resolution. Yet there have also been a number of serious problems with the approach that have led some detractors to argue that OT has failed as a theory of generative grammar. The most serious of these problems is opacity, defined as a state of affairs where the grammatical output of a given input appears to violate more constraints than an ungrammatical competitor. It is argued that these problems disappear once language-specific morphological constraints are allowed to play a significant role in analysis. Specifically, a number of processes of Tiberian Hebrew traditionally considered opaque are reexamined and shown to be straightforwardly transparent, but crucially involving morphological constraints on form, such as a constraint requiring certain morphological forms to end with a syllabic trochee, or a constraint requiring paradigm uniformity with regard to the occurrence of fricative allophones of stop phonemes.
Language-specific morphological constraints are also shown to play a role in allomorphy, where a lexeme is associated with more than one input; the constraint hierarchy then decides which input is grammatical in which context. For example, [ɨ]/[ə] and [u]/[ə] alternation found in some lexemes but not in others in Welsh is attributed to the presence of two inputs for the lexemes with the alternation. A novel analysis of the initial consonant mutations of the modern Celtic languages argues that mutated forms are separately listed inputs chosen in appropriate contexts by constraints on morphology and syntax, rather than being outputs that are phonologically unfaithful to their unmutated inputs.
Finally, static irregularities and lexical exceptions are examined and shown to be attributable to language-specific morphological constraints. In American English, the distribution of tense and lax vowels is predictable in several contexts; however, in some contexts, the distributions of tense [ɔ] vs. lax [a] and of tense [æ] vs. lax [æ] are not as expected. It is shown that clusters of output-output faithfulness constraints create a pattern to which words are attracted, which however violates general phonological considerations. New words that enter the language first obey the general phonological considerations before being attracted into the language-specific exceptional pattern.
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Bourgeois, Thomas Charles. "Instantiative phonology." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185709.
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Instantiative Phonology presents a model of grammatical organization whose conceptual orientation arises from the Communication System Hypothesis, the notion that natural languages are communication systems and as such have properties predicted by the Mathematical Theory of Communication (Shannon 1948). Following from this general notion is the empirical hypothesis that phonological processes identify the carriers of grammatical information and instantiate the grammatical constituents of a particular language. The thesis concerns itself with evaluating the empirical relevance of this Hypothesis of Instantiation with respect to grammatical systems. Initially, this research develops a learning mechanism with the capacity to learn a fragment of the purely phonologically conditioned rules of American English based solely on their output in a phonetic representation. While this learner demonstrates sufficient capacity to learn the fragment of American English, it cannot learn the details of this fragment if its rules apply in some order other than that supported by attested data. The properties of this learning mechanism are then used to inform the internal organization of the formal aspects of the model. This model emerges with several desirable properties, including a very restrictive interpretation of both phonological rule typology and the extrinsic ordering of phonological rules. Following this exposition, the model is evaluated through a broad investigation of the purely phonologically conditioned rules from a single language, Turkish. This evaluation reveals that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of Turkish make crucial reference to a subset of phonological features with the necessary and sufficient capacity to generate the "distinctive" inventory of the language. Further, these rules refer to the Turkish grammatical constituents syllable, morpheme, and word over a wide range of different phonological contexts, supporting the notion consistent with the Hypothesis of Instantiation that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of a language provide the user with an efficient and reliable parser of that language. This research concludes that the Hypothesis of Instantiation is borne out in language systems.
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Lemus, Jorge Ernesto 1961. "Phonology at two levels: A new model of lexical phonology." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289144.
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This dissertation proposes a new model of Lexical Phonology: the Two-Level Theory (TLT). The TLT consists of dividing phonological rules into two different sets. One set is active at the Lexical Level, and the other set is active at the Postlexical Level. Lexical rules are active at the Lexical Level and, possibly, at the Postlexical Level, too (the choice being language specific). This new model is a simplification of previous models that hold that rules found at the Lexical Level can be further subdivided into other strata, producing multilevel representations. This new model of Lexical Phonology is tested with regard to a number of phonological problems in Pipil (Chapter 2), in Spanish (Chapter 3), and in Malayalam (Chapter 4). These analyses within the TLT demonstrate that the multiple levels of previous analyses of comparable phenomena within these languages are unnecessary.
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Féry, Caroline, Sam Hellmuth, Frank Kügler, and Jörg Mayer. "Phonology and intonation." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2221/.
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The encoding standards for phonology and intonation are designed to facilitate consistent annotation of the phonological and intonational aspects of information structure, in languages across a range of prosodic types. The guidelines are designed with the aim that a nonspecialist in phonology can both implement and interpret the resulting annotation.
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Bird, Steven. "Constraint-based phonology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23727.
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Howe, Darin Mathew. "Oowekyala segmental phonology." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ61111.pdf.
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Gorecka, Alicja. "Phonology of articulation." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12786.
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Scobbie, James M. "Attribute value phonology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20172.
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Hind, Kevin. "Phonologising articulatory phonology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21304.
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Articulatory Phonology has been criticised as being little more than an enriched theory of phonetics, capable of handling gradient but not categorical phenomena. This thesis is an answer to such criticism, presenting one possible way in which the gestures of Articulatory Phonology can be incorporated into a systematic phonological framework both at the level of the segment and of the syllable. Segments are created by the combination of gestures in simple head-dependent relationships, where all segments contain one or more heads. A gesture is a head if it dominates the vocal tract, domination being defined in terms of the head's control of neutral articulator settings and of its coordination with other gestures within the segment. Gestural coordination within segments is thus constrained by phonological relationships without resource to arbitrary distinctions between complete, partial and minimal overlap. These headed structures provide simple accounts of a wide range of segment types such as simple and complex stops, pre- and postnasals, unaspirated and aspirated stops and affricates, as well as a number of common phonological processes such as nasal spreading and lenition. In addition, the use of gestures allows for a description of both gradient and categorical phenomena with a single set of primitives. Syllable structure is also described in terms of dependency between segments, and constituents are derived from the formal properties of the dependency relationships. The structures of Icelandic, Italian and Turkish are examined in detail, with particular attention to the representation of segmental length, preaspiration and epenthesis.
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Kang, Ongmi. "Korean prosodic phonology /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8428.
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Chatellier, Hugo. "Nivellement et contre-nivellement phonologique à Manchester : étude de corpus dans le cadre du projet PAC-LVTI." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU20109/document.
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La présente thèse propose une description et une étude multidimensionnelles (sociolinguistiques, phonologiques et phonétiques) de la variété d'anglais parlée dans le Greater Manchester. Nous offrons une discussion sur les enjeux méthodologiques et épistémologiques de l'étude du changement linguistique et de l'utilisation des corpus en linguistique. Notre travail est mené dans le cadre du programme PAC (Phonologie de l'Anglais Contemporain : usages, variétés et structure) et au sein du projet LVTI (Langue, Ville, Travail, Identité) sur la base du corpus PAC-LVTI Manchester, constitué de données authentiques et récentes récoltées sur le terrain. Notre analyse se concentre notamment sur le phénomène de nivellement dialectal, qui a été l'objet de nombreuses recherches récentes en sociolinguistique anglaise. Nous nous intéressons en particulier à l'hypothèse de l'expansion d'une variété supralocale dans le nord de l'Angleterre. Notre étude concerne essentiellement les voyelles du Greater Manchester, et repose sur une analyse phonético-acoustique de la production des locuteurs de notre corpus. Nous relevons les caractéristiques majeures de la variété mancunienne, telles qu'elles ont pu être décrites dans les quelques travaux publiés jusqu'ici, et étudions leur corrélation avec des facteurs sociolinguistiques classiques comme l'âge, le genre, ou le niveau socio-économique. Nous explorons également la pertinence des facteurs attitudinaux pour l'étude de nos données. Sur la base de nos résultats phonético-acoustiques, nous nous prononçons en faveur de la pertinence de l'opposition de longueur en anglais, repensée en termes de poids vocalique au niveau de la représentation des voyelles, et proposons une modélisation du système phonologique de la variété du Greater Manchester dans le cadre de la phonologie de dépendance. Nous discutons des évolutions du système à la lumière du phénomène de nivellement dialectal, et nous interrogeons sur la pertinence des facteurs internes et externes pour les expliquer<br>This thesis offers a multidimensional (sociolinguistic, phonetic, and phonological) description and study of the variety of English spoken in Greater Manchester. We discuss the study of linguistic change and the use of corpora in linguistics from a methodological and epistemological point of view. Our work is conducted in the framework of the PAC programme (Phonology of Contemporary English: usage, varieties and structure) and within the LVTI project (Language, Urban Life, Work, Identity), and based on the PAC-LVTI Manchester corpus, which is composed of authentic and recent fieldwork data. Our analysis notably focuses on the phenomenon of regional dialect levelling, which has been largely documented in recent English sociolinguistic research. In particular, we are interested in the hypothesis of the expansion of a supralocal variety in the north of England. Our study deals mainly with the vowels of Greater Manchester English, and relies on a phonetic-acoustic analysis of our informants' realisations. We describe the major characteristics of the Mancunian variety based on the few studies published so far, and statistically evaluate their correlation with traditional sociolinguistic factors such as age, gender or socio-economic profile. We also explore the relevance of attitudinal factors for the study of our data. On the basis of our phonetic-acoustic results, we speak in favour of the relevance of the opposition of length in English, which we reconsider in terms of vocalic weight in the representation of vowels. We then offer a model of the phonological system of Greater Manchester inspired by Dependency Phonology. We discuss the evolutions of the system in the light of regional dialect levelling, and question the role played by internal and external factors in these linguistic changes
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Njantcho, Kouagang Elisabeth. "A grammar of Kwakum." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCF018/document.
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Cette thèse est une description des systèmes phonologique et morphosyntaxique du kwakum, langue bantu A90 parlée dans la région de l’Est du Cameroun. Les données qui sont analysées dans ce travail ont été collectées à Sibita, un village de l’Arrondissement de Doumé. Le kwakum a une série de 28 consonnes parmi lesquelles des occlusives aspirées et labio-vélaires. Il possède un système vocalique de sept voyelles à longueur contrastive. L’analyse tonale est basée sur la distinction H vs. B vs. 0. Le système de classe nominale est quelque peu réduit et les correspondances entre les classes du kwakum et celles du Proto Bantu restent problématiques. Il existe huit classes morphologiques qui indiquent le nombre et cinq classes nominales qui déterminent l’accord. L’on note également un accord par défaut déclenché par les noms singuliers, ce qui suggère que la réduction du système de classe nominale est encore en cours. Le syntagme nominal est le seul domaine où s’observe l’accord en classe nominale. Dans les constructions connectivales, la tête syntaxique n’est pas nécessairement la tête sémantique. Le Kwakum possède des «ambipositions» employées comme préposition si le complément est nominal et comme postposition si le complément est pronominal. L’expression du temps verbal nécessite l’utilisation d’auxiliaires ou d’affixes temporels qui peuvent être combinés à un schème tonal de remplacement apparaissant sur les bases verbales. L’ordre des constituants dans la phrase est SVO. L’on note également des phrases averbales formées de deux noms ou d’un nom/pronom et d’un démonstratif. Les appendices contiennent un lexique kwakum-français et deux textes transcrits, glosés, traduits accompagnés de fichiers audio<br>This thesis provides an analysis of the phonological and morphosyntactic systems of Kwakum, a Bantu A90 language spoken in the East Region of Cameroon. The data analysed in this work was collected from Kwakum speakers living in Sibita, a village located in the Doume Subdivision. Kwakum has a series of 28 consonants, among which aspirated and labiovelars stops. Its seven-vowel system is marked by contrastive length. The tone analysis is based on the distinction H vs. L vs. 0. The noun class system is somewhat reduced and the correspondences between the Kwakum classes and those of Proto Bantu are still problematic. There are eight morphological classes, marking number, and five noun classes which determine agreement. There is also a default agreement pattern triggered by singular nouns. This suggests an ongoing breakdown of the noun class system. Noun class agreement can only be observed within the noun phrase. In connective constructions, the syntactic head is not necessarily the semantic head. Kwakum has “ambipositions”, used as prepositions with nominal complements and as postposition with pronominal complements. Tense marking involves the use of tense auxiliaries or affixes which may be combined with a replacive tone scheme assigned to the verb stem. Kwakum is a SVO language and also presents instances of non-verbal clauses involving two nouns or a noun/pronoun and a demonstrative. The appendices include a Kwakum-French lexicon and two texts transcribed glossed and time-aligned with audio
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Andrews, Christina. "Lexical phonology of Chilcotin." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28572.
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This thesis analyses the native Indian language Chilcotin through the use of the lexical phonology model. Data were collected from five speakers varying in age, dialect and sex. Chapter 1 discusses the segemental, tonal and syllabic systems in Chilcotin. Chapter 2 is a discussion of the vowel harmony process, flattening. Chapter 3 is an analysis of morphological rule formation and Chapters 4 through 7 present a discussion of the lexical and post-lexical levels. Chilcotin was found to be composed of three lexical levels and one post-lexical level.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Linguistics, Department of<br>Graduate
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Flemming, Edward Stanton. "Auditory representations in phonology /." New York, NY [u.a.] : Routledge, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0652/2001051083-d.html.
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Barrios, Shannon L. "Similarity in L2 phonology." Thesis, University of Maryland, College Park, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3600018.
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<p> Adult second language (L2) learners often experience difficulty producing and perceiving non-native phonological contrasts. Even highly proficient bilinguals, who have been exposed to an L2 for long periods of time, struggle with difficult contrasts, such as /r/-/l/ for Japanese learners of English. To account for the relative ease or difficulty with which L2 learners perceive and acquire non-native contrasts, theories of (L2) speech perception often appeal to notions of similarity. But how is similarity best determined?</p><p> In this dissertation I explored the predictions of two theoretical approaches to similarity comparison in the second language, and asked: [1] How should L2 sound similarity be measured? [2] What is the nature of the representations that guide sound similarity? [3] To what extent can the influence of the native language be overcome?</p><p> In Chapter 2, I tested a `legos' (featural) approach to sound similarity. Given a distinctive feature analysis of Spanish and English vowels, I investigated the hypothesis that feature availability in the L1 grammar constrains which target language segments will be accurately perceived and acquired by L2 learners (Brown [1998], Brown [2000]). Our results suggest that second language acquisition of phonology is not limited by the phonological features used by the native language grammar, nor is the presence/use of a particular phonological feature in the native language grammar sufficient to trigger redeployment. I take these findings to imply that feature availability is neither a necessary, nor a sufficient condition to predict learning outcomes.</p><p> In Chapter 3, I extended a computational model proposed by Feldman et al. [2009] to nonnative speech perception, in order to investigate whether a sophisticated `rulers' (spatial) approach to sound similarity can better explain existing interlingual identification and discrimination data from Spanish monolinguals and advanced L1 Spanish late-learners of English, respectively. The model assumes that acoustic distributions of sounds control listeners' ability to discriminate a given contrast. I found that, while the model succeeded in emulating certain aspects of human behavior, the model at present is incomplete and would have to be extended in various ways to capture several aspects of nonnative and L2 speech perception.</p><p> In Chapter 4 I explored whether the phonological relatedness among sounds in the listeners native language impacts the perceived similarity of those sounds in the target language. Listeners were expected to be more sensitive to the contrast between sound pairs which are allophones of different phonemes than to sound pairs which are allophones of the same phoneme in their native language. Moreover, I hypothesized that L2 learners would experience difficulty perceiving and acquiring target language contrasts between sound pairs which are allophones of the same phoneme in their native language. Our results suggest that phonological relatedness may influence perceived similarity on some tasks, but does not seem to cause long-lasting perceptual difficulty in advanced L2 learners.</p><p> On the basis of those findings, I argue that existing models have not been adequately explicit about the nature of the representations and processes involved in similarity-based comparisons of L1 and L2 sounds. More generally, I describe what I see as a desirable target for an explanatorily adequate theory of cross-language influence in L2 phonology.</p>
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Ngulube, Isaac Eyi. "The phonology of eleme." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493439.
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Cole, Jennifer Sandra. "Planar phonology and morphology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14637.
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Poletto, Robert E. "Topics in Runyankore phonology /." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487953567770606.
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Roberts-Kohno, Rosalind Ruth. "Kikamba phonology and morphology /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488194825667386.
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Pulleyblank, Douglas George. "Tone in lexical phonology /." Dordrecht : Boston ; Lancaster : Netherlands ; GB : D. Reidel, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34931840s.
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Cole, Jennifer S. "Planar phonology and morphology /." New York ; London : Garland, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb356091503.
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Leeding, Velma J. "Anindilyakwa phonology and morphology." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1558.
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Anindilyakwa is the language spoken by over 1,000 Warnindilyakwa Aborigines on Groote Eylandt, Northern Territory. In the Australian language families, it is placed in the Groote Eylandt Family (Oates 1970:15) or the Andilyaugwan Family (Wurm 1972:117). As Yallop (1982:40) reports, Anindilyakwa and Nunggubuyu "are similiar in grammar and possibly share the distinction of being the most gramatically complex Australian languages. They are diverse in basic vocabularly, however, and are therefore allocated to separate families".
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Leeding, Velma J. "Anindilyakwa phonology and morphology." University of Sydney, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1558.
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Doctor of Philosophy<br>Anindilyakwa is the language spoken by over 1,000 Warnindilyakwa Aborigines on Groote Eylandt, Northern Territory. In the Australian language families, it is placed in the Groote Eylandt Family (Oates 1970:15) or the Andilyaugwan Family (Wurm 1972:117). As Yallop (1982:40) reports, Anindilyakwa and Nunggubuyu "are similiar in grammar and possibly share the distinction of being the most gramatically complex Australian languages. They are diverse in basic vocabularly, however, and are therefore allocated to separate families".
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Flemming, Edward. "Phonetic Detail in Phonology." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227274.
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Assimilation and coarticulation both involve extending the duration of some property or feature. The similarities between these phenomena can be seen by comparing Basque vowel raising with vowel -to -vowel coarticulation in a language like English. In Basque the low vowel /a/ is raised to [el following a high vowel. This gives rise to alternations in the form of the definite suffix, /-a/ (de Rijk 1970): (1) sagar –a; 'apple (def.)'; mutil-e 'boy (def.)'. In an English sequence containing a low vowel preceded by a high vowel, like [-ilæ-] in 'relapse', the high vowel also conditions raising of the low vowel. But in spite of the parallels between these cases, standard analyses regard Basque vowel raising as phonological whereas the English vowel raising is regarded as non-phonological, being attributed to a phonetic process of coarticulation. In this paper, we will argue that this distinction is untenable. We will see that coarticulation can affect the distribution of contrasts, and therefore must be specified in the phonology. This opens up the possibility of giving a unified analysis of assimilation and coarticulation. Analyzing coarticulation as phonological implies that phonological representations contain far more phonetic detail than is usually assumed to be the case. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation involves fine degrees of partial assimilation in that vowels assimilate only partially in quality, and the effects may extend through only part of the duration of a segment (e.g. Ohman 1966). This conclusion thus flies in the face of the standard assumption that the richness of phonological representations should be severely restricted in order to avoid over-predicting the range of possible phonological contrasts. So before we turn to evidence that coarticulation is phonological, we will lay the groundwork by examining the arguments for limiting the detail in phonological representations and show that they are based on very questionable assumptions.
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Rasin, Ezer. "Modular interactions in phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/121841.
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Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2018<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 153-162).<br>This thesis makes two separate claims about the architecture of phonology: (1) The computation of stress takes place in a distinct cognitive module from segmental phonology. This module is informationally encapsulated from segmental features. (2) Phonological generalizations over underlying representations can be captured in the lexicon. The claim in (1) suggests a departure from a consensus view in generative phonology since the 1950's. According to this view, multiple phonological computations, including the computation of word stress and segmental processes, are carried out in a single cognitive module known as phonology. In Chapter 1 I challenge this view in two steps. I first argue for a new phonological universal based on the stress patterns of around 400 languages: (3) STREss-ENCAPSULATION UNIVERSAL: the distribution of stress is never directly conditioned by segmental features. After reanalyzing reported counterexamples to the universal, I argue for an account of the universal in terms of a modular decomposition of phonology along the lines of (1). The claim in (2) suggests a return to the architecture of early generative phonology, in which phonological generalizations could be captured in the lexicon (using constraints on underlying representations) as well as in the mapping from underlying representations to surface forms. Most recent work in phonology has abandoned that architecture, taking the lexicon to be merely a storage place for lexical items. Chapter 2, written jointly with Roni Katzir, presents an argument for constraints on underlying representations from learnability. In Chapter 3 I develop a new theory of blocking in non-derived environments, a phenomenon that has posed a long-standing puzzle for phonological theory since the 1970's. I argue that the new theory, which relies on constraints on underlying representations, offers a better account of the phenomenon than its predecessors.<br>by Ezer Rasin.<br>Ph. D. in Linguistics<br>Ph.D.inLinguistics Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
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Bucci, Jonathan. "Raddoppiamento Fonosintattico induit par l'accent et réduction vocalique en Italie : perspectives phonologique et dialectologique." Phd thesis, Université Nice Sophia Antipolis, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00977348.
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Cette thèse se propose d'étudier deux processus phonologiques bien distincts qui sont la réduction des voyelles atones à schwa que l'on trouve dans certains dialectes italiens et le redoublement phono-syntaxique induit par l'accent (Raddoppiamento Fonosintattico), désormais RF. Il semblerait que l'existence de ces deux phénomènes (le RF induit par l'accent et la réduction vocalique) soit en distribution complémentaire puisque l'analyse du processus de (non-)réduction vocalique en coratin permettrait de mettre en lumière la motivation structurelle de cette incompatibilité. Cette thèse va mettre à jour et vérifier cette prédiction avec des données diatopiques. En effet, le coratin dispose d'une contrainte pour que les voyelles soient réalisées non réduites rendant le RF déclenché par l'accent incompatible avec les dialectes à réduction localisés situé dans la partie centre-méridionale de la péninsule.
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Bellemmouche, Hacène. "Influence du développement phonologique et de l'input sur les premières productions lexicales d'enfants arabophones." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016MON30023/document.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse au développement phonologique et lexical précoce d’enfants arabophones d’origine tunisienne. Son objectif est de considérer à la fois l’influence des contraintes articulatoires (maturité phonatoire) et les caractéristiques de l’input (LAE : langage adressé à l’enfant) dans les premières productions lexicales. Le corpus de cette étude longitudinale est constitué de productions spontanées de 8 enfants arabophones qui on été enregistrés à leur domicile en situation de communication naturelle avec leurs mères entre 11 et 24 mois. L’analyse des données collectées s’effectue en deux parties. Dans un premier temps, nous mesurons l’influence des contraintes articulatoires (biomécaniques) en examinant l’évolution de la complexité phonétique des premiers mots en utilisant l’Indice de Complexité Phonétique (ICP) de Jakielski (2000). Dans un second temps, nous tentons d’évaluer les effets de l’input maternel par la fréquence d’occurrence des sons présents dans le LAE. Les effets de ces deux facteurs sont observés en fonction des différents stades de développement. Les résultats découlant de notre analyse montrent que la complexité phonétique des productions enfantines augmente avec l’âge et la taille du vocabulaire. Au cours du développement les enfants produisent des mots de plus en plus complexes mais dont la complexité est toujours inférieure à celle des mots visés (cibles). Les premières réalisations enfantines procèdent ainsi d’une forme de « sélection lexicale » que les enfants semblent opérer en fonction de leur maturité phonatoire. Nous avons observé également que la valeur de la complexité phonétique des mots cibles (LAE) est inférieure à celle des mots adultes, ce qui semble témoigner d’une adaptation des mères aux capacités de l’enfant en produisant des mots dont la forme sonore est simplifiée. Par ailleurs, les inventaires phonétiques établis révèlent que l’acquisition du système consonantique est guidée aussi par l’influence de la fréquence des consonnes présentes dans le LAE. Les consonnes bilabiales, approximantes et nasales ont été acquises plus tôt en raison de leur plus haute fréquence dans le LAE. Les formes des mots produits par les enfants tunisiens semblent être influencées aussi par la langue ambiante (arabe tunisien). Avec l’âge, les enfants tunisiens produisent des mots de plus en plus longs (3 syllabes et plus) composés de différentes syllabes de plus en plus complexes (CVCC, CCVC). Enfin nous avons pu décrire, à travers l’analyse des données collectées, le développement des premières productions lexicales en arabe tunisien qui semblent avoir été plus influencées par la complexité phonético-phonologique que par la fréquence d’occurrence<br>This Work focuses on early phonological and lexical development of Tunisian Arabic--speaking children. Its aim is to consider both the influence of articulatory constraints (phonatory maturity) and the input characteristics (CDS: Children Directed Speech) on first lexical productions. The data of this longitudinal study consists of spontaneous productions of 8 Arabic-speaking children who have been recorded at home in natural communication environnement with their mothers between 11 and 24 months. Analysis of data executes in two parts. In a first time, we measure the influence of articulatory constraints (biomécanics) by examining the evolution of phonetic complexity of the first words by using the Index of Phonetic Complexity (IPC) (Jakielski 2000). Secondly, we attempt to evaluate the effects of maternal input by the frequency of occurrence of the sounds presents in the CDS. The effects of these two factors are observed according to the linguistic stages of children. Our results show that the IPC children's increases significantly with vocabulary size. Moreover, we showed that although children’s IPC increases with time, its value is always inferior to that of target words. We propose that children’s realizations are the result of some kind of lexical selectivity which is determined by their phonatory maturity. (i.e. words composed of already attested segments in their phonetic inventory). In addition our results reveal that mothers adapt their language to their children’s abilities (i.e. the value of IPC of target words is inferior to that of adult’s words. Otherwise, the phonetic inventory show that the acquisition of the consonant system is also guided by the influence of the frequency of these consonants presents in the CDS. Bilabial consonants, approximants and nasals were acquired earlier because of their higher frequency in the CDS. The shapes of words produced by Tunisian children seem to be influenced also by the ambient language (Tunisian Arabic). With age, Tunisian children produce words increasingly long (three syllables or more) composed of different syllables increasingly complex (CVCC, CVCC). Finally we describe, through analysis of data, the development of the Tunisian first lexical productions that seem to have been more influenced by the phonetic-phonological complexity than by frequency of occurrence
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Do, Bui Bien. "Grammaire de l’amuzgo de Xochistlahuaca, langue otomangue orientale. Documentation d’une variété amuzgoane de « langue en danger »." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL044.
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Cette grammaire de l’amuzgo (ISO 639-3) ou n͂omndaa (littéralement ‘le mot de l’eau’) tend à combler un manque de travaux théoriques sur cette langue otomangue de la branche orientale (branche qu’elle partage avec le mixtec). La source référentielle Ethnologue lui attribue le statut ‘en développement’. Pourtant, l’amuzgo reste vulnérable sur le plan socio-politique de par son statut de langue indigène du Mexique : le village Xochistlahuaca (Etat de Guerrero) est la 16è municipalité la plus pauvre du pays. En employant des approches non-concaténatives de phonologie et de morphologie, telles la phonologie gabaritique, la morphologie templatique, et des formalismes non-lexicalistes comme le Paradigm Function Morphology, cette grammaire cherche à modéliser des systèmes complexes représentés dans cette langue. Des approches non-linéaires sont plus aptes à rendre compte des inventaires élaborés comme les tons, et (dans une échelle scalaire) la phonation non-modale, la nasalisation, et la balisticité (un contraste phonétique et articulatoire au niveau de la syllabe). Ces systèmes complexes comprennent des fonctions lexico-grammaticales par grades à travers des structures diverses dans la grammaire, de la lexicalité à la phonologie interne, de la dérivation à la flexion<br>This grammar of Amuzgo (ISO 639-3), endonymically n͂omndaa, literally ‘the word of water’) seeks to fill a lack in theoretical work on this Otomanguean language from the Eastern branch (shared with Mixtec). Rated as developing by the reference Ethnologue, this language is nevertheless in a constant position of socio-political vulnerability as an indigenous language of Mexico, spoken in the village of Xochistlahuaca (Guerrero State), also the 16th poorest municipality in the country. Using non-concatenative approaches in phonology and morphology such as autosegmental phonology, templatic morphology and non-lexical morphological formalisms such as Paradigm Function Morphology, this grammar seeks to model complex systems represented in this language. Non-linear approaches account for elaborate inventories of tone, and, in a gradient scale, non-modal phonation and autosegments like nasalization and ballisticity, a syllable level contrast of phonetic and articulatory saliency. These complex systems display gradient lexical-grammatical functions across structures in the grammar, from lexicality to internal phonology, to derivation and inflection
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Beltzung, Jean-Marc. "L'allongement compensatoire dans les représentations phonologiques : nature, contraintes et typologie." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030094.
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Cette thèse est consacrée à l’allongement compensatoire et à son expression formelle dans les représentations phonologiques. L’allongement compensatoire est un processus relativement répandu à travers lequel un segment s’allonge pour compenser l’effacement ou la migration d’un segment adjacent. Dans sa forme classique, l’allongement compensatoire consiste en l’effacement d’une consonne en coda de syllabe et à l’allongement de la voyelle précédente. Ce type d’allongement compensatoire, que j’ai appelé "orthodoxe", est évoqué dans le premier chapitre de cette thèse. Si ce type d’allongement compensatoire est relativement répandu, les allongements compensatoires provoqués par l’effacement d’une consonne en attaque de syllabe sont supposés impossibles. Dans le chapitre 2, je démontre l’existence de tels allongements compensatoires, que j’ai appelés "exotiques". Le chapitre 3 introduit différentes théories de la syllabe et montre que la théorie moraïque développée par Hayes (1989), contrairement aux approches segmentales de la syllabe, n’est pas en mesure de rendre compte des allongements compensatoires exotiques. Le chapitre 4 constitue une introduction à la Théorie de l’Optimalité et le chapitre 5 examine différentes représentations de l’allongement compensatoire dans un tel cadre théorique. Là, certains problèmes soulevés par l’implémentation de la théorie moraïque dans un cadre optimaliste sont mis en évidence (opacité). Le chapitre 6, qui tente de résoudre ces problèmes, renferme trois analyses optimalistes de l’allongement compensatoire. L’une d’entre elles, particulièrement intéressante, réintroduit l’hypothèse d’une pleine moraïcité des représentations sous-jacentes (Hyman 1985) et possède l’avantage de dériver tous les types d’allongements compensatoires<br>This dissertation is about Compensatory Lengthening (henceforth CL) and it’s formal expression in the phonological representations. Compensatory lengthening is a widespread process accross languages wherin a segment lengthens to compensate the deletion or the migration of a nearby segment. The most represented case, that is the classical CL case, is triggered by the loss of a consonant in the syllable coda position and followed by the subsequent lengthening of the preceding vowel. While classical CL is relatively frequent, CL triggered by the loss of a consonant in the onset position is claimed to be inexistent. Nevertheless, chapter 2 provides some examples of various languages undergoing CL after an onset consonant deletion, what I call "exotic" CL cases. Chapter 3 states that moraic phonology fails to account for this kind of process while, obviously, the segmental theories of the prosodic tier make correct predictions. The chapter 4 is intended to give a short introduction to the Optimality Theory and chapter 5 examines several representations of compensatory lengthening in Optimality Theory framework. There, I shaw that an implementation of the moraic theory in a constraint-based framework faces several problems. Finally, the chapter 6 tries to solve these problems and introduces three optimality theory based accounts of compensatory lengthening. Among them, one deserves a particular attention since it assumes input moraicity revival (cf. Hyman 1985)
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Glain, Olivier. "Les Cas de Palatalisation Contemporaine (CPC) dans le monde anglophone." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30053/document.
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Cette étude porte sur les Cas de Palatalisation Contemporaine (CPC), manifestations de fricatives et affriquées palato-alvéolaires dans des environnements et des items lexicaux où elles n’apparaissaient pas par le passé. Les CPC sont des variantes principalement associées aux locuteurs les plus jeunes et les formes palatalisées qu’elles impliquent sont fréquemment considérées comme non-standard. La question de leur acceptabilité en anglais aujourd’hui est d’ailleurs sujette à controverse, ainsi que l’attestent les différents dictionnaires de prononciation et les écrits de certains linguistes.Nous brossons tout d’abord l’historique des palato-alvéolaires et de la palatalisation, depuis le proto-indo-européen jusqu’à l’anglais contemporain. Cette perspective diachronique nous permet de montrer que la production des CPC s’inscrit dans la continuité de processus maintes fois répétés dans l’histoire de la langue anglaise. Après avoir défini le concept de palatalisation contemporaine et expliqué comment il opère dans quatre environnements phonétiques différents, nous montrons qu’il n’est pas restreint à une variété d’anglais particulière.Le deuxième chapitre porte sur les facteurs du changement linguistique inhérent aux CPC. Tout indique qu’il s’agit d’une évolution en cours. Nous en analysons les différentes formes sur les plans phonétique, phonologique, stylistique et sociolinguistique. Le rôle de la perception dans le changement des sons est également examiné, en lien avec la palatalisation contemporaine. Enfin, nous étudions la question des facteurs de diffusion des CPC en anglais contemporain.Dans le troisième chapitre, nous illustrons notre recherche en analysant différents corpus, dont nous expliquons les critères de sélection, ainsi que la méthode choisie pour les exploiter. Les résultats obtenus confirment le statut de changement en cours pour les CPC. L’étude de plus de 500 enregistrements nous permet de mieux définir les principes qui régissent la variation à laquelle est soumis le processus de palatalisation contemporaine. Les données recueillies nous permettent de rendre compte de la réalité sociolinguistique des CPC, en croisant plusieurs variables.Le quatrième chapitre est consacré à une réflexion théorique sur le statut des CPC. Après avoir constaté que ces variantes palatalisées peuvent être considérées comme phonétiques ou comme phonologiques en fonction de la théorie phonologique considérée, nous proposons un modèle intégratif permettant de lever l’ambiguïté. Ce modèle s’appuie sur une évolution des représentations sous-jacentes dans la communauté linguistique, ainsi que sur l’existence de représentations phonologiques individualisées<br>This study focuses on Instances of Contemporary Palatalisation (ICP’s), phenomena that result in the manifestation of palato-alveolar fricatives and affricates in phonetic environments and lexical items where they did not appear until recently. ICP’s are variants mostly associated with younger speakers. Those palatalised forms are often considered non-standard. Indeed, whether they are fully acceptable in English today is a controversial issue, as is demonstrated in various pronunciation dictionaries and in the works of certain linguists.First, we trace the history of palato-alveolars and of palatalisation, from Proto-Indo-European to contemporary English. This diachronic perspective allows us to show that ICP’s appear to be the continuity of a historic pattern endemic to English that has invariably led to palatalisation. After defining the concept of contemporary palatalisation, we explain how it operates in four different phonetic environments. We also show that it is not restricted to any particular variety of English. The second chapter focuses on the factors of the sound change associated with ICP’s, an evolution which appears to be in progress. We analyse the various forms that it takes, using alternately phonetic, phonological, stylistic and sociolinguistic perspectives. We also concentrate on the role that perception plays in sound change and apply it to the production of ICP’s. Finally, we examine the diffusion of ICP’s in contemporary English.In the third chapter, several corpora are presented. The methodology used for their selection and analysis is discussed. The results corroborate our initial statement: ICP’s indeed constitute a change in progress. The analysis of over 500 recordings helps us define the principles of the variation that characterises contemporary palatalisation. Through the use of several variables, the data collected allow us to define the sociolinguistic implications of ICP’s.The fourth chapter is devoted to a theoretical reflection on the linguistic status of ICP’s. Depending on which model of phonology is used, ICP’s can be considered as phonetic or phonological phenomena. In order to go beyond the ambiguity, we propose an integrative model of phonology. This model is based on the possibility of evolving underlying representations in the speech community, as well as on the existence of individualised phonological representations
39
Viollain, Cécile. "Sociophonologie de l'anglais contemporain en Nouvelle-Zélande : corpus et dynamique des systèmes." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOU20070/document.
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La présente thèse propose une description multidimensionnelle (phonologique, phonéticoacoustique et sociolinguistique) des caractéristiques phonético-phonologiques de l’anglais néo-zélandais (NZE) contemporain ainsi qu’une étude théorique et empirique de l’évolution de cette variété. Notre travail de recherche s’inscrit dans le cadre du programme PAC (Phonologie de l’Anglais Contemporain : usages, variétés et structure) et se fonde sur les données authentiques et récentes du corpus PAC Nouvelle-Zélande que nous avons constitué à Dunedin, la capitale de l’Otago, au sud de l’île du Sud de la Nouvelle-Zélande. Notre analyse se concentre sur deux phénomènes qui permettent d’étudier la variation et le changement en NZE : la rhoticité et le ‘r’ de sandhi, ainsi que les changements vocaliques impliquant notamment les voyelles antérieures brèves des ensembles lexicaux KIT, DRESS et TRAP. En nous appuyant sur une étude phonético-acoustique des voyelles produites par les locuteurs du corpus PAC-NZ, nous proposons une modélisation des changements impliquant ces voyelles dans le cadre de la Phonologie de Dépendance. Nous intégrons également une réflexion théorique sur les modélisations linguistiques et sociolinguistiques qui ont été proposées dans la littérature sur le changement linguistique en général, et sur l’évolution du NZE en particulier, et montrons la nécessité d’intégrer des facteurs internes et externes pour rendre compte de l’évolution d’une variété comme le NZE contemporain<br>This thesis offers a multidimensional description (phonological, phonetic-acoustic and sociolinguistic) of the phonetic and phonological characteristics of contemporary New Zealand English (NZE) as well as a theoretical and empirical study of its evolution. Our work fits into the framework of the PAC program (Phonology of Contemporary English: usage, varieties and structure) and is based on the recent and authentic data collected for the PAC New Zealand corpus recorded in Dunedin, the capital of Otago, in the south of the South island of New Zealand. Our analysis focuses on two phenomena that allow us to study variation and change in NZE: rhoticity and sandhi-r, as well as vocalic shifts, which notably involve the short front vowels in the lexical sets of KIT, DRESS and TRAP. On the basis of a phonetic-acoustic study of the vowels produced by the PAC-NZ informants, we provide an account of the shifts involving these vowels within the framework of Dependency Phonology. We also integrate a theoretical reflection on the linguistic and sociolinguistic accounts that have been presented in the literature on linguistic change generally and on the evolution of NZE specifically, and show that it is necessary to take internal as well as external factors into account when modeling the evolution of a variety such as contemporary NZE
40
Djongakodi, Yoto Joseph. "Phonologie segmentale et phonologie syllabique du tetela: une approche paramétrique." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212497.
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Ondo, Mebiame Pierre. "De la phonologie à la morphologie du Fang-Ntumu parlé à Aboumezok (Bantu A. 75)." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212884.
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Demolin, Didier. "Le mangbetu: étude phonétique et phonologique." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212946.
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Djelaili, Rachid. "Intégration phonologique et morphologique d'emprunts à l'arabe dialectal en français, et au français en arabe dialectal dans l'ouest algérien : Le cas des substantifs et des verbes." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018CERG0933.
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Dans le cadre de cette étude sur l’intégration de l’emprunt à l’arabe dialectal en français et de l’emprunt au français en arabe dialectal dans l’ouest algérien, nous avons tenté, tout au long de notre travail, de manifester notre intérêt pour l’arabe dialectal algérien, et son rapport avec la langue française.Cette étude sur l’intégration phonologique et morphologique d’emprunts porte essentiellement sur des verbes et des substantifs, divisés en trois chapitres. À chaque étape de notre analyse, nous avons cherché à mettre en évidence le fonctionnement du verbe – ou du substantif – en arabe dialectal en nous appuyant sur deux types de lexèmes : ceux qui viennent de l’arabe dialectal et ceux qui sont empruntés au françaisDans le premier chapitre, qui est composé de deux parties, nous avons essayé d’étudier, dans une première partie, les différents substantifs et verbes existant en arabe dialectal, ensuite, nous avons vu dans une deuxième partie, les adaptations au niveau phonologique et morphologique avec des exemples proposés en arabe dialectal algérien.Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous avons analysé uniquement au niveau phonologique l’adaptation des substantifs et des verbes empruntés au français en arabe dialectal à partir d’exemples tirés de notre corpus oral. Ce dernier, nous a permis de voir et d’analyser les différents discours au niveau phonologique en prenant en considération les emprunts, en l’occurrence les verbes et les substantifs, utilisés par nos interlocuteurs.Dans le troisième et dernier chapitre de cette étude, nous avons opté pour la variété de la langue française, bien représentée à l’ouest du pays dans la presse écrite d’expression française, où les items issus des variétés locales parlées en Algérie sont présents. Il s’agit du français de type algérien, observé l’adaptation morphologique d’emprunts à l’arabe dialectal dans le français dans les pratiques langagières des journalistes de la presse écrite, utilisé par un chroniqueur à partir d’exemples tirés de notre corpus écrit.Nous avons pu constater, dans le cadre de cette étude sur l’emprunt en Algérie, que ce phénomène linguistique demeure un des principaux procédés qui contribuent à l’enrichissement du français local et des discours médiatiques, plus particulièrement dans l’ouest algérien<br>As part of this study on the integration of French dialectal borrowing into French and the borrowing of French in dialectal Arabic in western Algeria, we have tried, throughout our work, to demonstrate our interest in Algerian dialect Arabic and its relation to the French language.This study on the phonological and morphological integration of borrowings focuses on verbs and nouns, divided into three chapters. At each stage of our analysis, we sought to highlight the functioning of the verb - or noun - in dialectal Arabic by relying on two types of lexemes: those from dialectal Arabic and those borrowed from French.In the first chapter, which is composed of two parts, we tried to study, in a first part, the different nouns and verbs existing in dialectal Arabic, then, we saw in a second part, the adaptations at the phonological level and morphological with examples offered in Algerian dialect Arabic.In the second chapter, we analyzed only at the phonological level the adaptation of nouns and verbs borrowed from French in dialectal Arabic from examples taken from our oral corpus. The latter allowed us to see and analyze the different speeches at the phonological level by taking into account the borrowing, in this case the verbs and nouns used by our interlocutors.In the third and last chapter of this study, we opted for the variety of the French language, well represented in the west of the country in the French-language print media, where items from local varieties spoken in Algeria are present. This is the Algerian-French kind of language, observed the morphological adaptation of borrowing to dialectal Arabic in French in the language practices of the journalists of the written press, used by a chronicler from examples taken from our written corpus.We have seen in this study, which this linguistic integration of borrowings in Algeria remains one of the main processes that contribute to the enrichment of local French and media discourses, especially in western Algeria
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Brown, Jason Camy. "Theoretical aspects of Gitksan phonology." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7578.
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This thesis deals with the phonology of Gitksan, a Tsimshianic language spoken in
northern British Columbia, Canada. The claim of this thesis is that Gitksan exhibits several
gradient phonological restrictions on consonantal cooccurrence that hold over the lexicon.
There is a gradient restriction on homorganic consonants, and within homorganic pairs, there
is a gradient restriction on major class and manner features. It is claimed that these
restrictions are due to a generalized OCP effect in the grammar, and that this effect can be
relativized to subsidiary features, such as place, manner, etc. It is argued that these types of
effects are best analyzed with the system of weighted constraints employed in Harmonic
Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990, Smolensky & Legendre 2006).
It is also claimed that Gitksan exhibits a gradient assimilatory effect among specific
consonants. This type of effect is rare, and is unexpected given the general conditions of
dissimilation. One such effect is the frequency of both pulmonic pairs of consonants and
ejective pairs of consonants, which occur at rates higher than expected by chance. Another is
the occurrence of uvular-uvular and velar-velar pairs of consonants, which also occur at rates
higher than chance. This pattern is somewhat surprising, as there is a gradient prohibition on
cooccurring pairs of dorsal consonants. These assimilatory patterns are analyzed using the
Agreement by Correspondence approach (Hansson 2001, Rose & Walker 2004), which
mandates that output correspondents agree for some phonological feature.
The general discussion of assimilation and dissimilation is continued in
morphological contexts, such as reduplication. It is claimed there are differences in the
gradient and categorical patterns of assimilation and dissimilation in Coast Tsimshian and
Gitksan reduplicative contexts. A summary of the attested reduplicative patterns in the
languages, as well as results from a nonce-probe task, supports this claim. This difference
between Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan is indicative of a larger difference in the reduplicative
patterns of the languages of the Tsimshianic family: each member of the family exhibits
slightly different patterns of deglottalization. A typological study of these patterns suggests
that glottalized sonorants and obstruents are fundamentally different segment types.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Linguistics, Department of<br>Graduate
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Ross, Martin John Elroy. "Japanese lexical phonology and morphology." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25516.
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Over the years, phonologists working in the generative framework have encountered a number of persistent problems in their descriptions of Japanese phonology. Several of these problems concern phonological rules that sometimes do and sometimes do not apply in seemingly identical
phonological environments. Many of the proposed analyses achieve observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are intuitively dissatisfying.
The first of two such problems involves the desiderative suffix -ta and the homophonous perfective inflection -ta, both of which attach to verb roots. When the verb root is vowel-final, the derivations are straightforward.
(1) (a) tabe + ta + i → tabe-ta-i 'want to eat'
mi + ta + i → mi-ta-i 'want to see'
(b) tabe + ta → tabe-ta 'ate'
mi + ta → mi-ta 'see (past)'
Derivations are not so straightforward when the verb root is consonant-final. In such cases an intervening i is inserted between the root and the desiderative suffix, but not between the root and the perfective inflection.
(2) (a) tat + ta + i → tat-i-ta-i 'want to stand'
kat + ta + i → kat-i-ta-i 'want to win'
(b) tat + ta → tat-ta 'stood'
kat + ta → kat-ta 'won'
McCawley (1968) is not specific in how he accounts for this differential
it appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological rule such as (3) (from Koo, 1974).
(3) ∅ → i / C]v__+tai
Koo (1974) has attempted to reanalyze the desiderative suffix as -ita, but, since there is no evidence of W cluster simplification in the language, he is left with the even more difficult problem of deleting
the initial i of the suffix following vowel-final verb roots.
(4) tabe + ita + i → tabe-ta-i 'want to eat'
mi + ita + i → mi-ta-i 'want to see'
Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary solution, positing that t-initial inflections are joined to verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while other suffixes such as the desiderative suffix are joined by a stronger boundary (:). By making the i insertion rule sensitive to boundaries of level :, the correct outputs can be derived. This solution, though, is unsatisfactory since the assignment of boundaries is not independently motivated.
A second difficulty encountered by McCawley (1968) and others involves a high vowel syncopation rule that deletes the final i or u of Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the initial consonant of a following Sino-Japanese monomorpheme is voiceless.
(5) iti + too → it-too 'first class'
roku + ka → rok-ka 'sixth lesson'
However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel at the boundary between a Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete under those conditions insertion of i in these phonological identical environments, but (6) zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y)
zi-ryoku + kei → zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)
hai-tatu 'delivery' (Y-Z)
betu + hai-tatu → betu-hai-tatu 'special delivery' (X-Y-Z)
McCawley accounts for this pattern by invoking internal boundaries of different strengths: + and #.
(7) iti + too roku + ka zi + ryoku # kei betu # hai + tatu
He claims, then, that high vowel syncopation is sensitive to boundaries of strength + and is, therefore, blocked from applying to the u of zi + ryoku # kei. His analysis is correct, but his assignment of boundary
strengths is rather arbitrary.
Analyses such as the two above which appeal to boundary strength hierarchies have often been intuitively dissatisfying because of a lack of independent motivation. The relatively recent theory of lexical morphology and phonology as formulated by Kiparsky (1982) is ideally suited for this type of problem. One of the theory's most compelling attributes is that phonological processes may be put into a much broader
context that includes morphological processes as well. This more integrated
approach is often able to fit formerly isolated facts into a network of related facts to provide compelling independent motivation for diverse processes. The purpose of this thesis, then, is to fit i insertion, high vowel syncopation, and other Japanese phonological processes
into the lexical phonology network to see exactly how they are related to each other and to the morphological phenomena of the language.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Linguistics, Department of<br>Graduate
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Apoussidou, Diana. "The learnability of metrical phonology." Utrecht : Amsterdam : LOT ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2007. http://dare.uva.nl/document/41607.
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Brown, Jason Camy. "Theoretical aspects of Gitskan phonology." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7578.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis deals with the phonology of Gitksan, a Tsimshianic language spoken in
northern British Columbia, Canada. The claim of this thesis is that Gitksan exhibits several
gradient phonological restrictions on consonantal cooccurrence that hold over the lexicon.
There is a gradient restriction on homorganic consonants, and within homorganic pairs, there
is a gradient restriction on major class and manner features. It is claimed that these
restrictions are due to a generalized OCP effect in the grammar, and that this effect can be
relativized to subsidiary features, such as place, manner, etc. It is argued that these types of
effects are best analyzed with the system of weighted constraints employed in Harmonic
Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990, Smolensky & Legendre 2006).
It is also claimed that Gitksan exhibits a gradient assimilatory effect among specific
consonants. This type of effect is rare, and is unexpected given the general conditions of
dissimilation. One such effect is the frequency of both pulmonic pairs of consonants and
ejective pairs of consonants, which occur at rates higher than expected by chance. Another is
the occurrence of uvular-uvular and velar-velar pairs of consonants, which also occur at rates
higher than chance. This pattern is somewhat surprising, as there is a gradient prohibition on
cooccurring pairs of dorsal consonants. These assimilatory patterns are analyzed using the
Agreement by Correspondence approach (Hansson 2001, Rose & Walker 2004), which
mandates that output correspondents agree for some phonological feature.
The general discussion of assimilation and dissimilation is continued in
morphological contexts, such as reduplication. It is claimed there are differences in the
gradient and categorical patterns of assimilation and dissimilation in Coast Tsimshian and
Gitksan reduplicative contexts. A summary of the attested reduplicative patterns in the
languages, as well as results from a nonce-probe task, supports this claim. This difference
between Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan is indicative of a larger difference in the reduplicative
patterns of the languages of the Tsimshianic family: each member of the family exhibits
slightly different patterns of deglottalization. A typological study of these patterns suggests
that glottalized sonorants and obstruents are fundamentally different segment types.
48
Chew, Peter. "A computational phonology of Russian." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324285.
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Baggett, David McAdams. "A system for computational phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/36535.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 1995.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-129).<br>by David McAdams Baggett.<br>M.S.
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Kern, Gretchen. "Rhyming grammars and Celtic phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101523.
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Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2015.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 158-161).<br>This dissertation broadens our understanding of a typology of poetic rhyme through the analysis of three rhyming traditions that show unconventional patterns in the contents, position, and size of rhyme domains. The rhyme domain (RD) is a string of segments that stand in correspondence with another string of segments in a poetic constituent. In Early Irish poetry, strict identity of consonants in RDs is not required, but consonants instead correspond based on membership in defined classes. These classes correlate with sonority levels. Though analysis of VCC and bisyllabic rhymes, which match for sonority, but not featural identity, across the RD, I show that poetic rhyme can be sensitive to the sonority profile of a rhyme, and not just to similarity of segments. Statistical analysis of a rhyming corpus provides further evidence for this. Old Norse skaldic rhyme shows an unusual position for RDs. Rather than occurring at the end of two lines in a couplet, both RDs appear in the middle of a single line. One of these RDs will occupy the penultimate syllable of a bisyllabic word, which means that the rhyme will begin and end word-internally. This gives evidence for rhyme being based not on a syllable rime, but on the interval: a metrical constituent that spans from one vowel to the following vowel including all intervening consonants. The four types of Welsh cynghanedd I analyze present challenges in terms of the size, position, and contents of the RD. In all four types, the RDs occur with in a single line, like skaldic, but the position, size, and number of the RDs are less predictable. The RDs may span the entire line, or may contain only a single interval or consonant each. My analysis shows that all four types of cynghanedd can be analyzed as separate poetic grammars drawing on the same set of constraints in different rankings. A few constraints maintain a fixed ranking across all four cynghanedd grammars. Analysis of these three apparent outliers contributes to the development of a typology of rhyme, showing that even extreme cases draw on familiar concepts to define their RDs.<br>by Gretchen Kern.<br>Ph. D. in Linguistics