Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Pauvreté – Politique publique – Amérique latine"
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Ceballos, Marco. "Le "détour du social" et les programmes de transferts monétaires conditionnés en Amérique latine : le cas de l'Argentine, du Brésil, du Chili et du Mexique". Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010748.
Texto completo da fonteThis research focuses on the question of the restoration of the social dimension in Latin America at the end of the last century, a process that has dominated the field of social policies during the first decade of the 2000's. This process is characterized by the emergence of a new generation of anti-poverty social initiatives known as « conditional cash transfer programms ». It includes as well - both in the national and transnational context – a set of political and technical discourses aiming to account for an increasing social delegitimation of liberalized economies, phenomena that became evident after the Asian crisis of 1997 – 1998. The emblematical cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico are approached from a comparative perspective that takes into consideration both the similiraties and differences characterizing this « return of the social » within the region. This work reveals the rôle played by those programs as governance features depite their lack of tangible social outcomegovernance features depite their lack of tangible social outcomes
Carrere, Sébastien. "The vulnerable classes in Latin America : instability, redistributive expectations, and securization". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024BORD0408.
Texto completo da fonteDespite the global decline in poverty and the expansion of the middle-income class in developingcountries, a large proportion of the world’s population remains economically vulnerable, whether due to precariousemployment, unstable incomes, or lack of access to social protection mechanisms. This thesis examinesthe economically vulnerable classes in Latin America, a region that is emblematic of these trends. Thefirst chapter looks at the Argentine middle class from the perspective of the recent crises that have impactedthe country. The analysis reveals that the middle class is large but fragmented in terms of employment andeducation. A substantial proportion of its members remain economically vulnerable, impacted by successivecrises. Its members are mainly critical of the lack of state support, the poor quality of public services, and theunfairness of redistribution policies. Building on this observation, the second chapter explores more specificallythe role played by territorial anchorage in the redistributive demands of citizens in Latin America, wherestrong socio-economic inequalities persist. The results show a divide between citizens in major urban centersand those in peripheral areas, with the latter demanding greater redistribution. This chapter shows the importanceof considering territorial disparities in the formation of redistributive demands beyond individualcharacteristics. The third chapter assesses the effectiveness of a conditional cash transfer program in securingthe most vulnerable citizens in Argentina. The results reveal the overall effectiveness of the scheme in reducingincome instability and preventing a return to poverty. Overall, this thesis highlights the high economicvulnerability of a significant proportion of the Latin American population, and shows the need to develop andstrengthen social protection mechanisms not only to secure the most vulnerable, but also to respond to citizens’distrust of politics and institutions, exacerbated by spatial fractures
Vommaro, Gabriel Alejandro. "Regards croisés sur les rapports des classes populaires au politique en Argentine : retour sur la question du clientélisme". Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0112.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis relates to the analysis of the transformations of the symbolic statute of the popular classes in Argentina since the eighties and on the imposition of the moral and erudite label of "ciientelism" as the dominant way to give an account for the relation between these classes to politics. The popular world radically changed since the decade of 1970. These transformations are not only the effect of the socio-economic processes but also of the changes in the official treatment of the "social question" and the symbolic fights to impose solutions on these problems, i. E. To constitute "a new social question" involving new forms of perception and treatment of the popular world. The role of multilateral credit organizations is to be underlined: they financed and encouraged new policies in the "fight against poverty", promoting targeting, decentralization and the participation of the "civil society" in their implementation. In the same way, new groups of agents interested in the intervention in the popular world contributed to shape this social question, making "clientelism" a social and political evil to fight against: they are experts in the statistical measurement of the "poor", experts in the "fight against poverty", experts in the "fight against clientelism", organizations of the civil society, NGOs. In this context, the category "clientelism" a moral, erudite, expert and political label -was essential to shape dominant points of view for the relation of the popular classes to politics. It seems like a social and political evil able to slow down the process of empowerment of the "capacities" of the "poor" and a political model of disqualification of popular politics: any political action, any demonstration, any electoral victory in "poor" districts is suspected by the actors previously mentioned as the result of "clientelism" and, thus, disqualified and politically illegitimated. This vision is analyzed in this work as well as the uses of the label with in the space of political communication as in the erudite debates on popular politics. The description of the moral economy of the circulation of the government aid in popular quarter opens the way to study the political circuits of circulation of public goods trying to exceed the problems of simplifications of popular politics in terms of "clientelism"
Guerra, Tomazini Carla. "L’État et ses pauvres : la naissance et la montée en puissance des politiques de transferts conditionnels au Brésil et au Mexique". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA044.
Texto completo da fonteThe 1990s saw the birth of so-called 'conditional cash transfers', assistance programs for poor families on the condition that they encourage their children to seek education and attend health centers. In order to reduce poverty and ensure a better future for tomorrow's « poor », these policies represent a new type of social protection with different principles and modes of operation for traditional programs. The analysis of their origins reveals a progressive structuring marked by institutional contexts and different paths that have generated similar results. The objective of this study is to identify one or more variables that might explain their emergence and expansion in Brazil and Mexico in the 1990s and 2000s and to highlight how the evolution of these policies could generate more or less strong opposition from some actors as well as the institutional constraints these policies face. We can observe group structures centred on "causes" - notably the cause of human capital - that have largely determined the development and implementation of these policies. This paper seeks to show the nuances of the idea of consensual reforms in Mexico and Brazil, without denying the extent to which these transformations have occurred. This means that institutional change in Brazil is operated by adding new features to existing institutions; while in Mexico, in the first instance, the process of change and consolidation of conditional cash transfer programs has occurred as an institutional shift and then the defenders of the status quo actors marginally modified the program to keep their interests. As monetary instruments to combat poverty, these programs are the subject of an ambiguous consensus and actors from different coalitions end up supporting them. Finally, "interests", necessary at different times, were constituted as a key variable to understand the permanence and strengthening of these policies through locking phenomena
A década de 1990 assistiu ao nascimento das chamadas « transferências condicionadas de renda » : programas assistenciais para famílias pobres à condição de que elas incentivem seus filhos a prosseguirem os estudos e que frequentem centros de saúde. Com o objetivo de reduzir a pobreza e assegurar um futuro melhor para os « pobres » de amanhã, essas políticas representam um novo tipo de proteção social com princípios e modos de operaçäo diferentes dos programas tradicionais. A análise de suas origens revela uma estruturação progressiva marcada por contextos institucionais e trajetórias distintas que geraram resultados semelhantes. O objetivo deste estudo é identificar uma ou mais variáveis que possam explicar a emergência e expansão no Brasil e no México nas décadas de 1990 e 2000, examinando a maneira como suas evoluções suscitaram oposições mais ou menos fortes de atores e os constrangimentos institucionais enfrentados. Nós podemos observar uma estruturação de grupos reunidos em torno a « causas » - notadamente a causa do capital humano - que influem na elaboração e na implementação dessas políticas. Esse trabalho busca matizar a ideia de reformas consensuais no México e no Brasil, sem negar a dimensão das transformações ocorridas. A mudança institucional no Brasil é operada por meio da adição de novos recursos às instituições existentes; e no México, em primeira instância, o processo de mudança e consolidação da política de transferência de renda ocorreu como um deslocamento institucional e, posteriormente, os atores defensores do status quo modificam marginalmente o programa para manter os seus interesses. Assim, esses programas são objeto de um consenso ambíguo, uma vez que atores de diferentes coalizões passam a reivindicar eventualmente esses instrumentos. Finalmente, os « interesses » constituíram-se como uma variável chave para entender a permanência e o reforço das condicionalidades dessas políticas por meio de fenômenos de lock- in
Rendon, Cardenas Alma Eunice. "Les politiques publiques autour de la brevetabilité du vivant en Amérique latine : l'Argentine, le Brésil et le Mexique : le poids des institutions et particularités". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0033.
Texto completo da fonteThe last decades have been characterized by advances in molecular biology that have caused major changes in both science and health sectors. These developments as well as the interests of the key players engaged in this area have caused “life” to be included into the sphere of intellectual property - a system originally created for inanimate objects. From this inclusion have emerged ethical, social, economical and political issues. The study of public policies relative to the patentability of life and the interaction between instruments and key players in Latin America (Brazil, Argentina and Mexico) shows us the importance of institutions and international context in this area. A comparison between these three nations reveals the existence of different alternatives, choices and instruments in terms of public policy to address what appears to be the same problem. Public policy analysis shows how the emergence of complicated situations and challenges is the result of the power asymmetry between developed and undeveloped countries. Public action is needed in order to define adequate public action in the interests of Latin American countries
Mayaux, Pierre-Louis. "La privatisation et ses contestataires : réformes et conflits dans les politiques d’accès à l’eau potable à Carthagène, La Paz, Cochabamba et Campo Grande, 1980-2010". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0071.
Texto completo da fonteDuring the 1990s, many Latin American Countries set out to privatize their water utilities, which eventually triggered sharply contrasting social reactions. Some arrangements proved to be socially acceptable and lasted. Others were interrupted following massive social unrest. These diverging outcomes are poorly explained by existing theories, which either assume the superior efficiency of the private sector, or insist on its rapacity. By comparing social reactions to privatization in four Latin American cities, this work argues that social attitudes to privatisation are best explained by the degree of power concentration throughout the policy process. When power was highly dispersed, such as in Colombia and Brazil, policy makers were forced to reform gradually through institutional layering. This type of change allowed for a better compensation of economic and political losers, and also obscured the real meaning and scope of on-going reforms in the eyes of “principled” opponents. Conversely, the weakness of veto players in Bolivia emboldened neoliberal policy-makers to reform through abrupt institutional replacement. Privatization therefore inflicted unmitigated losses to various actors and focused the mind of principled opponents, which eventually prompted a backlash. This comparison of four institutional reforms highlights the multidimensionality of neoliberal policies. It also uncovers a strategy, more or less resisted, of State-building through neoliberalism in Latin America. It finally shows how power dispersion and long causal chains undermine the democratic accountability of public policies
Grandes, Martin. "Quatre essais sur les déterminants du risque pays dans les pays émergents". Paris, EHESS, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EHES0043.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis contributes to empirical literature on debat pricing in countries which pay a considerable prenmium over returns on risk-free assets like the US Treasury bonds. In particular, it aims to identify the relevant economic/finacial variables which drive the bond yield spread of a typical developing-country borrower (be it the government or a corporation) in secondary markets. Caphter one examines the macroeconomic determinants of sovereign default risk premia in major Latin American countries, mamely Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, over the period 1993-2001. The major finding is that most of the times it is the permanent rather than the transitory change in output growth, the net capital inflows in terms of GDP or the debt service burden (also normalized by GDP) what drive sovereign spreads. Contagion episodes, and to some extent a measure of risk aversion, are also found to significantly explain variations in Latin American sovereign default risk. Chapter two looks into the determinants of corporate default risk premia in South Africa, using a panel of nine representative corporations and rand-denominated issues over the period 1997-2003. It finds, first, that the "sovereign ceiling" does not hold for all nine companies, i. E. The yields of their rand-denominated bonds outstanding increase less than 1% when government bonds yields rise by the same amount. And second, other firm-specific features (leverage, volatility of returns on the firm's value, maturity and ris-free interest rate volatility), are also found statistically significant determinants of corporate spreads. Finally, chapter four brings up the relationship between currency and default risk in the conetxt of a potential shift to dollarisation in a country which already had a hard peg regime: Argentina in 1991-2001. It is shown that by dollarising Argentina would have performed no miracle to reduce default risk
Garcia, Arias Jenny. "Disparités de mortalité par causes en Amérique latine : l'hypothèse du «biais urbain»". Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA01H014.
Texto completo da fonteIn 1977, Michael Lipton introduced the Urban Bias Thesis as a framework for understanding how most macro- and microeconomic policy initiatives have historically benefited the over-development of urban areas and the underdevelopment of rural areas. In Latin America, urbanization and mortality decline have historically been positively related: the health transition in the region has been initiated in the main cities and has tended to proceed more rapidly in countries with higher levels of urbanization. This research looks for evidence on: the persistence of an urban advantage in mortality; and traces of an "urban bias" in the causes of death patterns in the region. Using a sample of Latin American countries over the period 2000-2010, I apply decomposition methods on life expectancy at birth to analyze the disparities in mortality patterns and causes of death when urban and rural areas are considered separately. Urban is defined as a continuum category instead of a dichotomous concept. Hence, three types of spatial groups are recognizable in each country. The countries under analysis are Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela. The results indicate that the urban advantage is persistent and that rural-urban mortality differentials have consistently favored cities. This advantage in mortality comes as an outcome of lower rates for causes of death that are amenable to primary interventions, meaning they are made amenable by the existence of basic public infrastructures as well as by the provision of basic goods and services
Nino, Fernandez Camila. "Essais sur la taxation optimale et le risque du revenu : estimations pour l’Amérique Latine". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1098.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis is an applied study of optimal taxation and income risk in latin america, in particular for argentina, chile, colombia and mexico. Having to deal with high levels of income inequality, income taxation is for latin america a key tool of redistribution that until now has not been fully exploited. One of the aims of this thesis is to see how far are these countries from their optimal level of taxation, in order to explore the capacity of improvement that this type of tax may have in each one of the countries in the study. Income risk is another important characteristic of developing economies such as those found in latin america. Given their vulnerability to outside macroeconomic shocks, these economies tend to be particularly volatile. under these conditions, individuals in latin america are prone to riskier incomes than the individuals living in developed countries. The presence of risk has an effect on how the agents respond to divers changes in the economy. That is why, studying the levels of risk, and in particular how the riskier incomes affect optimal taxation, is one of the pillars of this thesis. Income risk may be decomposed into two components, permanent or transitory. The last part of this thesis is devoted to estimate how much of the income risk present in each country is caused by a permanent or a temporal component. Given the lack of panel data for latin american countries, these estimations were performed introducing pseudo-panel techniques into traditional panel data methodologies. Comparisons between pseudo-panel results and panel data results were made when the data was available
Coignet, Patricia Claire Marie. "La gestion de politiques publiques par les organisations internationales envers les peuples indigènes : étude du projet PRODEPINE de la Banque mondiale en Equateur (1998-2002)". Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005STR30017.
Texto completo da fonteThe purpose of this research is to underline the respective roles of international, national and local actors in the elaboration and execution of a development project considered like a public policy. Indeed we have chosen to study a particular public policy: the PRODEPINE development project financed by the World Bank. With the view to understand the public action, we will identify the actors which are of a very heteregenous nature : the indigenous organizations, the Ecuadorian State and the World Bank. We will analyze a series of actions and public programs of this project as well as the conditions of success and failure of the different segments : the indigenous population's struggle against poverty, the creation of an indigenous elite and also the reinforcement of their social organizations with the aim of improving their insertion in the Ecuadorian society
Giraldo, Giraldo César Augusto. "Protection sociale et financiarisation : (avec une étude de cas sur la Colombie)". Paris 13, 2007. http://scbd-sto.univ-paris13.fr/secure/ederasme_th_2007_giraldo.pdf.
Texto completo da fonteThis work presents a reflection about Social Protection Systems. The central idea is that recent reforms of such systems is affected by processes of financialisation. On the one hand, becuase private financial intermediaries play an increasingly growing role in social security by means of the management of pensions and obligatory health insurance. On the other hand, because the targeting of public spending on the poor seeks to reduce social expenditure in order to allow macro-adjustments. However, this second objective is not achieved, and on the contrary social spending increases, mainly as a result of the fiscal cost of privatisation of social security, of the political negotiation of reform, and of the increase in the demand for social assistance as a result of the deterioration of the social condition of the population. Chapter 4 presents an empirical validation of these claims for the case of Colombia. To legitimate the reform, two key concepts are appealed to: insurance and the fight against poverty. For the first, financial intermediaries are promoted for pensions and health insurance, where social rights are reduced to rights regulated by a contract with a private provider (contractual rights). For the second, assistential rights are promoted, in which social rights are replaced by basic needs. Social rights are now classified as costs that undermine the international insertion of the economy in a globalised world
Larrouqué, Damien. "Les politiques d’inclusion digitale en Amérique latine : de la rénovation éducative à la recomposition de l’Etat (Argentine, Paraguay, Pérou, Uruguay)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0044.
Texto completo da fonteOur ambition is to bring to light the institutional transformations that derive in Latin America from the implementation of digital inclusion policies. These social and educational programs have taken inspiration from the project of the One Laptop Per Child foundation and they have been instituted in some South-American countries during the last decade. We consider that these public policies present two interesting characteristics. On the one hand, being very costly from a financial perspective, they illustrate the “return of the state” in terms of social investment. On the other hand, because they are logistically complex to run, they can be seen as examples of a new and effective policy-making process. Our main hypothesis is that their successful implementation has been triggered by the capacity of public authorities to innovate in the field of administrative management. The academic interest of our dissertation rests on the concept of Neo-weberian State. It designs a new institutional configuration, which borrows some properties from two administrative paradigms: the bureaucratic model of Weber and the New Public Management. Taking into consideration four digital inclusion policies, we argue that the successful implementation of two of them (the programs Ceibal in Uruguay and Conectar Igualdad in Argentina) can be explained by the use of a neo-weberian form of political and administrative management. In our opinion, although it remains an ideal type, the concept of “Neo-Weberian State” is considerably useful for whoever analyses the transformations of public institutions in Latin America
Bourlon, Nicolas. "Développement durable et gestion des bassins hydrographiques : Conception et mise en place d'Agences de bassin en Amérique latine". Rouen, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997ROUES089.
Texto completo da fonteMametz, Sophie. "Combinaison de déséquilibres et crise de change : une analyse en terme de signaux d'alerte en Amérique latine et en Asie du Sud-Est de 1970 à 1997". Aix-Marseille 2, 2001. http://theses.univ-amu.fr.lama.univ-amu.fr/2001AIX24002.pdf.
Texto completo da fonteCouralet, Pierre-Emmanuel. "Une analyse économique du travail des enfants". Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHES0141.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis deals with an analysis of causes and consequences of child labour. In a first part, the main microeconomic determinants of child labour supply – the weakness of returns to education, the weakness of parental resources linked with no access to credit market, the weakness of parental altruism – are introduced in a dynastic model. In the second part, some national Latin American household surveys (Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela) are used to confront the theory with the facts. Finally, the analysis of child labour is led on a macroeconomic level and some public policy implications are deducted. It is shown that a public intervention may lead the economy on a more equal and better for poor children growth path
Minvielle, Régis. "Parcours africains en Amérique Latine ou comment s'ébauche un dispositif migratoire transatlantique sud-sud". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3022.
Texto completo da fonteAfrican migration in Latin America is part of a process of reconfiguration of global migration. Paths unfold and recompose by the way of not only the history of migration policies, crises and economic opportunities but also by the groups and individuals stories. The rising complexity of the control procedures in the North, joint to the South globalization, results in bursting of destinations. By the 1990s, but especially since the 2000s, especially migrants from West Africa, weave the contours of a transatlantic migration South-South device. In Buenos Aires, the Africans try to be part of the territory in different ways. While the vast majority develops a street trading activity, driven mainly by the Murid Senegalese Community, others try to exploit a desire of Africanness, or maybe to find their way in football and in business. From these multiple origins, cosmopolitan links with the various segments of the host society population are born. These interactions, which can lead to negotiation processes, produce social and identity changes in ethnic, religious or gender dimensions
Las migraciones africanas en América Latina hacen parte de un processo de reconfiguración global del fenómeno migratorio. Los recorridos se despliegan y se recomponenal ritmo, no solo de la historia de las politicas migratorias, las crisis y las oportunidades ecónomicas, sino también en función de las historias de grupos e individuos. Los procedimientos de control cada vez más complejos en los países del Norte y la globalización de los países del Sur generan cierta diversificación en los destinos. Desde la década de los 90, pero especialmente desde al año 2000, los immigrantes procedentes principalmente de Africa occidental,han tejido los contornos de un dispositivo transatlántico de migración Sur-Sur. En Buenos Aires, los Africanos se inscriben sobreel territorio según diversas modalidades. Si bien la gran mayoría desarrolla una actividad de comercia callejero, iniciada principalmentepor la comunidad mora senegalesa, otros tratan de explotar un deseo de africanidad, o aún, forjarse un camino en el fútbol y en los negocios. De estas inscripciones múltiples,nacen vinculos cosmopolitas con diversos segmentos de población de la sociedad de acogidad. Esta interraciones, que pueden dar lugar a procesos de negociación, producen recomposiciones sociales e identitarias de carácter étnico, religioso y hasta de género religioso
Tarragoni, Federico. "« Il faut faire le peuple ! » : sociologie d’un populisme « par le bas » dans les conseils de barrio en Amérique latine contemporaine (Venezuela et Bolivie)". Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100185/document.
Texto completo da fonteEither as two exemplary democracies or two democracies of excesses, H. Chávez’s Venezuela and E. Morales’s Bolivia seem to attract nowadays more the ideological interpretations operating a rhetorical manipulation than informed social analyses. Far from wanting to discuss Chávez's ou Morales’s “exemplary” skills, the author proposes a policy ethnography focusing on the two radical populisms dynamics that can be observed in township assemblies for public planning (Consejos comunales and Juntas vecinales). These hybrid institutions are true political laboratories where lower classe people living in the country neighbourhoods can meet. Combining decentralization, deliberative democracy and populism, such institutions keep alive the treasure of the social construction of revolutionary policy in Venezuela and Bolivia. The participatory experience of ordinary people, which implies a community to integrate, an interest to defend and a collective identity to build, permits to track down the paradoxes and contradictions of a revolution in progress, and to reveal a sociology of action hidden by stereotyped concepts of faulty democracy or excessive democracy
Gonzalez, Espinosa Ana Carolina. "Empresas y promoción del accountability público para la gestión local de la renta extractiva : genealogía y dinámicas de la acción política empresarial en Colombia y Perú". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0024.
Texto completo da fonteCompanies often intervene to promote 'governance' in countries where they work, and they do so in response to questioning from different kinds of stakeholders. But their responses are not always reactive and they build upon new corporate political strategies. Nevertheless, their interference in public affairs deeply related to state operation and democracy issues, arouses serious concerns among different interested parties. This dissertation addresses the genealogy and dynamics of such business practices through the analysis of three initiatives where extractive companies intervene to promote public accountability for the local management of natural resource revenues. Two questions articulate our research. First, we examine the causes: in which context this private sector intervention occurs; and which factors, values or interests can explain it? Then, we probe the consequences of corporations’ participation in two levels: the type of accountability that is promoted, and the changes it generates among actors’ relations of power at the local level
Oliveira, Augusto Neftali Corte de. "Representação programática em 16 democracias presidencialistas : América Latina, 2000-2010". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/114443.
Texto completo da fonteEsta é uma pesquisa sobre a representação programática nas democracias presidencialistas da América Latina durante a primeira década do século XXI. Representação programática é um fenômeno atrelado ao processo eleitoral que compreende as promessas feitas durante as campanhas e seu cumprimento pelos presidentes eleitos. Um estudo teórico inicial argumenta que a representação como prometer e cumprir promessas é uma forma de criar liberdade política nas democracias liberais. Neste sentido, uma democracia capaz de realizar representação programática deve obter maior consentimento dos cidadãos. Para abordar as promessas eleitorais foi formado o Banco de Asserções Programáticas com dados de 138 programas de governo, utilizando uma estratégia de análise de conteúdo desenvolvida para a pesquisa. Do ponto de vista eleitoral, a representação programática é favorecida pela (a) existência de alternativas ideologicamente diferentes entre as candidaturas partidárias/eleitorais, (b) por uma organização historicamente consistente destas candidaturas e, ao mesmo tempo, (c) pela sensibilidade das candidaturas às opiniões e interesses dos eleitores. Após as eleições, a representação programática é favorecida caso a ação governamental possua relação com as promessas feitas durante as campanhas (congruência ideológica). Estas condições são testadas para 48 eleições nos 16 países estudados. Após o desenvolvimento da pesquisa empírica, conclui-se que a representação programática nas eleições presidenciais é uma forma viável de relacionamento entre os cidadãos e a política pública nas democracias da América Latina e que sua existência está relacionada com o consentimento (satisfação) dos cidadãos ao sistema democrático.
This is a research about the programmatic representation in presidential democracies of Latin America, over the first decade of XXI century. Programmatic representation is a phenomenon linked to the electoral process which comprises the promises made during the campaigns and the fulfilment of them by elected presidents. An introductory theoretical study argues that the representation as it makes promises and fulfills these promises is a form of create political liberty in liberal democracies. In this sense, a democracy capable of generate programmatic representation should obtain citizens’ compliance. The Database of Programmatic Assertions were made in order to approach the electoral promises, with the data them 138 electoral platforms, through a strategy of content analysis developed for this research. In the elections, the programmatic representation is favored by (a) the existence of ideological alternatives in the presidential candidatures; (b) by the historical consistence of the organizations behind the candidatures and, at the same time; (c) by the sensibility of the candidatures to the opinions and interests of the electors. After the elections, the programmatic representation is favored when the governmental actions are related to the promises made during the electoral campaign (ideological congruence). These conditions are tested for 48 elections in the 16 countries of the study. After the development of the empirical research, conclusion are that the programmatic representation in presidential elections are a viable form of relationship between the citizens and the public policy in Latin American democracies, as well as the existence of programmatic representation is associated with the citizens’ consentient (satisfaction) with the democratic system.
Mollès, Devrig. "Triangle atlantique et triangle latin : l'Amérique latine et le système-monde maçonnique (1717-1921) : éléments pour une histoire des options publiques internationales". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA027.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis investigates the birth and development of the Masonic world‐system, seen as a product and an agent of western modernity, as the prototype of international public opinion and as a tectonic plate of the géoculture of the modern world‐system. This text focuses on the first period of its development (1717‐1921). It fluctuates between a global perspective,an Atlantic perspective, and a Latin American anchorage, provided by the major oceanic powers of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). What was the global evolution of the Masonic networks in the 19th and 20th centuries? What were their geopolitics and their géoculture? Is it possible to talk about an "international Masonic system"? What was the place of Latin America in this dynamic? How the American subcontinent became a part of the Masonic world‐system? In Latin America in the 19th and 20th centuries, were the Masonic networks a tectonic plate of géoculture and the vectors of cultural transfers? Did they contribute to the integration of the American sub‐continent in the Atlantic community? Did they contribute discreetly to the regional integration and to the Latin American empowerment ?
Maleki, Manuel. "Essais sur la nouvelle économie politique de la réforme". Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00354252.
Texto completo da fontePourquoi certaines réformes sont-elles acceptées tandis que d'autres sont refusées ? Cette question qui se trouve au cœur de l'action politique est à la base de notre travail en sciences économiques. Pour déterminer les processus d'acceptation ou de rejet des réformes, nous nous sommes appuyés sur les travaux de la « nouvelle économie politique de la réforme », en distinguant trois éléments essentiels qui impactent l'acceptation des réformes. 1er élément : la crise économique. Elle a comme effet de modifier l'environnement et d'amener les agents à changer leurs comportements et donc à réformer. Toutefois, de nombreuses critiques contestent la validité de ce raisonnement : ceci tient en particulier au problème de la définition des baromètres de la crise. Nous présentons un nouveau modèle analytique qui a pour but d'expliciter le rôle de la crise économique en l'appréhendant comme un concept opérationnel.
Le deuxième élément est l'impact des institutions sur le processus de réforme. Plus particulièrement nous nous sommes intéressés à la cohérence institutionnelle qui existe tant au sein des institutions formelles que des institutions informelles. La notion de cohérence est fondamentale pour comprendre en quoi le cadre institutionnel est une aide ou un obstacle aux réformes. Cette réflexion nous amène à présenter une contribution analytique qui a pour objet de montrer l'importance de la cohérence institutionnel dans le processus d'acceptation des réformes. Enfin, le troisième élément est le rôle individuel joué par les hommes et femmes dans le processus de réforme à travers le soutien qu'ils peuvent apporter à ces politiques. Nous avons fait le point sur le soutien populaire aux réformes avant de proposer une étude économétrique qui a pour objectif de comprendre les déterminants individuels du soutien aux réformes économiques dans les Pays d'Europe Centrale et Orientale durant la phase de transition. L'importance du statut professionnel dans les choix des individus est également démontrée.
Parizet, Raphaëlle. "Le politique du développement : les usages politiques des savoirs experts et de la participation des populations indiennes au Mexique". Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20016/document.
Texto completo da fonteA buzzword broadcasted by international agencies, the concept of “development with identity” refers to a willingness to take into account local and cultural specificities of indigenous peoples. It entails a promotion of the development approach, presented as both universal and apolitical. This thesis proposes to explore this contradiction. Focusing on the Mexican case, it aims to understand how development apparatuses function as instruments of knowledge, but also as performative instruments by their prescriptive inductions and the social uses they are made of. Finally, “development with identity” refers to an “art of government” of populations labeled as socially disqualified. It relies on two key components: the elaboration of a specific knowledge on these populations and the participation of indigenous individuals and groups in development apparatuses.This thesis proposes a sociological contribution to the analysis of development and works on indigenous issues. In order to study the circulation of development speeches, instruments and practices, this work is based on a political ethnography of three spaces in which the apparatuses of indigenous development in Mexico are elaborated, formulated and put into practice: the Office of the United Nations Development Program in Mexico, the national authority in charge of development public policy for indigenous peoples, and finally social groups in the region of Chiapas in which development apparatuses are developed and implemented
Mourier, Eliott. "Les Partenariats Public-Religieux. Action sociale religieuse et reconfiguration du rapport entre État et Églises dans le Brésil du XXIe siècle". Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00935250.
Texto completo da fonteEl, Yattioui Mohamed Badine. "Les enjeux géostratégiques des programmes publics de Washington à destination de l'Amérique Latine, de George Bush père à George Bush fils (1988-2008)". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO30059.
Texto completo da fonteThe relations between the United States and Latin America between 1988 and 2008 had known a lot of upheavals. The different reasons which were at the origin of that were approached in this dissertation. After having studied the theorical stakes concerning their relations we asked ourself if foreign policy was a classic public policy. Then, we studied development aid’s specificities and a theory promoted by George W. Bush which is the « transformational diplomacy ». In a second part, we studied diplomatical upheavals appeared in some countries of the region, consequence of the election of left wing governments. Pages dedicated to the three programs worked out by Washington during the 2000’s (MCA, both Colombian plans and Merida Initiative) showed the originality but also their application and their reserved results so much from the point of view of the efficiency and the consolidation of the diplomatical relations with the countries of this region. At last, we described and analyzed the importance the energy challenges with Latin America for the United States and developed reasons which urge them to want to constitute the FTAA. This show The interweaving of the economic, diplomatic and security questions for the American decision-makers
Rouvière, Laetitia. "A la frontière de l'Etat : gouvernement et territorialités aymaras au Chili". Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENH037/document.
Texto completo da fonteHow are the borders redefined by the “territorialities” which cross them? Which actors use these cross-border territorialities? What room is left to the state, when the local authorities living on the border refer to an indigenous culture, which preexisted to the nation, to (re)build a territory? The recent dynamics of the Aymara cross-border co-operation between Chile, Peru and Bolivia question the political and territorial reconfigurations which affect a fundamental state institution: the border. This doctoral thesis analyzes the cross-border public policies led by Aymaras rural mayors, according to a long-term approach of the construction of the Chilean state. By comprehending the state through its political, social and territorial peripheries, we study the networks of actors who take part in the transformations of the governance of the territory. The permanence of political and administrative actions on the border on one hand, the uses of inherited institutional roles on the other, show that beyond its alleged weakening, the state is paradoxically strengthened, through a complex securitization process of a diplomatically disputed cross-border area
Solanas, Facundo. "MERCOSUR - Union européenne : une comparaison des politiques publiques de reconnaissance académique professionnelle dans les cadres de l'Argentine et de la France". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA047/document.
Texto completo da fonteBoth the European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) have constructed different public policies for the recognition of diplomas for either academic or professional purposes. The aim of these policies is to facilitate the mobility of its respective graduates within the countries members of each region.Despite the fact that they are two different regional integration processes, the construction of academic and professional recognition policies have several similarities. The two policies were spread out in two axis, an academic one and a professional one, as if they were fully separated areas from each other. Hence, we analyzed four issues in this work. First, the process that launches the European Commission (EC) in the early 1970s with the sectorial directives for the “regulated professions” and which, after various changes, culminating in Directives 2005/36/EC and 2013/55/EU. Second, the process initiated with the Erasmus Program’s implementation in 1986. This program provides the technical support for the intergovernmental launch the “Bologna process” in 1999. Third, in 1998 MERCOSUR decided to build a first experimental accreditation instrument of academic programs at the regional level (MEXA). After several changes, it has become a permanent device: the ARCUSUR. Finally, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of MERCOSUR members have made some progress in implementing a protocol for the regional services sector and followed by different negotiations, the Council of the Common Market allowed the temporary professional practice from another device: Decision 25/2003. This dissociation between academic and professional recognition invited us to analyze two distinctive phenomenons. On the one hand, is to question the contemporary relations among the State or the EC and the different professional associations, the university and the construction of the divers European or MERCOSUR policies. And on the other hand, is to analyze the role of the State and the EC in the construction and the relation with normative or “recommendations” from international organizations
Penafiel, Ricardo. "L'événement discursif paupériste, lutte contre la pauvreté et redéfinition du politique en Amérique Latine : Chili, Mexique, Venezuela (1910-2006)". Thèse, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1389/1/D1639.pdf.
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