Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Paulus Museum"

The montane agamid lizard genus Oriocalotes is currently considered monotypic, represented by the species, O. paulus. The systematic status of this taxon has remained questionable since its initial descriptions in the mid-1800s. A detailed molecular and morphological study was carried out to assess the validity of this genus, and its systematic position within the Asian agamid subfamily, Draconinae. Freshly collected and historical museum specimens from the type locality of O. paulus were examined morphologically, along with additional samples collected from localities in Mizoram state, Northeast India. Utilising newly generated molecular sequences (two mitochondrial and three nuclear genes), combined with those previously published for representative genera from the subfamilies Draconinae and Agaminae, Maximum Likelihood and Bayesian phylogenetic trees were constructed. Phylogenetic results suggest that Oriocalotes is part of the widespread South and Southeast Asian radiation of Calotes. Comparative morphological studies (including external morphology, hemipenis and osteology) between Oriocalotes and related genera further support this systematic placement. Oriocalotes is herein regarded as a junior subjective synonym of Calotes. Calotes paulus comb. nov. is also assigned a lectotype and given a detailed redescription based on the lectotype, paralectotypes and additional topotypic material. Furthermore, the specimens collected from Mizoram populations are found to be morphologically and genetically distinct from Calotes paulus comb. nov., and are described herein as a new species, Calotes zolaiking sp. nov.

On 5 May 2007, the Stedelijk Museum library in Amsterdam was exactly 50 years old – although a collection of books known as ‘the library’ began long before that in the building on the Paulus Potterstraat. Louis Kloet was the first librarian. He founded and ran the library from 1953 until 1980, a period in which the collection and the number of visitors grew steadily and it evolved into one of the most important libraries of modern art in Europe.

- A.P. Borsboom, Fredrik Barth, Cosmologies in the making; A generative approach to cultural variation in Inner New Guinea, Cambridge studies in social anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 1987, 99 pp., - H.J.M. Claessen, Paul van der Grijp, Sporen in de Antropologie; Liber Amicorum voor Jan Pouwer, Nijmegen: Instituut voor Kulturele en Sociale Antropologie, 1987. Bibl., tab., ill. 330 pp., Ton Lemaire, Albert Trouwborst (eds.) - Simon Kooijman, Adrian Horridge, Outrigger canoes of Bali and Madura, Indonesia, Bishop museum special bulletin 77, Honolulu: Bishop museum press, 1987. xii + 178 pp., 4 maps, 1 colour photograph, 19 black and white photographs, 71 line drawings. - Jelle Miedema, D.K. Feil, The evolution of highland Papua New Guinea societies, Cambridge: University Press, 1987, xii + 313 pp. - Jelle Miedema, James F. Weiner, Mountain Papuans; Historical and comparitive perspectives from New Guinea fringe highlands societies. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1988, 230 pp. - Jetta Wille, Paulus M.F. van der Grijp, Produktie en denkwijzen in Polynesië; Sociale asymmetrie, ideologie en verandering op de Tonga-eilanden, Proefschrift Nijmegen, 1987.

In 2021, Pauls Stradiņš Museum of the History of Medicine in Rīga (Latvia) will celebrate 60 years since it acquired the status of a state museum. This article describes the history of its creation, the work of the museum from 1961 to 2019, its basic functions and structures, the consequences of ideological deviations, and outlines the vision for the future development of the museum. On the one hand, the museum is based on the idea and collection of Doctor Pauls Stradiņš, an avid enthusiast, and his skill in keeping, supplementing, and improving his collection and legalising it as a state-run institution. However, no less important has been the attitude of the public and the authorities towards this institution, public support for P. Stradiņš’ idea. The relatively liberal attitude towards the initially private museum is explained by the fact that healthcare was declared one of the priorities of the Soviet Union, and the history of medicine was ideologically a relatively neutral field. In addition, the “national” moment was less emphasised in P. Stradiņš Museum – in the context of Latvia, the museum mainly showed folk medicine, fighting against epidemics, medicine in cities but did not highlight medical achievements during the years of Latvia’s independence. The paradigm of the museum has changed today. Aspects of medicine, as in natural and technological sciences, which are within the competence of social history, anthropology and cultural theory have come to the fore. The experience of the global pandemic has brought conflict and tension into and around health in public opinion. This calls for a review of the six decades of exhibition traditions and the dynamics of the relationship with the museum’s existing and potential audience, which has been cultivated for six decades.

Lahemaa region has been one of the main historical seafaring centres in Estonia. Nearly 50 wooden sailing ships were built there (Õun 2019) and hundreds of captains and steersmen trained, thus advancing marine culture. Every coastal village had its own boatwright. Marine culture traditions were abruptly cut off during the Soviet occupation that destroyed Estonian wooden boat culture. The main heritage of traditional coastal fishing and marine culture – a wooden boat – is no longer seen on the sea. The authors unravel the essence of wooden boat culture, exemplify the break of tradition on the example of a unique viislaid-type boat, and provide legal solutions to help revive the wooden boat heritage. The authors define the nature of the historic wooden boat building tradition through its heritage values, drawing on the fundamental principles of heritage theory, and on the legal framework for the protection of heritage and intellectual property. Historical boat culture is conceptualised through the prism of its authenticity, based on the analysis of the boat as a heritage object and boat building as creation and tradition. The case study which exemplifies the analysis is Lahemaa’s unique viislaid-type boat, its construction tradition and the cultural break therein. The article defines the tradition of boatbuilding in the context of heritage protection and maps an initial intellectual property strategy to ensure the survival of the boatbuilding tradition. The article summarises the authors’ specific conclusions and suggestions in this area. In their interdisciplinary approach to cultural heritage and wooden boat building, the authors draw on their previous research and practical experience in the field of cultural heritage, historic wooden boat building and law (see Paulus 2017a; Paulus 2017b; Kreem 2017; Paulus 2017), developing it further and adding new aspects, such as legal analysis. Sources include previously unpublished data on viislaid-type boats (including manuscripts, photographs, technical drawings). For a more comprehensive mapping of the situation, several Estonian wooden boat masters were contacted and asked to explain why they were activein the area under study. The main focus was on boatbuilding traditions and values, administrative regulations and the use of intellectual property instruments in the context of the wooden boat construction tradition. To protect the business interests and personal data of the interviewees, the results are presented as a generalisation without identifying specific individuals. Any sensitive information remains with the authors. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the ICOMOS Venice Charter and the 20th anniversary of Nara Charter, ICOMOS adopted ICOMOS Nara 20+: on heritage practices, values and the concept of authenticity in 2014. This document reaffirmed the importance of the role of vibrant cultural traditions and heritage communities in defining, practising and developing heritage. This document emphasised authenticity as a meaningful creation and evolving cultural tradition, heritage as a keeper of cultural identity, the importance of heritage practices as carriers of history and identity values and as guarantors of sustainable development. The article describes one specific example of a wooden boat culture – a viislaid-type boat unique to Lahemaa. This is a unique type of boat, the distribution area of which has been described by authors’ recent research (Mäss et al. 2017) only in the Lahemaa region and in Northern Estonia from Viimsi-Prangli to Karepa and Toolse. It is the largest dual-masted fishing boat (from 6.5–7 meters to 12 meters), with a unique stem and often also stern, as described by previous researchers and by locals. In the early and mid-20th century the boat was still present in descriptions, photographs and paintings. Unfortunately, to the authors’ knowledge, currently only two examples of the ever-popular Northerncoast boat type exist. One is a historic boat preserved as a nelilaid-boat in Rootsi-Kallavere Museum. The second is a new Viimsi viislaid-type boat Suur Leenu built by the boat master Anti Kreem as a model of the boat type as a result of the authors’ 2017 study (Mäss et al. 2017). The solution proposed by the authors – observing the wooden boat culture in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection – creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and enables new creation so that it is protected and valued as a cultural heritage and enjoys intellectual property rights. Perhaps it is time to clarify the cultural tradition of wooden boats, the construction of historic ships and wooden boats in the Estonian legal space. The Estonian Maritime Safety Act defines historical boats through the concept of a copy. The authors suggest that the concept of an example of traditional type should be followed instead. The new boat created is, as a rule, an original creation. This complies with the contemporary paradigm of cultural heritage protection. The observation of the boat construction tradition in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and the new creation. The creation of a historic wooden boat has many links to intellectual property. Both the boat itself and the drawings on which it is based may be copyrighted. Boat details can also be protected with patent and industrial design rights. Trademarks and geographical indications may be used to promote the boat tradition. The protection of the intellectual property is not prioritised in the practice of the Estonian wooden boat tradition. Boats and skilled labour are the main objects of trade. Know-how (e.g., boat drawings) is sometimes also sold. One possible reason for not prioritising IP is that the construction of historic woodenboats is of no economic importance. Last but not least, attention to the intellectual property also creates the conditions for the commercial exploitation of the solutions created on the basis of the tradition. Keywords: wooden boat, viislaid-type boat, cultural heritage, heritage value

Lahemaa region has been one of the main historical seafaring centres in Estonia. Nearly 50 wooden sailing ships were built there (Õun 2019) and hundreds of captains and steersmen trained, thus advancing marine culture. Every coastal village had its own boatwright. Marine culture traditions were abruptly cut off during the Soviet occupation that destroyed Estonian wooden boat culture. The main heritage of traditional coastal fishing and marine culture – a wooden boat – is no longer seen on the sea. The authors unravel the essence of wooden boat culture, exemplify the break of tradition on the example of a unique viislaid-type boat, and provide legal solutions to help revive the wooden boat heritage. The authors define the nature of the historic wooden boat building tradition through its heritage values, drawing on the fundamental principles of heritage theory, and on the legal framework for the protection of heritage and intellectual property. Historical boat culture is conceptualised through the prism of its authenticity, based on the analysis of the boat as a heritage object and boat building as creation and tradition. The case study which exemplifies the analysis is Lahemaa’s unique viislaid-type boat, its construction tradition and the cultural break therein. The article defines the tradition of boatbuilding in the context of heritage protection and maps an initial intellectual property strategy to ensure the survival of the boatbuilding tradition. The article summarises the authors’ specific conclusions and suggestions in this area. In their interdisciplinary approach to cultural heritage and wooden boat building, the authors draw on their previous research and practical experience in the field of cultural heritage, historic wooden boat building and law (see Paulus 2017a; Paulus 2017b; Kreem 2017; Paulus 2017), developing it further and adding new aspects, such as legal analysis. Sources include previously unpublished data on viislaid-type boats (including manuscripts, photographs, technical drawings). For a more comprehensive mapping of the situation, several Estonian wooden boat masters were contacted and asked to explain why they were activein the area under study. The main focus was on boatbuilding traditions and values, administrative regulations and the use of intellectual property instruments in the context of the wooden boat construction tradition. To protect the business interests and personal data of the interviewees, the results are presented as a generalisation without identifying specific individuals. Any sensitive information remains with the authors. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the ICOMOS Venice Charter and the 20th anniversary of Nara Charter, ICOMOS adopted ICOMOS Nara 20+: on heritage practices, values and the concept of authenticity in 2014. This document reaffirmed the importance of the role of vibrant cultural traditions and heritage communities in defining, practising and developing heritage. This document emphasised authenticity as a meaningful creation and evolving cultural tradition, heritage as a keeper of cultural identity, the importance of heritage practices as carriers of history and identity values and as guarantors of sustainable development. The article describes one specific example of a wooden boat culture – a viislaid-type boat unique to Lahemaa. This is a unique type of boat, the distribution area of which has been described by authors’ recent research (Mäss et al. 2017) only in the Lahemaa region and in Northern Estonia from Viimsi-Prangli to Karepa and Toolse. It is the largest dual-masted fishing boat (from 6.5–7 meters to 12 meters), with a unique stem and often also stern, as described by previous researchers and by locals. In the early and mid-20th century the boat was still present in descriptions, photographs and paintings. Unfortunately, to the authors’ knowledge, currently only two examples of the ever-popular Northerncoast boat type exist. One is a historic boat preserved as a nelilaid-boat in Rootsi-Kallavere Museum. The second is a new Viimsi viislaid-type boat Suur Leenu built by the boat master Anti Kreem as a model of the boat type as a result of the authors’ 2017 study (Mäss et al. 2017). The solution proposed by the authors – observing the wooden boat culture in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection – creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and enables new creation so that it is protected and valued as a cultural heritage and enjoys intellectual property rights. Perhaps it is time to clarify the cultural tradition of wooden boats, the construction of historic ships and wooden boats in the Estonian legal space. The Estonian Maritime Safety Act defines historical boats through the concept of a copy. The authors suggest that the concept of an example of traditional type should be followed instead. The new boat created is, as a rule, an original creation. This complies with the contemporary paradigm of cultural heritage protection. The observation of the boat construction tradition in the paradigm of cultural heritage protection creates the preconditions for its promotion in a way that preserves both the authenticity of the tradition and the new creation. The creation of a historic wooden boat has many links to intellectual property. Both the boat itself and the drawings on which it is based may be copyrighted. Boat details can also be protected with patent and industrial design rights. Trademarks and geographical indications may be used to promote the boat tradition. The protection of the intellectual property is not prioritised in the practice of the Estonian wooden boat tradition. Boats and skilled labour are the main objects of trade. Know-how (e.g., boat drawings) is sometimes also sold. One possible reason for not prioritising IP is that the construction of historic woodenboats is of no economic importance. Last but not least, attention to the intellectual property also creates the conditions for the commercial exploitation of the solutions created on the basis of the tradition. Keywords: wooden boat, viislaid-type boat, cultural heritage, heritage value

In August 2020, Riga became the world’s capital of the history of medi- cine, hosting the 47th Congress of the International Society for the History of Medicine (ISHM). The Congress was organised by the Latvian Society for the History of Medicine in cooperation with Rīga Stradiņš University and Pauls Stradiņš Museum of the History of Medicine.

The union of these collections and the addition of the models of St. Paul’s and various classical buildings, betoken what an Architectural Museum may become, if the individuals and the State will act together. Every foreigner who has seen this commencement sees in it the germ of the finest Architectural Museum in Europe, if the public support the attempt.From the first years of its establishment in June 1857, to the end of the nineteenth century, the South Kensington Museum had amongst its collections over a hundred architectural models. First they were acquired through a policy of encouraged loans and gifts, followed by pro-actively commissioning model makers; other models, however, were at South Kensington through default, having remained on site where they had been made by ‘sappers’. The models, which included examples of Western, Asian and Far Eastern buildings and monuments, were first shown in displays under the headings of Ornamental, Architectural, Economics, and Educational. To give an indication of their initial importance to the museum, the early guidebooks feature architectural models amongst the ‘principle objects in the gallery’. Twenty years later most models had been transferred from what were essentially style galleries to the more utilitarian displays concerned with architectural and engineering practices, and within them they were merely included as part of the broader contextual themes. By the turn of the century, with the exception of the 1901 handbook to the models of Italian Renaissance painted interiors, they were rarely referred to at all in museum publications. By 1912 (soon after the Science and Art collections had been divided on either side of the Exhibition Road) most of the models were no longer on display and were thought by senior keepers to be of little use to museum collections. Many had been de-accessioned by the 1970s, when their position in the doldrums was reversed and models were once again included in the museum displays and exhibitions. This article explores the changes in attitude towards architectural models during the first 120 years of the V&A, focusing on the models of Western buildings.

Jessie Mitchell Elmslie was in her early twenties when she carved an intricate and highly decorative oak and kauri sideboard. The 2.5 metre high sideboard is dripping with Arts and Crafts iconography, including wyverns, lions and a Green Man with a flowing beard. Elmslie also incorporated copper tooling into her design, with beaten copper handles and repousse heraldic dolphins. Elmslie's father, Dr Rev John Elmslie, was the minister at St Paul's Presbyterian Church in Christchurch and one of his parishioners taught Elmslie to carve. She produced at least two large pieces of furniture during the 1890s: the sideboard now in the collection of Canterbury Museum and a walnut settle in the collection of Te Papa Tongarewa Museum of New Zealand.Woodcarving became popular with New Zealand women during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Arts and Crafts movement, along with the establishment of art and design schools from the 1870s, meant that women were able to engage in practices formerly reserved for men. This paper will look at Elmslie and her work in the context of Arts and Crafts practice in New Zealand and consider the work of another talented carver, Evelyn Vaile.

This transcription of the Question and Answer period for the public event “Martin Luther and Anti-Semitism” was held at the Morgan Library & Museum in New York City on November 13, 2016. This event was co-presented by the Morgan Library & Museum, the Leo Baeck Institute, the German Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. Paul in New York City, and the Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany. The discussion session—as well as the two lectures preceding (also published in this issue)—took place as part of a series of events in conjunction with the Morgan Library & Museum’s exhibition “Word and Image: Martin Luther’s Reformation” which ran from October 7, 2016 through January 22, 2017. Professor Mark Silk, Director, Leonard Greenberg Center for the Study of Religion in Public Life and Professor of Religion in Public Life at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut, served as moderator for the Q&A session. The respondents were Professor Dean P. Bell, Provost, Vice President, and Professor of History at the Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership in Chicago and Dr. Martin Hauger, Referent für Glaube und Dialog of the High Consistory of the Evangelical Church (EKD) in Germany. The translator for portions of the Q&A session was the Rev. Miriam Gross, pastor of the German Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. Paul ( Deutsche Evangelisch-Lutherische St. Pauls Kirche) in Manhattan. Theology Today is grateful to the Morgan Library & Museum for permission to publish the transcription of this discussion session.

The article is devoted to bibliologic researches of the collection of Slavic manuscripts from the library of the Greek monastery of St. Paul in Mount Athos by Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin). It tells about the history of the library of the Greek monastery of St. Paul. Through the study of various unpublished and published sources we were able to reestablish one of the moments of the history of the Serbian-Slavic manuscripts in this library, first presented in this article. A published source is a scientific work by Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin) «Slavic-Serbian stocks in Mount Athos, in the monasteries Hilandar and St. Paul». Particular attention is paid to such a valuable source as Archimandrite correspondence with the inhabitants of Mount Athos monasteries, in particular, Hieromonk Macarius (Sushkin), librarian Azary (Poptsov), V. A. Dashkov - a director of Moscow Public Museum. The monastery library was visited by famous personalities in the history of book culture such as Archimandrite Porfiry (Uspensky), Archimandrite Antonin (Kapustin), archaeographer and Slavicist V. I. Grigorovich, English traveler and writer Robert Curzon. The article objective is to establish the role of Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin) in saving Slavic manuscripts of St. Paul's monastery library through their acquisition of Rumyantsev Public Museum in Moscow. Unfortunately, due to a number of circumstances, the manuscripts were not acquired, and were burned at the beginning of the XX century.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

In a photograph reproduced in A Scrap-book for the Holst Birthplace Museum, the leading lights of the 1928 Whitsun Festival at Canterbury Cathedral are pictured. Posing in the sunshine after a performance of The Coming of Christ, Masefield's modern mystery play with music by Gustav Holst, are 30-odd participants with the Dean, Dr George Bell, and Holst in the centre. Between Holst and Mrs Bell, and taller than either, sits an efficient-looking lady in her early thirties, clearly of some importance to the festival. This was Jane Marian Joseph, who first came under Holst's spell as a pupil at St Paul's Girls' School and had gone on to act out the principles for which he stood, not least in her meticulous organization of these festivals, and as a composer. After her untimely death, he was to describe her as ‘the best girl pupil I ever had’ in an assessment of her compositions.

A comparative study of rostral morphology of extant mackerel sharks (Lamniformes, Lamnidae) is presented. Based oncomputed tomography (CT) scans of fresh specimens, 3D reconstructions, dried museum chondrocrania and the availableliterature, detailed morphological descriptions of the rostral cartilages are provided for the type species of all three extantlamnid genera, namely Carcharodon carcharias (Linnaeus, 1758), Isurus oxyrinchus Rafinesque, 1810 and Lamna nasus(Bonnaterre, 1788), and compared with those of I. paucus Guitart Manday, 1966 and L. ditropis Hubbs & Follett, 1947.Despite intraspecific variation, the rostral cartilages of all extant lamnids present significant differences that allow genus-and species-level identification, which is especially of use to identify fossil rostral nodes of these particular taxa. The maindifferences were found to be in overall calcification of the rostrum (Lamna > Isurus > Carcharodon), general configura-tion of the rostral open space, position of the base of the lateral rostral cartilages, (non-)abutting lateral cartilages, (absent)rostral keels and shape of the rostral node. In cross section, the base of the rostral node is rounded in Lamna, Y-shaped in Isurus and uncalcified in juvenile and subadult Carcharodon (tesserae absent).

Since 1996 the Minnesota Microscopy Society (MMS) has had several different opportunities to use the “Microscopic Explorations” [1] handbook that has been developed by MSA in collaboration with the Lawrence Hall of Science [2] as part of their Great Explorations in Math and Science (GEMS) series. Initially we used a beta-test version of the manual and worked with several different schools in the St. Paul's school district. Since then we have broadened the range of our outreach, and have interacted with different school districts, as well as local museums and other youth and community organizations - including church youth groups, scout groups and local governments. One of the strengths of the manual is that it can be used in many ways, and is adaptable to the particular learning situation available. These opportunities can span the range from essentially uncontrolled interactibns with the general public, with its large age range and ability spectrum, to the very carefully structured setting of an ongoing, single-age class program.

Este artigo trata a vida de refugiados cujas nacionalidades são: Sírio, Congolês, Beninense, Boliviana, Marfinense e Cubano em uma nova sociedade e que vivem no Brasil há alguns anos, vistos pela vertente da inserção por meio do lazer. A partir disso busca dificuldades encontradas para se ter acesso a equipamentos e espaços de lazer, dificuldade de informações, e passeios planejados pelas ONG’s (Abraço Cultural e Compassiva) que são duas ONG’s que trabalham com refugiados na Cidade de São Paulo, e ajudam os refugiados, se estabelecerem no País e, mais do que isso proporcionam atividades de lazer para todos eles. A metodologia deste trabalho recorreu a entrevistas e observação em atividades de lazer com os refugiados: como passeios em museus na Cidade de São Paulo, oficina gastronômica na Escola de Artes, Ciências e Humanidades da Universidade de São Paulo - EACH-USP, e entrevistas que foram aplicadas com seis refugiados sendo três do Abraço Cultural, e três do Compassiva. Dentre as hipóteses avaliadas duas foram totalmente negadas e uma delas afirmada; a primeira era saber se os refugiados encontram dificuldades em encontrar informações sobre atividades de lazer oferecidas na Cidade de São Paulo, o que foi negado, visto que os entrevistados disseram não encontrar dificuldades; já na segunda hipótese procurou-se saber se os refugiados já se sentiram mal acolhidos nos equipamentos e espaços de lazer, o que foi negado, porque os entrevistados nunca passaram por essa situação. Na última hipótese que era em relação se os refugiados se sentem seguros quando as atividades de lazer são preparadas pelas Organizações Não Governamentais como Abraço Cultural e Compassiva, essa foi afirmada, tendo em vista resultados das entrevistas porque todos os refugiados entrevistados se sentem mais seguros e felizes em fazer os passeios com as ONG’s.

Macao is a tourist city. It is home to the Ruins of Saint Paul’s, a unique 100-year-old landmark, which is still standing with manual maintenance, even after three fires and reconstruction events. Therefore, the continuous preservation of its culture, heritage education, and construction are important issues for Macao. With the development of digital technology in recent years, users can quickly search historical sites and save two-dimensional and three-dimensional images and videos through smartphones. These methods also enhance the communication power of culture. Virtual browsing on a smartphone requires computing power and storage space; yet, virtual reality devices are not widely used. Therefore, augmented reality and virtual reality are rarely used simultaneously for three-dimensional interactive guided tours and operation experiences on the same theme. However, by quickly creating virtual reality scenarios and preserving historical sites on mobile devices, 4DAGE’s 4DKanKan technology can provide augmented reality and metaverse virtual reality experiences. 4DKanKan can also integrate mobile guides and navigation software to connect mobile devices and assist in cultural inheritance and conduct sustainable education. This research linked this technology to the web by incorporating augmented reality and virtual reality technology to make designs and discussed the influences among service design, behavioral intentions, and learning effects. We collated and analyzed relevant data and text materials through systematic testing, observation, operation processes, and semi-structured interviews. The PLS multigroup structural model was used to explore and analyze the degree of influence and explanatory power of system quality, information quality, behavioral intention, and learning effects among themselves. The results of this study show that most users accepted the proposed innovative mode of operation and found it to be interesting and fun. Augmented reality is not limited by space or time; however, virtual reality devices taking too long to operate, switching too frequently, and having too many functional interfaces can cause operational problems. This study identified and modified the influencing factors and problems of the proposed system, with the aim of continuing to expand the applications of 4DKanKan to other cultural attractions or museums in the future. In addition, the research results can provide a reference for the sustainable development of related cultural sites.

AbstractWhen Aert de Gelder's painting (fig. i) was purchased for the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Bode wrote a note on it in the Amtliche Berichte aus den königlichen Kunstsammlungen 31 (1910) which, despite the brevity of the text, established the interpretation of the representation until now. Bode adopted the title by which the work is generally known, 'The Holy Family', without any reservations, but regarded the unconventional conception of the religious subject as genre-like and profane. He saw this incongruity as the consequence of De Gelder's extreme 'naturalism', which in his opinion was manifest in the types and costumes of Jews from the Orient, portrayed so faithfully that to Bode they resembled nothing so much as 'a family of Jewish immigrants from Poland' ... (refugees from the pogroms were evidently a common sight at that time). The characterisation of the figures is amazingly vivid, but struck Bode as almost comical. To him, oddly, De Gelder's drastic realism was coupled with a rendering based on Rembrandt's last, broad manner of painting but executed coquettishly ; too much an end in itself, it was this virtuoso method that divested the work of the serious mood appropriate to the subject. Bode's negative assessment of 1910 was surpassed by Plietzsch in 1960, but their repudiation of De Gelder's art has since been superseded by positive appraisals in publications of the past few decades. Unfortunately, though, their total misconception of the picture persists. It is still thought to be the profane conception of the religious subject, the conclusion being that the painter only chose his biblical scenes as an excuse to paint colourful pictures of orientals in stereotypical garments. Only in his old age is De Gelder credited with having painted biblical subjects - notably the Passion series - with inner conviction. This complex of speculations is built on the quicksand of carelessly observed figures: the putative Mary is an old woman with jewels in her ears, on her forehead and round her wrists; the alleged Joseph is very close to her, his hand on her shoulder - such intimacy is unthinkable for the Holy Family. The figure on the far right is taken for an unrecognizable subsidiary figure. What Bode confidently imputes to De Gelder as a profane interpretation is blatantly unhistorical fiction: every history painter always felt obliged to depict his subject recognizably and in keeping with the facts and circumstances, arbitrary personal departures from which would have branded him as ignorant and stupid. It is disconcerting and tragi-comical that a mistaken identification of the subject of one painting, resulting from downright carelessness in the observation of details, could go unnoticed and uncriticized for so long and, what is more, be the point of departure for purely speculative statements about De Gelder's alleged indifference to the biblical subjects he depicted. It goes without saying that this articulate figure composition of an aged couple with an infant, laughing for joy, presents familiar characters, and the account in the Old Testament (Genesis 17-21) corresponds with the elements of De Gelder's scene. The frequent mention of laughter - in seven passages- inspired the painter to depict Abraham and Sarah with their child Isaac, whose name means 'to laugh'. It is a scriptural representation, albeit not of a situation from an actual story. There was no precedent for this specific image - the fruit of personal familiarity and sympathy with the story in the Book of Genesis- which explains why it was unknown and hence hard to recognize. De Gelder's wholly personal interpretation of the story is also apparent in his invcntion : the contrast between the family's joy and the forlorn Ishmael at the far right. In fact, though, the supposedly profane work provides proof positive of the paintcr's personal religious persuasion, and it is not the only one of its kind in his oeuvre. Another picture of Sarah and Abraham (fig. 2), iconographically just as unique, dates from the same pcriod - according to Sumowski from the early 1680s. It shows the episode in which Sarah insists on the banishment of Ishmael and his mother as related in Genesis 21:10, but De Gelder depicts Sarah as a supplicant, pleading with Abraham, distressed by Ishmael's harsh behaviour towards little Isaac (not in Genesis, but in Paul's Epistle to the Galatians). Jan Victors' picture (fig. 3) 'The Feast in Celebration of Isaac's Weaning; Ishmael's Mockery of Isaac' (Genesis 21:8-9) shares three significant elements with De Gelder's Berlin painting. First the frequent laughter: Ishmael's is mocking, Isaac's triumphant and Hagar's barely concealed. Second, Isaac's important attribute, the fruit he is holding up. Third: here, too, Ishmael is dark-skinned ; as the son of an Egyptian this might be expected, but in the seventeenth century and in our part of the world only these two artists, to my knowledge, depicted him thus. The occurrence of these three unusual elements in both painters' works is evidence that De Gelder was familiar with Victors' picture. In Victors' (fig.4) and C.W.E. Dietrich's (fig.5) paintings 'The Banishment of Hagar and Ishmael' the apple(-like) fruit is seen again; these two artists and De Gelder evidently gave Isaac this attribute in order to distinguish him from Ishmael. In view of Rembrandt's etching B.33 (fig.6), we may assume that his aforementioned pupils learned this device from him. The argument that the father and son in Rembrandt's etching are Jacob and Benjamin, taken from a drawing of Jacob and his sons, offers no explanation for the somewhat provokingly triumphant expression with which the lad holds up the fruit; in connection with the paintings discussed here, the identification of this father and son as Abraham and Isaac would appear to be convincingly confirmed.

Society, the state, and the law – these are the three interrelated interacting institutions. From the society comes the initiative for the foundation of the state. The society may be strongly motivated in this process or it may follow the dream of independence intuitively. The state then creates the legal system for organization of the society and the existence of the state. Active representatives of the society who participate in the foundation, formation and strengthening of the state make an integral part of this process. These are representatives of different occupations – clergymen, writers, cultural figures, lawyers, etc. The aim of this research is to study the contribution of the lawyers of Latgale to the foundation of the Republic of Latvia and its development until 1940. Literature that covers three fields has been used in the research. First of all, this is the literature on the most important historical facts of Latvia and Latgale about the period of the First Free Republic of Latvia, finding the most active people who participated in these events. Secondly, literature about the 1917 Latgale Congress is analysed in the study, considering its significance in the foundation of the State and summarising its participants. Thirdly, literature about lives of these participants was studied, analysing their origin, relation to legal education and assessing the contribution of the representatives of Latgale justice system to the foundation and development of the State until 1940. The following research methods are used in the study: analytical, historical and systemic methods. The National Awakening of Latgale is traditionally associated with the period from 1904 until 1917, that is, from the lifting of the printing ban until Latgale Congress in Rēzekne on May 9 and 10, 1917. However, the supported opinion that the Awakening of Latgale has been already initiated between the 60s and the 80s of the 19th century is expressed more and more convincingly. In this period considerable activities of the Latgalian spirit are felt that led to freedom from the status of the Inflanty of the Vitebsk Governorate and to acquiring the name of Latgale. Thus, two representatives of the Latgale system of justice are to be mentioned in this period – Gustavs Manteifelis and Pīters Miglinīks. The lawyers of Latgale made a significant contribution to the foundation and formation of the Republic of Latvia. At the 1917 Latgale Congress, the Provisional Land Council of Latgale was formed that together with the Provisional Land Councils of Vidzeme and Courland worked in the Latvian Provisional National Council, promoting the foundation of the Republic of Latvia. The lawyers of Latgale also participated in this congress and were elected to the Provisional Land Council of Latgale (for example, Jānis Grišāns, Antons Laizāns, Pāvils Laizāns, Juris Pabērzs), as well as worked in the government of the Republic of Latvia – holding high official positions (for example, J. Pabērzs (Minister of Justice, Minister of Social Welfare), Pauls Mincs (Minister of Labour), Antons Rancāns (Minister of Transportation)), and achieving notable success in their professional activities (for example, A. Laizāns, J. Grišāns, Broņislavs Trubiņš, etc.), thus strengthening the Republic of Latvia. Despite the limited financial, social and other opportunities of the people of Latgale at the time, a relatively large number (12 people) of legal representatives made a significant contribution to the foundation of the State. The lawyers of Latgale generally came from farmers’ families; this fact only testifies to their fighting spirit. Access to legal education was relatively difficult because the nearest educational institutions that offered it were the University of Saint Petersburg, the University of Moscow and the University of Tartu. And only at the end of the period under study, such education was offered at the University of Latvia. Still, the representatives of Latgale obtained academic legal education, even at the Master’s degree level. In one exceptional case, legal skills were self-taught (P. Miglinīks), besides, to an excellent level. This is confirmed by the achievements of this lawyer of Latgale in practical activity and the contribution to the formation of the State. The origins of Latgale lawyers of the period under study covered practically the whole of Latgale, because their places of birth were in the districts of Rēzekne, Daugavpils, and Ludza. Even though some of them left for work in Rīga, some of them stayed in Latgale; still, regardless of the place of residence, the connection with Latgale was not lost, but contribution to the formation of the state was made. The activity of the lawyers of Latgale in the period under study was diverse in its content, wide in its range, and directed at a common aim. Firstly, through their professional activity they provided legal services, being, for example, lawyers, notaries, legal advisors; as well as provided legal aid to society, for instance, translating the Russian law into the Latgalian language, representing in court pro bono. Secondly, the lawyers of Latgale held high official positions, for example, there were three ministers among them, as well as members of parliament, state controllers, and judges. Thirdly, they also actively performed public activity, for example, joining societies (including professional societies), participating in publication of newspapers and other printed matter, being writers, poets, and songwriters. The activity of the lawyers of Latgale covered not only the national scale of Latvia, but high achievements were made at the international level both in social (G. Manteifelis) and professional (P. Mincs) activity. Furthermore, they worked as jurists, for example, P. Mincs, whose work was published again in the modern times. The work of all lawyers of Latgale was directed at a common aim – state under the rule of law – by promoting its foundation and strengthening the newly formed State. The significant contribution of the lawyers of Latgale to the interest of the State is also confirmed by the high awards received. Firstly, for the contribution to the benefit of the Republic of Latvia, national awards were received, such as the Order of the Three Stars, The Cross of Recognition, Lāčplēsis Military Order, and the Cross of Merit of Aizsargi. Secondly, for achievements on the international level, high awards of other states were received such as the Hungarian Order of Merit, the Russian Cross of Saint George, the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas, an honorary diploma of the Leipzig museum, thus with honour representing the name of Latvia abroad. The contribution of the lawyers of Latgale is significant – in the implementation of the National Awakening of Latgale, in the foundation of the Republic of Latvia, in the development and strengthening of the Republic of Latvia. These historical events significant to the Republic of Latvia occurred with active involvement of the lawyers of Latgale and their important contribution.

Os museus constituíram seus acervos de acordo com modelos enciclopédicos, concentrando os bens culturais de diversas regiões, seguindo um princípio de acumulação. Porém, após a década de 1970 observa-se o esgotamento e a crítica a essa prática. Este artigo examina as discussões que propõem a mobilidade do patrimônio musealizado e o encaminhamento dos bens para os seus cenários de origem, procurando identificar a viabilidade de retorno e suas implicações para as instituições museológicas. Para tanto, foi feita uma reflexão teórica, apresentados exemplos nacionais e internacionais e realizado um estudo de caso envolvendo bens relacionados à cidade de Limeira preservados no Centro de Memória - Unicamp (CMU), em Campinas, e as possibilidades de mobilidade para o Museu Major José Levy Sobrinho, em Limeira. Como resultados, observou-se que os museus precisam repensar suas políticas de acervo, a partir de ações de realocar, redistribuir, reduzir e reestruturar, priorizando os contextos de produção.

In 1888 Saint Paul Normal and Industrial School was founded by the former slave James Solomon Russell in Lawrenceville, Virginia. At that time, this member of the Protestant Episcopal Church started the institution with no more than twelve students. While the curriculum explored the basics, the students were enthusiastic. In 1941 Saint Paul Normal and Industrial School was changed to Saint Paul’s Polytechnic Institute. This was done when the Commonwealth of Virginia granted the institution authority to offer a four-year curriculum. The first bachelor’s degree was awarded four years later.

Abstract Scientific collections constitute a valuable source for contributions to scientific research and the training of human resources in systematics, but also other areas of biological knowledge. In this contribution, we intend to discuss these advancements in collections and the role played by FAPESP in sponsoring them, as well as a general overview of the zoological collections in São Paulo state. We also aim to stress the importance of zoological collections and the need for continuous logistic and financial support from institutions and research agencies to maintain and develop these unique repositories of biodiversity. From 1980 to the present, FAPESP supported 118 research projects focused on several areas of zoology that are directly or indirectly associated with collections. There is a constant growth in the number of projects, and the financial support provided by FAPESP through the Biota Program was paramount for the advancement of our knowledge of biodiversity in Brazil. Parallel to the scientific advances, but not less important, this support allowed curators to increase the number of specimens, and to organize, maintain and digitize them in these valuable and irreplaceable collections. Regarding the lack of new taxonomists, it is essential that FAPESP and universities in São Paulo encourage the formation of new academics in zoological groups where specialists are rare. Considering the investment provided by FAPESP, it is quite important that the institutions that benefited from these resources took greater responsibility to safeguard these collections, and they should consider including resources on their budgets to obtain safety certificates, ensuring their permanence for many generations to come. Zoological collections are a heritage of humanity and are essential not only for the improvement of our knowledge of biodiversity but also with direct applications, among other services provided by these biological resources. It is important that research and teaching institutions in São Paulo that house specimens under their care start to value more this important patrimony and this heritage, as these collections represent the most valuable testimony of our impressive biodiversity, records of our past, and windows to our future, essential to our academic, scientific, cultural and social sovereignty.

RESUMO A vida e a obra de Theodoro Braga tem sido destacada pela historiografia contemporânea devido a sua presença nas artes decorativas e por seu papel na formulação de uma identidade nacional brasileira, atividade que perpassa toda sua atuação como pintor e educador. Porém, como apontado por alguns autores, o artista também tem expressiva importância no campo da pintura histórica. Uma de suas obras mais conhecidas do gênero é O Anhanguera (1930), um dos retratos mais famosos e reproduzidos do bandeirante Bartolomeu Bueno da Silva. A obra integra o acervo do Museu Paulista desde 1960, quando foi doada por Maria da Silva Braga, viúva de Theodoro Braga. Até alguns anos atrás, o Museu não tinha informações sobre o processo de produção da obra, bem como sua inserção na produção artística do pintor, sua circulação antes da doação em 1960, a relação do artista com o Museu Paulista e a relação da obra com os padrões de representação da iconografia bandeirante estabelecida por Afonso Taunay, então diretor do museu. Essas relações foram aqui investigadas por meio de levantamento documental em periódicos da época. A análise das fontes, junto à revisão bibliográfica sobre a criação e consolidação do mito do “herói bandeirante” e dos padrões de representação dessas personagens nas obras do acervo do Museu Paulista, demonstram que a obra de Theodoro Braga foi excluída das encomendas e compras oficiais realizadas por Taunay por não se adequar ao cânon por ele imposto à instituição. Essa exclusão, no entanto, não impediu que a obra fosse adquirida pelos acervos oficiais do estado de São Paulo a partir de 1945, ano em que Taunay deixou a direção do Museu Paulista.

Abstract The Global South has witnessed increasing sampling of its immense biological diversity during the past century. However, the diversity of many regions remains unknown, even at pristine and highly threatened places, such as in the Atlantic Forest; and for bioindicator, umbrella, and flagship groups. The present study reports the first butterfly list of the Parque Estadual Intervales, São Paulo, Brazil and surroundings, a key protected area in the last massive continuous of the Atlantic Forest. We compiled data from museums and four years of field work, under three sampling methods. We also aimed at providing resources to support conservation efforts by analyzing 27 years of climatic data (detailed in the Supplementary Material, in English and in Portuguese), discussing our results also for non-academics, and producing scientific outreach and educational material. A companion article dealt with the experiences of science outreach and capacity development, and illustrated the butterfly catalogue of the species sampled in the park. We found 312 species that sum to 2,139 records. The museum had 229 species (432 records), and we sampled 142 species (1,682 individuals), in a total effort of 36,679 sampling hours (36,432 trap and 247 net and observation hours). The richest families were Nymphalidae (148 species) and Hesperiidae (100 species). Most species were sampled exclusively by active methods (79.8%), but other sources (passive sampling, citizen science, etc.) also found unique records. We found the highest diversity metrics from January to May, and we demonstrated that winter months had less richness and abundance. We illustrated the 20 species common to all regions, and listed those that were found more than seven months in the year, as well as the most abundant species in trap sampling, with forest dwellers as well as species common to open and fragmented areas. The dominant species in our trap datasets was the iridescent white morpho, Morpho epistrophus (Fabricius, 1796), and we suggest it to become the park butterfly mascot.

RESUMO Este estudo realizou uma análise comparativa das estruturas narrativas apresentadas em doze exposições diferentes que abordam temas paleontológicos em museus do estado de São Paulo. Os dados foram coletados por meio de registros fotográficos. Os parâmetros da análise foram: temáticas das exposições; utilização de iconografia paleontológica e seus diversos tipos; uso de outros recursos expográficos; e o percurso expositivo. Os resultados mostraram que a temática usada com maior frequência foi a Assembleia Fossilífera, indicando uma possível correlação com o grande número de museus municipais organizados em torno de achados locais. Dentre as formas de iconografia paleontológica, a paleontografia, categoria que compreende todas as formas de representação visual de hipóteses paleontológicas a respeito da anatomia, da biologia e da ecologia de organismos, foi a mais utilizada, sendo apresentada predominantemente em segundo nível narrativo como suporte para uma informação prioritária. Dentre os recursos textuais, os mais empregados foram as legendas descritivas, oferecendo informações diretas sobre os objetos. Observou-se ainda que a maioria das exposições não determinou um percurso a ser seguido pelos visitantes, adotando uma abordagem não estruturada. Os achados sugerem que existe espaço para avanços na comunicação com os visitantes e que a análise estrutural apresentada pode ser útil na tomada de decisões por parte dos curadores. Este estudo representa a mais abrangente caracterização de narrativas paleontológicas e serve de base tanto para análises comparativas com outras exposições quanto para estudos sobre a percepção dos visitantes.

The ammonoids of the family Maenioceratidae from Givetian sedimentary rocks of the Anti-Atlas (Morocco) are investigated. The study is based on new collections stored in the Museum für Naturkunde, Berlin. The genera Maenioceras Schindewolf, 1933 and Afromaenioceras Göddertz, 1987 are revised; the genus Trimaenioceras is newly described. The species Maenioceras afroterebratum sp. nov., Maenioceras mzerrebense sp. nov., Maenioceras oufranense sp. nov., Maenioceras beckeri sp. nov., Afromaenioceras sulcatostriatum (Bensaïd, 1974), Afromaenioceras hiemale sp. nov., Afromaenioceras bensaidi sp. nov., Afromaenioceras brumale sp. nov., Afromaenioceras crassum (Bensaïd, 1974), Trimaenioceras klugi gen. et sp. nov., Trimaenioceras eculeus gen. et sp. nov., Trimaenioceras fuscina gen. et sp. nov. and Trimaenioceras paucum gen. et sp. nov. are described in detail.

Resumo A pesquisa objetivou compreender a experiência de visitação de dez grupos familiares à exposição virtual Biodiversidade: conhecer para preservar, do Museu de Zoologia da Universidade de São Paulo, observando as conversas e interações ocorridas durante elas. Para tal, as famílias foram convidadas a realizar a visita virtual e registrar suas interações e conversas por meio do programa Flashback Recorder, que foram codificadas e analisadas com uso do software Dedoose. Após a visita, o grupo participava de uma entrevista semiestruturada, que também foi codificada e analisada. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam o destaque das conversas sobre ciências durante as interações entre adultos e crianças e a importância dos elementos textuais enquanto recursos para os quais os visitantes recorrem para embasar e aprofundar o conhecimento científico sobre os objetos museais, sendo também estímulos para as conversas de temáticas científicas. Além disso, notou-se que o interesse e o conhecimento prévios, mesmo quando não são explicitados durante a visita, estimulam a sua realização, a leitura dos conteúdos textuais e o engajamento com os objetos.

Harold B. Carter, Sir Joseph Banks 1743-1820 . British Museum (Natural History), London, 1988. Pp. 671. £45.00. ISBN 0 565 009931. Harold B. Carter, Sir Joseph Banks (1743-1820): a guide to biographical and bibliographical sources . St Paul’s Bibliographies, Winchester, 1987. Pp. 328. £45.00. ISBN 0906795 451. Judith Diment and C.J. Humphries (ed.), Banks’ Florilegium: a publication in 34 parts of 738 copperplate engravings of plants collected on Captain Cook’s first voyage . Alecto Historical Editions, London, 1980-88. About £147,000. Patrick O’Brian, Joseph Banks: a life . Collins Harvill, London, 1988. Pp. 328. £15.00. ISBN 0002173506. £6.95 pbk. ISBN 0002723409. Like moths round a flame, historians of science have a habit of clustering round particular key pivotal figures. They scrutinize their published works with ever closer and closer attention; they disinter their drafts and journals and letters; they argue endlessly about what exactly was meant, where the ideas came from and what happened when. The most salient of these scholarly ‘industries’ are those devoted to Darwin and Newton, each of them sufficiently epoch-making in what they thought and wrote to act as a lure for the more philosophical as well as for those whose primary relish is for the basic excavating. The latter, indeed, is all-important: a full-scale historical ‘industry’ can scarcely arise if the material calling for study has all along been fully in print. There needs to be a great deal as well buried out of sight, which, once revealed, is capable of modifying the received interpretations and thereby engendering continuing debate.

Neste artigo propomos que a maior parte dos nomes do romance São Bernardo são nomeados de modo irônico e que possuem algum relação com a Bíblia: Seu Ribeiro em relação ao progresso; d. Glória em relação a sua situação financeira; Paulo em relação ao Apóstolo e o título em relação ao Santo Bernardo de Claraval. E que o nome de Madalena seria uma exceção a este procedimento. Por fim, buscando uma crítica que leve em conta o psicológico, o social e o estético, propomos uma leitura dos nomes Paulo Honório e Casimiro Lopes a partir do nome do cangaceiro Casimiro Honório, especulando que a incorporação psíquica do narrador se confunde com a apropriação capitalista do personagem. ADAMS, B. London illustrate. London, 1983, number 61/85. Disponível em : http://catalogue.wellcomelibrary.org/record=b1183483.AUERBACH, Erich. Mimeses: a representação da realidade na literatura ocidental. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1971.BBC; THE BRITISH MUSEUM. A History of the world. “Melancholy anda Raving Madness: Statues”. Disponível em www.bbc.co.uk/ahistoryoftheworld/objects/T-CNu-EuS3mX38Ee649_cQ.BENYAMINI, Itzhak. Narcissist universalism: a psychoanalytic reading of Paul's epistles. Library of New Testament Studies. Nova York: Bloomsbury, 2012.BÍBLIA de estudo NVI. São Paulo: Editora Vida, 2003.BOBGAN, Martin; BOBGAN, Deidre. Four temperaments, astrology & personality testing. Santa Barbara: EastGate Publishers, 1992.CALLIGARIS, Contardo. “Manchester e a quinta coluna”. Folha de S. Paulo, 25 maio 2017, http://folha.com/no1886966.CANDIDO, Antonio. “Prefácio”. O discurso e a cidade. Rio de Janeiro: Ouro sobre Azul; São Paulo: Duas Cidades, 2004.DAMROSCH, David. What is world literature? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2003.DUBY, George. São Bernardo e a arte cisterciense. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1990.DÜRER, Albert. Os quatro apóstolos, 1526, óleo sobre madeira, 212cm x 76cm (Pinacoteca de Munique). Disponível em https://www.wga.hu/frames-e.html?/html/d/durer/1/10/5_4holy.html.FALLEIROS, Marcos Falchero. “O elogio do marxismo, em Graciliano Ramos”. Krypton, v. 1, p. 77-83, 2013.KENNEDY, Maev. “Beyond Bedlam: infamous mental hospital's new museum opens”. The Guardian, Londres, 18 fev. 2015. Disponível em https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2015/feb/18/beyond-bedlam-infamous-mental-hospitals-new-museum-opens.LaHAYE, Tim. Temperamentos transformados. Cajamar: Mundo Cristão, 2008.LUNA, Sandra. Arqueologia da ação trágica: o legado grego. João Pessoa: Ideia/Editora UFPB, 2012.MORAES, Dênis de. O Velho Graça: uma biografia de Graciliano Ramos. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2012.RAMOS, Graciliano. Infância. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1981a._______. Insônia. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1981b._______. Linhas Tortas. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1981c._______. Viventes das Alagoas. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1981d._______. São Bernardo. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2007._______. Garranchos. (org.) Thiago Mio Salla. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2012._______. Cangaços. (org.) Ieda Lebensztayn e Thiago Mio Salla. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2014a._______. Conversas. (org.) Ieda Lebensztayn e Thiago Mio Salla. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2014b.RAMOS, Ricardo. Retrato fragmentado. Rio de Janeiro: Globo, 2011.ROUDINESCO, Elizabeth; PLON, Michel. “Melancolia”. Dicionário de Psicanálise. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1998.SALLA, Thiago Mio. “A Bíblia Sagrada de Graciliano Ramos.” Revista Livro, n. 4, 2014, 95-121.TOROK, Maria; ABRAHAM, Nicolas. A casca e o núcleo. São Paulo: Escuta, 195.ZUCKER, Steven; HARRIS, Beth. Video about The Four Apostles of Albrecht Dürer. Disponível em www.khanacademy.org/humanities/renaissance-reformation/northern/durer/v/d-rer-the-four-apostles-1526.

AbstractHerman Jansz Breckerveld was born in Duisburg, Germany, in 1595/1596. He left his birth country for religious and economic reasons, deciding to settle in the Netherlands. There is evidence he was living in The Hague in the year 1622, though there is a strong possibility that he had been in the country for some time before then. It is probable that he learned the trade of glass making from a Master in Arnhem. Whilst living in The Hague Breckerveld befriended David Beck, Master of the French School there. Beck kept a diary of the year 1624 from which much information on the daily lives of himself and his friend Breckerveld can be drawn. Breckerveld was registered as an official glass maker of The Hague St. Luke Guild in 1623. The levels of his success varied, resulting in financial ups and downs. In March of 1624 he took on the role of teaching, taking on a student, most probably his first. In August of the same year he acquired new accommodation, where the first evidence of a workshop can be found. This workshop contained a glass furnace, the first he could claim to be his own. Prior to this he would take his glasses to Delft for them to be baked there. Little is known of commissions which Breckerveld may have received in his period in The Hague. Beck does mention a number of commissions for producing glasses, but these were for family members of Beck, who were among Breckerveld's circle of friends and acquaintances. At the end of 1625 Breckerveld, by this time married, left The Hague for Arnhem with his wife Jenneke Arents. He registered himself in the same year as glass maker and painter at the guild. From this time until his death in 1673 he ran a successful glass workshop with a total of 20 students, including his own son, Josua, who would later take over the running of the workshop just before his father's death. Breckerveld received many commissions from the city of Arnhem, a few from local organisations, and even some from the city of Nijmegen. A total amount of 3,000 guilders in commissions can be traced back from city account records. The majority of these earnings were made from the installation or renovation of clear or painted glass. Many commissions were for so-called 'tribute glasse', which were presented by the city of Arnhem to certain citizens or organisations. Alongside his work as a glass painter, Breckerveld was also active as a calligrapher and painter. Furthermore, he was periodically involved in many other work activities. This kind of versatility was hard to come by in the mid seventeenth century in the province of Zeeland in Holland, and in Utrecht. The artists in these regions, which at the time formed the economic heart of the Republic, had already specialised in their form of choice. The generalist Breckerveld would most probably have found it very difficult to compete with the large number of specialists in the more economically developed regions, who all had developed a very high standard of craftsmanship. Perhaps he was conscious of this and made the decision to move to Arnhem to avoid this competition. No painted glasses by Herman Breckerveld are known. It may be suggested that a glass with a depiction of Christ and the Samaritan Woman can be attributed to him. The only collection of his artistry known to date consists of 20 signed and attributed drawings, six prints, one painting and some calligraphic work. All but four of the drawings were produced in the period 1624-1626. Eight landscapes form, together with a set of signed landscapes dated from 1625, a stylistically unambiguous group. During this period he worked with thick, precisely placed lines, despite using almost no washing. His compositions from this time seem to be rather old fashioned for the period. He seems to have drawn inspiration mainly from artists such as Paulus Bril, Hendrick Goltzius and Jacob de Gheyn II. Furthermore, a group of four figure drawings can be attributed to him. Three drawings from the National Museum of Stockholm and one from the Detroit Institute of Arts were previously attributed to Hendrick Bloemaert and Herman Blockhauwcr, respectively. The drawings were made in the same style as Breckerveld's landscapes and seem to have been inspired by the series of prints 'Handling Weapons' by Jacob de Gheyn. Breckerveld often used prints by other artists as an example from which he worked. He was also inspired in this way by the work of Claes Jansz. Visscher, Hendrick Goltzius and Abraham Blocmart. There are only three signed drawings and one attributed drawing known by Breckerveld from the period post-1626. The style and technique of these differ greatly from the drawings from the period 1624-1626, the most obvious being the change in medium from pcn to brush. It is possible that there are more unsigned drawings from the period post-1626 that have remained intact, however, without material to compare these to one cannot without a doubt attribute these to Breckerveld. A number of attributed drawings made to him in the past arc for this reason not entirely convincing. Little research has been carried out into the work of Herman Breckerveld, as is the case for many seventeenth century artists. This lack of interest is partly due to the limited artistic value of their work. Any research does, however, contain cultural historical value. It provides us with new information on the social background of the non-specialised masters of a smaller level than their great counterparts. Even more so, research into these masters can assist in identifying the artists of the many as yet anonymous drawings from this period.

The narrator protagonist Lucy Snowe in Charlotte Brontë’s novel Villette is an unconventional figure distinct from the Victorian perception of the ideal woman who is assumed to be physically attractive, affectionate, and submissive. Patriarchal monitoring in the novel is observed through Michel Foucault’s interpretation of Panopticon mechanism to control the society, which is based on spying and surveillance. The novel presents Monsieur Paul as a patriarchal figure monitoring the students and the teachers from his room overlooking M. Beck’s school, which recalls Foucault’s symbolic control tower. As a primary observed figure, Lucy is exposed to religious and sexual oppression by the male characters Monsieur Paul, Père Silas, and Dr. John. She is also restrained physically by the male authority keeping her in the attic and at the corner of the museum. M. Paul’s anger against Lucy’s crossing the conventional boundaries of the feminine intellect drives Lucy to be more eager to learn because his unjust attitude makes her more ambitious to crave for knowledge. Lucy’s first reaction against patriarchal oppression is to repress her desires and she prefers to avoid revealing her feelings. She eventually achieves to gain her independence as a triumphant and confident woman governing her own school in the end. The feminist analysis on the text reveals that Brontë intentionally ends the novel before the arrival of any male figure in Lucy’s life to sustain her liberation and to emphasize once more the rejection of the culturally constructed female qualities. This paper concludes that Brontë portrays the powerful female figure in the end through the initially charmless protagonist Lucy who buries her feelings at first by resisting the patriarchal oppression through her intellect and reconstructs her female identity by the destruction of the suppressive male authority.

In 1999, the TV movie Shark Attack depicted an attack by mutant great white sharks on the population of Cape Town. By the time the third entry in the series, Shark Attack 3, aired in 2002, mutant great whites had lost their lustre and were replaced as antagonists with the megalodon: a giant shark originating not in any laboratory, but history, having lived from approximately 23 to 3.6 million years ago. The megalodon was resurrected again in May 2021 through a trifecta of events. A video of a basking shark encounter in the Atlantic went viral on the social media platform TikTok, due to users misidentifying it as a megalodon caught on tape. At the same time a boy received publicity for finding a megalodon tooth on a beach in South Carolina on his fifth birthday (Scott). And finally, the video game Stranded Deep, in which a megalodon is featured as a major enemy, was released as one of the monthly free games on the PlayStation Plus gaming service. These examples form part of a larger trend of alleged megalodon sightings in recent years, emerging as a component of the modern resurgence of cryptozoology. In the words of Bernard Heuvelmans, the Belgian zoologist who both popularised the term and was a leading figure of the field, cryptozoology is the “science of hidden animals”, which he further explained were more generally referred to as ‘unknowns’, even though they are typically known to local populations—at least sufficiently so that we often indirectly know of their existence, and certain aspects of their appearance and behaviour. It would be better to call them animals ‘undescribed by science,’ at least according to prescribed zoological rules. (1-2) In other words, a large aspect of cryptozoology as a field is taking the legendary creatures of non-Western mythology and finding materialist explanations for them compatible with Western biology. In many ways, this is a relic of the era of European imperialism, when many creatures of Africa and the Americas were “hidden animals” to European eyes (Dendle 200-01; Flores 557; Guimont). A major example of this is Bigfoot beliefs, a large subset of which took Native American legends about hairy wild men and attempted to prove that they were actually sightings of relict Gigantopithecus. These “hidden animals”—Bigfoot, Nessie, the chupacabra, the glawackus—are referred to as ‘cryptids’ by cryptozoologists (Regal 22, 81-104). Almost unique in cryptozoology, the megalodon is a cryptid based entirely on Western scientific development, and even the notion that it survives comes from standard scientific analysis (albeit analysis which was later superseded). Much like living mammoths and Bigfoot, what might be called the ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ serves to reinforce a fairy tale of its own. It reflects the desire to believe that there are still areas of the Earth untouched enough by human destruction to sustain massive animal life (Dendle 199-200). Indeed, megalodon’s continued existence would help absolve humanity for the oceanic aspect of the Sixth Extinction, by its role as an alternative apex predator; cryptozoologist Michael Goss even proposed that whales and giant squids are rare not from human causes, but precisely because megalodons are feeding on them (40). Horror scholar Michael Fuchs has pointed out that shark media, particularly the 1975 film Jaws and its 2006 video game adaptation Jaws Unleashed, are imbued with eco-politics (Fuchs 172-83). These connections, as well as the modern megalodon’s surge in popularity, make it notable that none of Syfy’s climate change-focused Sharknado films featured a megalodon. Despite the lack of a Megalodonado, the popular appeal of the megalodon serves as an important case study. Given its scientific origin and dynamic relationship with popular culture, I argue that the ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ illustrates how the boundaries between ‘hard’ science and mythology, fiction and reality, as well as ‘monster’ and ‘animal’, are not as firm as advocates of the Western science tradition might believe. As this essay highlights, science can be a mythology of its own, and monsters can serve as its gods of the gaps—or, in the case of megalodon, the god of the depths. Megalodon Fossils: A Short History Ancient peoples of various cultures likely viewed fossilised teeth of megalodons in the area of modern-day Syria (Mayor, First Fossil Hunters 257). Over the past 2500 years, Native American cultures in North America used megalodon teeth both as curios and cutting tools, due to their large size and serrated edges. A substantial trade in megalodon teeth fossils existed between the cultures inhabiting the areas of the Chesapeake Bay and Ohio River Valley (Lowery et al. 93-108). A 1961 study found megalodon teeth present as offerings in pre-Columbian temples across Central America, including in the Mayan city of Palenque in Mexico and Sitio Conte in Panama (de Borhegyi 273-96). But these cases led to no mythologies incorporating megalodons, in contrast to examples such as the Unktehi, a Sioux water monster of myth likely inspired by a combination of mammoth and mosasaur fossils (Mayor, First Americans 221-38). In early modern Europe, megalodon teeth were initially referred to as ‘tongue stones’, due to their similarity in size and shape to human tongues—just one of many ways modern cryptozoology comes from European religious and mystical thought (Dendle 190-216). In 1605, English scholar Richard Verstegan published his book A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, which included an engraving of a tongue stone, making megalodon teeth potentially the subject of the first known illustration of any fossil (Davidson 333). In Malta, from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, megalodon teeth, known as ‘St. Paul’s tongue’, were used as charms to ward off the evil eye, dipped into drinks suspected of being poisoned, and even ground into powder and consumed as medicine (Zammit-Maempel, “Evil Eye” plate III; Zammit-Maempel, “Handbills” 220; Freller 31-32). While megalodon teeth were valued in and of themselves, they were not incorporated into myths, or led to a belief in megalodons still being extant. Indeed, save for their size, megalodon teeth were hard to distinguish from those of living sharks, like great whites. Instead, both the identification of megalodons as a species, and the idea that they might still be alive, were notions which originated from extrapolations of the results of nineteenth and twentieth century European scientific studies. In particular, the major culprit was the famous British 1872-76 HMS Challenger expedition, which led to the establishment of oceanography as a branch of science. In 1873, Challenger recovered fossilised megalodon teeth from the South Pacific, the first recovered in the open ocean (Shuker 48; Goss 35; Roesch). In 1959, the zoologist Wladimir Tschernezky of Queen Mary College analysed the teeth recovered by the Challenger and argued (erroneously, as later seen) that the accumulation of manganese dioxide on its surface indicated that one had to have been deposited within the last 11,000 years, while another was given an age of 24,000 years (1331-32). However, these views have more recently been debunked, with megalodon extinction occurring over two million years ago at the absolute latest (Pimiento and Clements 1-5; Coleman and Huyghe 138; Roesch). Tschernezky’s 1959 claim that megalodons still existed as of 9000 BCE was followed by the 1963 book Sharks and Rays of Australian Seas, a posthumous publication by ichthyologist David George Stead. Stead recounted a story told to him in 1918 by fishermen in Port Stephens, New South Wales, of an encounter with a fully white shark in the 115-300 foot range, which Stead argued was a living megalodon. That this account came from Stead was notable as he held a PhD in biology, had founded the Wildlife Preservation Society of Australia, and had debunked an earlier supposed sea monster sighting in Sydney Harbor in 1907 (45-46). The Stead account formed the backbone of cryptozoological claims for the continued existence of the megalodon, and after the book’s publication, multiple reports of giant shark sightings in the Pacific from the 1920s and 1930s were retroactively associated with relict megalodons (Shuker 43, 49; Coleman and Huyghe 139-40; Goss 40-41; Roesch). A Monster of Science and Culture As I have outlined above, the ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ had as its origin story not in Native American or African myth, but Western science: the Challenger Expedition, a London zoologist, and an Australian ichthyologist. Nor was the idea of a living megalodon necessarily outlandish; in the decades after the Challenger Expedition, a number of supposedly extinct fish species had been discovered to be anything but. In the late 1800s, the goblin shark and frilled shark, both considered ‘living fossils’, had been found in the Pacific (Goss 34-35). In 1938, the coelacanth, also believed by Western naturalists to have been extinct for millions of years, was rediscovered (at least by Europeans) in South Africa, samples having occasionally been caught by local fishermen for centuries. The coelacanth in particular helped give scientific legitimacy to the idea, prevalent for decades by that point, that living dinosaurs—associated with a legendary creature called the mokele-mbembe—might still exist in the heart of Central Africa (Guimont). In 1976, a US Navy ship off Hawaii recovered a megamouth shark, a deep-water species completely unknown prior. All of these oceanic discoveries gave credence to the idea that the megalodon might also still survive (Coleman and Clark 66-68, 156-57; Shuker 41; Goss 35; Roesch). Indeed, Goss has noted that prior to 1938, respectable ichthyologists were more likely to believe in the continued existence of the megalodon than the coelacanth (39-40). Of course, the major reason why speculation over megalodon survival had such public resonance was completely unscientific: the already-entrenched fascination with the fact that it had been a locomotive-sized killer. This had most clearly been driven home by a 1909 display at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. There, Bashford Dean, an ichthyologist at the museum, reconstructed an immense megalodon jaw, complete with actual fossil teeth. However, due to the fact that Dean assumed that all megalodon teeth were approximately the same size as the largest examples medially in the jaws, Dean’s jaw was at least one third larger than the likely upper limit of megalodon size. Nevertheless, the public perception of the megalodon remained at the 80-foot length that Dean extrapolated, rather than the more realistic 55-foot length that was the likely approximate upper size (Randall 170; Shuker 47; Goss 36-39). In particular, this inaccurate size estimate became entrenched in public thought due to a famous photograph of Dean and other museum officials posing inside his reconstructed jaw—a photograph which appeared in perhaps the most famous piece of shark fiction of all time, Steven Spielberg’s 1975 film Jaws. As it would turn out, the megalodon connection was itself a relic from the movie’s evolutionary ancestor, Peter Benchley’s novel, Jaws, from the year before. In the novel, the Woods Hole ichthyologist Matt Hooper (played by Richard Dreyfuss in the film) proposes that megalodons not only still exist, but they are the same species as great white sharks, with the smaller size of traditional great whites being due to the fact that they are simply on the small end of the megalodon size range (257-59). Benchley was reflecting on what was then the contemporary idea that megalodons likely resembled scaled-up great white sharks; something which is no longer as accepted. This was particularly notable as a number of claimed sightings stated that the alleged megalodons were larger great whites (Shuker 48-49), perhaps circuitously due to the Jaws influence. However, Goss was apparently unaware of Benchley’s linkage when he noted in 1987 (incidentally the year of the fourth and final Jaws movie) that to a megalodon, “the great white shark of Jaws would have been a stripling and perhaps a between-meals snack” (36). The publication of the Jaws novel led to an increased interest in the megalodon amongst cryptozoologists (Coleman and Clark 154; Mullis, “Cryptofiction” 246). But even so, it attracted rather less attention than other cryptids. From 1982-98, Heuvelmans served as president of the International Society of Cryptozoology, whose official journal was simply titled Cryptozoology. The notion of megalodon survival was addressed only once in its pages, and that as a brief mention in a letter to the editor (Raynal 112). This was in stark contrast to the oft-discussed potential for dinosaurs, mammoths, and Neanderthals to remain alive in the present day. In 1991, prominent British cryptozoologist Karl Shuker published an article endorsing the idea of extant megalodons (46-49). But this was followed by a 1998 article by Ben S. Roesch in The Cryptozoology Review severely criticising the methodology of Shuker and others who believed in the megalodon’s existence (Roesch). Writing in 1999, Loren Coleman and Jerome Clark, arguably the most prominent post-Heuvelmans cryptozoologists, were agnostic on the megalodon’s survival (155). The British palaeozoologist Darren Naish, a critic of cryptozoology, has pointed out that even if Shuker and others are correct and the megalodon continues to live in deep sea crevasses, it would be distinct enough from the historical surface-dwelling megalodon to be a separate species, to which he gave the hypothetical classification Carcharocles modernicus (Naish). And even the public fascination with the megalodon has its limits: at a 24 June 2004 auction in New York City, a set of megalodon jaws went on sale for $400,000, but were left unpurchased (Couzin 174). New Mythologies The ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ is effectively a fairy tale born of the blending of science, mythology, and most importantly, fiction. Beyond Jaws or Shark Attack 3—and potentially having inspired the latter (Weinberg)—perhaps the key patient zero of megalodon fiction is Steve Alten’s 1997 novel Meg: A Novel of Deep Terror, which went through a tortuous development adaptation process to become the 2018 film The Meg (Mullis, “Journey” 291-95). In the novel, the USS Nautilus, the US Navy’s first nuclear submarine and now a museum ship in Connecticut, is relaunched in order to hunt down the megalodon, only to be chomped in half by the shark. This is a clear allusion to Jules Verne’s 20,000 Leagues under the Sea (1870), where his Nautilus (namesake of the real submarine) is less successfully attacked by a giant cuttlefish (Alten, Meg 198; Verne 309-17). Meanwhile, in Alten’s 1999 sequel The Trench, an industrialist’s attempts to study the megalodon are revealed as an excuse to mine helium-3 from the seafloor to build fusion reactors, a plot financed by none other than a pre-9/11 Osama bin Laden in order to allow the Saudis to take over the global economy, in the process linking the megalodon with a monster of an entirely different type (Alten, Trench 261-62). In most adaptations of Verne’s novel, the cuttlefish that attacks the Nautilus is replaced by a giant squid, traditionally seen as the basis for the kraken of Norse myth (Thone 191). The kraken/giant squid dichotomy is present in the video game Stranded Deep. In it, the player’s unnamed avatar is a businessman whose plane crashes into a tropical sea, and must survive by scavenging resources, crafting shelters, and fighting predators across various islands. Which sea in particular does the player crash into? It is hard to say, as the only indication of specific location comes from the three ‘boss’ creatures the player must fight. One of them is Abaia, a creature from Melanesian mythology; another is Lusca, a creature from Caribbean mythology; the third is a megalodon. Lusca and Abaia, despite being creatures of mythology, are depicted as a giant squid and a giant moray eel, respectively. But the megalodon is portrayed as itself. Stranded Deep serves as a perfect distillation of the megalodon mythos: the shark is its own mythological basis, and its own cryptid equivalent. References Alten, Steven. Meg: A Novel of Deep Terror. New York: Doubleday, 1997. Alten, Steven. The Trench. New York: Pinnacle Books, 1999. Atherton, Darren. 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