Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Panthéon (Church : Paris, France)"

Since the pioneering works of Newton (1643–1727), mechanics has been constantly reinventing itself: reformulated in particular by Lagrange (1736–1813) then Hamilton (1805–1865), it now offers powerful conceptual and mathematical tools for the exploration of dynamical systems, essentially via the action-angle variables formulation and more generally through the theory of canonical transformations. We propose to the (graduate) reader an overview of these different formulations through the well-known example of Foucault’s pendulum, a device created by Foucault (1819–1868) and first installed in the Panthéon (Paris, France) in 1851 to display the Earth’s rotation. The apparent simplicity of Foucault’s pendulum is indeed an open door to the most contemporary ramifications of classical mechanics. We stress that adopting the formalism of action-angle variables is not necessary to understand the dynamics of Foucault’s pendulum. The latter is simply taken as well-known and simple dynamical system used to exemplify and illustrate modern concepts that are crucial in order to understand more complicated dynamical systems. The Foucault’s pendulum first installed in 2005 in the collegiate church of Sainte-Waudru (Mons, Belgium) will allow us to numerically estimate the different quantities introduced.

Jean Godefroy Bidima a fait ses études à L’Université de Yaoundé au Cameroun et à l’Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne à Paris. Ses travaux de Doctorat à la Sorbonne ont porté sur l’Ecole de Francfort. Après avoir été Maître de Conférences invité (Gastdozent) à l’Université de Bayreuth, en Allemagne, et Directeur de programme au Collège International de Philosophie de Paris, il est actuellement Professeur Titulaire (Tenured Full Professor) à Tulane University (New Orleans) et détenteur de la Chaire Yvonne Arnoult. Il a publié : Théorie Critique et modernité négro-africaine : de l’École de Francfort à la « Docta Spes africana », Publications de la Sorbonne, 1993; La philosophie négro-africaine, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1995; L’art négro-africain, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1997; La palabre. Une juridiction de la parole, Paris, Editions Michalon, 1997, Traduction anglaise ; Law and Public Sphere in Africa : La Palabre and Other Writings, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1993.

ABSTRACTComposer Pascal Dusapin has crafted an intriguing and idiosyncratic musical style that is both expressive and rigorously formal. Born in 1955 in Nancy, France, he studied piano and organ in his youth and later Plastic Arts and Sciences, Arts, and Aesthetic at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, notably under composer Iannis Xenakis. From 1981 to 1983, he held a resident scholarship from the Villa Medici in Rome. Among the numerous accolades Dusapin has received are the Cino del Duca Prize in 2005 and the Dan David Prize in 2007. The Collège de France conferred upon him a professorship to hold the Chair of Artistic Creation from 2006 to 2007. He is a Commander of the French Order of Arts and Letters. His body of work includes extensive explorations of solo, chamber, orchestral, and operatic forces. What follows is an edited translation of an interview I made with Dusapin in his studio in Paris on 9 July 2016.

The façade of St. Roch, Paris (erected 1736-1738), the last major work by Robert de Cotte, is often viewed as anomalous in an oeuvre devoted almost exclusively to the design of secular buildings. However, the recent discovery in Paris of certain drawings and related documents from de Cotte's studio (Bibliothèque Nationale; Archives Nationales; Bibliothèque de l'Institut) makes it clear that he confronted the problem of the Italianate ecclesiastical façade throughout his career, although only a few of the commissions were actually carried out. The various solutions, while rooted in French tradition, betray a strong interest in Italian church portals of the Late Renaissance and Baroque. The notes and drawings made by the architect during his Italian sojourn of 1689-1690 confirm this interest. A chronological review of the projects reveals that the design for the St. Roch portal was closely related to de Cotte's earlier experiments for church façades in Paris, Dijon, and Orléans; the Premier Architecte relied particularly on precedents set by Jules Hardouin Mansart, as well as on his own unexecuted project for St. Louis de Versailles (1724).

Nick Underwood, Yiddish Paris: Staging Nation and Community in Interwar France, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2022. Elizabeth A. Foster, African Catholic: Decolonization and the Transformation of the Church, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2019. David Todd, A Velvet Empire: French Informal Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021. Spencer D. Segalla, Empire and Catastrophe: Decolonization and Environmental Disaster in North Africa and Mediterranean France since 1954, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2021.

Letters from Hieromonk Athanasius (Nechaev) to his confessor and elder, Hieroschemamonk Ephraim (Khrobostov) are presented in the publication. They were written from Paris to Valaam in Finland, where at that time the Valaam Monastery was located. Hieromonk Athanasius - the future archimandrite and spiritual mentor of monasticism abroad, the superior of the Three Hierarchs metochion in Paris (1933-1943), dean of the parishes of the Moscow Patriarchate in France, the first spiritual mentor of the future Metropolitan Anthony of Sourozh (Bloom). His addressee was the fraternal confessor at the Valaam Monastery, and before the revolution, the confessor of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich (the younger) and his family, Hieroschemamonk Ephraim (Khrobostov), - is the respected and authoritative member of the spiritual governing body of the monastery. In the Smolensk skete on Valaam, he daily served a liturgy in memory of the Russian soldiers who died at the front for the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland. The letters were written during the period of study of Father Athanasius at the St. Sergius Theological Institute in Paris and during his service in the monastery-orphanage "Unexpected Joy" in Livry-Gargan near Paris. They deal with many problems of the church life of the Russian diaspora in France and the Russian emigration in general as a phenomenon. Father Athanasius described the causes of jurisdictional disputes in exile, problems at the Theological Institute, conflicts between hierarchs, and more. He was something of a correspondent who kept the Valaam monastery authorities up to date on events. Describing in detail the essence of the disagreements, at some point he apparently got tired of them and plunged headlong into pastoral work, warmly describing the life of the emigrant communities he served. During the cross-over of Metropolitan Evlogy to the Patriarchate of Constantinople, Father Athanasius could not reconcile himself to the break with the Russian Church, and believed that it was better to return to Valaam. However, these plans were not destined to come true.

St. Gregory’s was a small college belonging to the English secular clergy founded at Paris in the late seventeenth century. Its main purpose was to enable suitable ecclesiastics who had completed their training at Douai or the other colleges abroad to pursue advanced studies at the Sorbonne before working on the mission in England. Its founders hoped it would serve to produce a corps of highly qualified men to fill the leading administrative and teaching posts in the Catholic Church in England. It survived until 1786 when financial difficulties forced it to close—temporarily, as was at first thought. During the Revolution it suffered the fate of the other English Catholic institutions in France, and it never, in fact, reopened. Among the documents that have survived from its archives is a Register Book covering the whole period of its existence from its first beginnings in 1667 until it closed down over a century later. This Register Book, which records the arrival and departure of students, the stages in their university career, their promotion to holy orders, deaths occurring at the college, and occasional memoranda of events affecting the life of the community, was edited for the Catholic Record Society in 1917 by the late Monsignor Edwin Burton.

The life of Philip the cleric, younger brother of Louis VII of France, is meagerly documented. Philip died young, without having attained high rank in the church — indeed, having refused election to the see of Paris. The documents concerning him are unevenly distributed. The greatest concentration of them is the record of his attestation as a child or youth to charters emanating from the bishop or from the cathedral chapter of Paris, where he had been placed for education as a canon. From his youth or adulthood, there are several references, chiefly in letters, to disputes in which he was involved. He is mentioned in few of the extant acts of Louis VII and almost never in the narrative sources. Only three of his charters and a single reference to a lost act have previously been known.

ABSTRACT: As Smith freed moral philosophy from former control bodies (the Church, the state), the Scottish philosopher opened the field for a scientific political economy. In hisAdam Smith. Philosophie et économie(Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1990, p. 45), Jean Mathiot asked :«Should then one wonder that his [Smith’s] audacious stand became the historical grounding stone for political economy, then bringing recognition as an objectively-grounded field of knowledge?»Mathiot’s text and thought have been little debated to this day; this essay is meant to fill that gap, in particular with regard to the history of Smith’s reception in France. Mathiot sought to understand better the “impartial spectator” using a new character whom he claimed Smith was implicitly sketching, and whom he called “the impartial laborer”. To Mathiot’s mind, from theTheory of moral sentiments(1759) to theWealth of Nations(1776), the link is nothing else than Smith’s own philosophy.

During the Middle Ages, the construction or renovation of a great church was a vast undertaking in terms of time and of money. An array of cathedrals that still rise above the cities and towns of northern France bears witness to medieval ingenuity and industry. The first structure which embodies many of the elements that are now called Gothic was begun at St-Denis in 1140. The church as we know it, however, was not entirely the work of the twelfth century. Only much later, between 1231 and 1281, was St-Denis finally completed. Substantial evidence of the thirteenth-century rebuilding is found in the monument which stands just to the north of Paris. But the stones of St-Denis do not tell the entire story: a small handful of documents refer to stages of the fifty-year reconstruction of the abbey, and now, new witness exists in the form of the liturgical manuscripts which have survived from the thirteenth century.

Cardinal Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger died at the age of 80 in 2007. Archbishop of Paris from 1981 to 2005, he was a towering and controversial public figure, both within the Catholic church and in European society more broadly. Since his death, he has remained a subject of intense interest. This essay will analyse two films about him – the 2012 documentary Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger (Jean-Yves Fischbach) and the 2013 fiction film Le Métis de Dieu (Ilan Duran Cohen) – as prisms through which the thought, policies and achievements of Lustiger can be examined and assessed. Primarily a charismatic man of faith, Lustiger was also widely engaged with the history of his times. It will be argued that his personal trajectory, frequently through his own direct agency, offers insight into several crucial layers of the cultural and political history of France, including the Occupation years; the Jewish question; the post-war recovery and decolonisation processes; Franco-German reconciliation; the restructuring of the universities; the chaotic socio-political movements around 1968; the development of the European Union; and the complex transformations of church life since the Second Vatican Council with the concomitant shifts in the relations between church and state.

Abstract The French pharmacist and explorer Christoph-Augustin Lamare-Picquot (1785–1873) was in South Asia during 1826–1829 to collect ethnographical, anthropological, zoological and botanical specimens. He made an excursion to the Sundarbans (the Ganges-Brahmaputra delta) of Bangladesh, where on 17 November 1828 his team shot a female rhinoceros and caught her young one the next day, just south of Khulna. Both animals were completely hornless. He returned to France in the spring of 1830, where his zoological specimens were assessed by Georges Cuvier, and his other collections relating to ethnography by other scholars. All recommended purchase by the French Government, but circumstances did not allow this. A few animals were described by scientists connected with the Natural History Museum in Paris. After Lamare-Picquot published an account of the hunting expedition in 1835, the rhinoceros was described as a new species Rhinoceros inermis, by René-Primivère Lesson, first in a supplement to Buffon dated 1836, and not, as accepted until now, in restatements dating from 1838 or later. The main part of the zoological collection was bought by the Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III in 1836 and integrated in museums in Berlin. Other collections were exhibited as a “Panthéon Indien” in Vienna and Bratislava from 1838, until they were purchased by the Bavarian King Ludwig in 1841, and added to a museum in Munich. The type specimens of R. inermis are still preserved in the Museum für Naturkunde in Berlin. The adult female (ZMB_Mam_1957) was selected as the lectotype.

During the 17th and 18th centuries, the presence as well as activities of religious orders of Christianity in Vietnam, predominantly the Society of Jesus, Mendicant Orders (Franciscan Order, Dominican Order, etc.), and the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, to establish or maintain and strengthen the interests of some Western countries’ (Portugal, Spain, France) missionary work in this country led to conflicts and disputes over the missionary area as well as the right to manage missionary activities among religious orders of Christianity. From 1665 to 1773, the Vietnamese Catholic Church witnessed protracted disputes and conflicts between Jesuits sponsored by the Portuguese and the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris backed by France. While contradictions between them remained unresolved, from the first half of the 18th century onwards, conflicts and disputes between the Spanish Franciscan Order and the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris continued to arise. This influenced the development of Christianity in Vietnam during this period. Based on original historical sources and academic achievements of Vietnamese scholars as well as international, this article applies two main research methods of the history of science (historical and logical methods) with other research methods (systemic, analysis, synthesis, comparison, etc.) to closely examine the “panorama” of the conflicts between the religious orders of Christianity that took place in Vietnam during the 17th and 18th centuries. The article analyzes the underlying and direct cause of this phenomenon, making certain contributions to the study of the relationship among religious orders in the process of introduction and development of Christianity in Vietnam, as well as the history of East-West cultural exchange in the country during this period.

Between 1434 and 1462, two prelates fought over the bishopric of Albi : Bernard de Casilhac, elected by the Albigensian chapter, supported by the consuls, the local nobility and the Council of Basel, and Robert Dauphin, appointed by Pope Eugene IV on the recommendation of Charles VII. The two rivals opposed each other in court, at the Council of Basel and at the Parliament of Paris, and in arms, especially between 1434 and 1437. The affair is mentioned in several contemporary documents, in France and in Germany. However, it is not mentioned in almost any current book on the history of France, the Hundred Years War or Languedoc. In order to understand this oversight, we have reconstructed the historiographical genealogy of the conflict, from the most current works to the first historical studies of the 18th century. Three milestones can be identified. First, the conflict was “invented” by Joseph Vaissete, in his Histoire générale de Languedoc, from a monarchist and provincial perspective. Then, in the second half of the 19th century, it was the republican historians, Émile Jolibois and Jules Quicherat, who established an account strongly tinged with anticlericalism. Finally, since the 1970s, church historians, particularly in Germany, have interpreted this conflict as a symptom of the malaise and divisions of the French church, but also of the vigor of reformist currents. The “ Albi War” has its place in neither of the two great narratives of national and Languedoc history and memory, the Hundred Years War and the Albigensian Crusade. In fact, the Albi War is mainly situated in the context of the reform of the Church in the fifteenth century, which has interested German historians more than French historians. It is this issue that should be explored in greater depth in order to measure and understand more completely the impact of the event in the fifteenth century.

Abstract Long attributed to François-Hubert Drouais or his atelier, a three-quarter length portrait of Marie-Antoinette, together with a curiously inscribed frame, displayed in the lobby of the Hôtel Le Bristol, Paris, serves as a pretext for reconstructing the queen’s practice of gifting portraits of herself to members of her chapel. This essay explores Marie-Antoinette’s tendency in the early part of her reign to entrust the production of portraits to the Cabinet des tableaux. It argues on the basis of stylistic analysis that the Le Bristol portrait was probably the work of Jean-Martial Frédou and on the basis of iconographical analysis that it accommodated the quarrel between philosophes and clerics over reform of the Catholic Church in France, which made it suited to Monsignor du Chilleau, Bishop of Chalon.

We know it, we have learned it, and often we teach it: public schools became secular for the first time in 1882. Well, no! As Jean-François Dupeyron said, the first secular public school in France was that of the Commune. Understanding why this fact was – and still is – obscured is the subject of Jean-François Dupeyron’s book, A L’École de la Commune de Paris: L’Histoire d’une Autre École. The author’s thesis is that, during the second half of the 19th century and up to World War I, the workers’ movement developed the project of another school, a school independent of both the Church and the State. It is against this other school, desired by the Commune and then the labor exchanges and the General Confederation of Labor, which was at the time of revolutionary syndicalists, that Jules Ferry’s school was constructed. Why has this “history of another school” been concealed?

In 1559 Philip II left the Netherlands for Spain, where, from then on, he was to rule his empire. The government of the Provinces united by his father, Charles V, was left to his bastard sister Margaret, Duchess of Parma. Although she faithfully followed the Habsburg line, which in religion meant opposing Protestantism, her reign was characterized by a certain lack of firmness, enabling opposing factions to assert themselves. Shortly before Philip’s departure, Henry II, his French rival, had died in a tournament. His children and widow were as unable to quell the religious unrest in France as Margaret was in the Netherlands. In this situation, Calvinism grew irresistibly: from around 1555, it had already increased greatly in strength under Henry II, and in 1559 it had managed to hold a synod in Paris. That synod, as well as drawing up a Confession of Faith, produced its Discipline or Church Ordinance; and the best way of tracing the growth of Calvinism is to examine how rapidly the synods met, and to see how the Church Ordinances were adjusted to meet particular circumstances. That this development in the French Reformed Church had repercussions in the adjoining Netherlands, where the same language was spoken, at least in part, needs scarcely to be emphasized. Besides, during the reign of Elizabeth I, Calvinist refugee congregations were established in England, and these, in turn, could be used as bases for serving the Netherlands.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Crucifixion from the Parliament of Paris – a painting that decorated the Great Hall of the Royal Court from the beginning of the 15th century until 1904. The author focuses on the political and legal meanings that were embedded in the Crucifixion. From this point of view, the main characters of the retablo, their appearance and attributes, as well as the general structure of the picture are studied. The author comes to the conclusion that the foreground of the retablo was intended primarily for educated people who are familiar not only with the history of the Passion of Christ or the martyrdom of St. Dionysius, but also with the Christian doctrine of redemption and the separation of powers. The background of the retablo, on the contrary, was intended for the common people. For each group of viewers, the artist used special symbolism and understandable markers. Nevertheless, the purpose of the Crucifixion remained the same – to emphasize by all means that the Parliament of Paris is the highest Royal Court of France, the place of judicial power par excellence, which is equal for everybody: the representatives of the nobility and the church, the high-ranking courtiers, the persons of the Royal blood, the ordinary people.

More than forty Irish colleges were established in France, Spain, Portugal, the Italian States and the Austrian Empire between the 1580s and 1690s to cater for a diverse range of Irish Catholic students and priests who had travelled to the continent to pursue higher education. The colleges were a significant feature of Irish Catholicism, most obviously in the early modern period, and they have therefore attracted substantial attention from historians. The first modern attempts to write their histories appeared in the later nineteenth century and were heavily influenced by a Rankean emphasis on primary sources, as well as contemporary Irish Catholic nationalism. If the dominant historiography of the period emphasized the persecution of the ‘penal era’, then the existence of a network of Irish colleges producing redoubtable clergy for the Irish mission helped to explain how the Catholic Church survived in Ireland. In this paradigm, the production of priests was the main role bestowed on the colleges. This essay examines the foremost early historian of the colleges, and of the viewpoint just oudined, the Vincentian priest and superior of the Irish College in Paris, Patrick Boyle. In 1901 he produced the first book-length history of an Irish college: The Irish College in Paris from 1578 to 1901.

The town of Salins-les-Bains, France, is renowned for its historic salt-works. During the period 1502–1506 the canons of the collegiate church there commissioned an extraordinary series of fourteen tapestries commemorating the life and miracles of Saint Anatoile. Three of the tapestries are preserved in Paris at the Musée du Louvre, and documents survive recording the original programme of all fourteen tapestries. Of great interest is the stress laid on the Scottish origin of Saint Anatoile, who is described in the tapestries as ‘fils du roi d'Escoce’ (‘son of the king of Scotland’). The importance of the saint's Scottish royal pedigree is visually emphasised by the prolific inclusion of the royal arms of Scotland: on one of the surviving tapestries the arms appear eleven times. What this commission tells us of early sixteenth-century Burgundian attitudes to Scots, the royal house of Scotland, and Scottish royal piety is here examined.

Pierre Du Moulin was the leading intellectual in the French Reformed Church in the early seventeenth century. His influence within French Protestantism rivalled and complemented that of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay, the prominent nobleman, soldier, and adviser to Henry of Navarre, the Huguenot leader who became Henry IV of France. If Duplessis-Mornay was, as he is sometimes called, the ‘Huguenot Pope’, Du Moulin, the pastor of the congregation of Protestants in Paris, was the chief cardinal. A prolific writer and a skilful speaker, Du Moulin became noted for his success as a polemicist. Yet during a period of five years, 1613–18, Du Moulin was also the chief spokesman for a plan which would unite the English, Calvinist, and Lutheran Churches. The rather startling final point of the plan called for the reunited Protestants to make a fresh approach to Rome. Du Moulin’s volte-face in 1613-18 — his sudden emergence as an irenicist — has never been satisfactorily explained.

The Romanian delegation - headed by Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu - accompanied by other well-known Romanian figures who were not part of the delegation, but represented the Romanian elite who had emigrated to the French capital, attended the Paris Peace Conference and recognised that the political decisions concerning the future borders of the nations emerging from the former Austrian-Hungarian Empire were made by the Roman Catholic Church, the Freemasonry and the Jewish Youth Organisation. These were the institutions behind the political decisions made by the political leaders of France (Georges Clémenceau), Great Britain (Sir David Lloyd George), the United States of America (Woodrow Wilson), and Italy (Vittorio Emanuele Orlando). When, after a conflict with the then French Prime Minister, who was failing to observe the provisions of the August 1916 Treaty concluded between Romania and the Triple Entente, Ion I.C. Brătianu left Paris, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod became his successor as head of the Romanian delegation. The Transylvanian political leader and some of his close associates would also become members of the Ernest Renan Masonic lodge in Paris, on 4 August 1919. The decision was made by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod after extensive consultations with Ion I.C. Brătianu, who had returned to Bucharest by then, and Iuliu Maniu, the Chairman of the Ruling Council in Sibiu. The masonic involvement of the Romanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference was proof of the diplomatic abilities of its members as well as of the perfect cooperation with the local political decisionmakers, with the purpose of adjusting to the then current international context to the benefit of the country’s national interests. After Romania and Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon (4 July 1920) whose clauses were favourable to Romania, the Romanian freemasons would leave their Masonic lodges in the coming years.

The events on October 5-6, 1789 were not a trivial food riot caused by a lack of bread in the capital. Political activists in Paris sought to wrest the king from the grasp of the Versailles environment that was hostile to the revolution. At the same time, they remained imbued with "tsarist" sentiments. However, love for the monarch was combined with hatred for his wife - an "Austrian" and a squanderer, who was in their eyes, at the suggestion of embittered pamphleteers, a monster of debauchery. Notably, Louis did not show the lack of will attributed to him by historians. For some time he resolutely defended his positions in the face of the onslaught of the Constituent Assembly. However, the march of the lower classes on Versailles made the monarch more compliant, forced him to go to Paris, where he became a hostage to the revolutionary crowds. For a short period of time the food problem became less acute. The capital remained relatively calm. This facilitated the reformist activities of the deputy corps and resulted in the fundamental social and political reforms of 1790-1791. But in some regions of France tension on church and religious grounds gave rise to bloody clashes. Moreover, the economic situation that worsened later and the war with the neighboring states that began in 1792 led to a further radicalization of the revolution.

The present text provides an analysis of Krleža’s deliberations on medieval Bosnian art, which are most evidently reflected in his views about the tombstones – the stećci. Back in the 1950s, following Tito’s split with Stalin, Miroslav Krleža organized an exhibition in Paris, France, themed “Medieval Art of Yugoslav Peoples”, placing the tombstones in the center of attention. The reason for this lies in the fact that, in their appearance as monuments, he recognized the heretic efforts of the Bosnian Church, which was persecuted in the Middle Ages by Western Catholicism and Eastern Orthodox Christianity. Similarly, Tito’s Yugoslavia expressed its heretic character by standing up against the Western capitalist bloc – NATO, as well as Stalin’s dogmatism – the Warsaw Pact. The reason for the persecution of the members of the Bosnian Church back in the day was religious, whereas in the 1950s when Yugoslavia was fighting for its independent road towards further building socialism, the split was purely ideological. When the Berlin Wall fell and Yugoslavia was crushed by aggressive nationalist politics, many intellectuals found Krleža’s observations on the importance of the Bosnian medieval tombstones an expression of naïve romanticism, or an ideological construction hiding Tito’s absolute power, and his thirst for power and ethnic balancing. This text attempts to reaffirm Krleža’s deliberations on the tombstones, which, the author of these lines believes have not at all lost their importance, nor do they merely represent “an idealized past”.

This article puts forward a new later dating of the Greek manuscript BnF, Paris. gr. 1783 kept in the National Library of France and containing portraits of emperors of the Palaiologoi dynasty. The manuscript contains important texts related to the Constantinople period of court history and culture. Historiographers used to date the manuscript to the fifteenth century according to the portrait of Patriarch Joseph II (†1439), a famous participant of the Ferraro-Florence Council, which can be seen in the Italian fresco paintings of the fifteenth century. Meanwhile, the study of the manuscript’s palaeographical features shows that it was written by an anonymous scribe from Crete who worked in Venice and Rome for Italian humanists in the middle — third quarter of the sixteenth century. The handwriting of the famous Cretan calligrapher, employee of Francis I’s library in Fontainebleau Angelus Vergecius, as well as some other scribes associated with him was typologically close to the handwriting of the main scribe of the manuscript. Analogies to this handwriting can also be seen in the handwriting of Manuel Provataris, another famous scribe of the epoch, a Cretan Greek from Rethymno, employee and copyist of the Vatican Library. The new palaeographic dating of the Paris. gr. 1783 manuscript changes the date of creation of portrait drawings of the Byzantine emperors of the Palaiologoi dynasty and Patriarch Joseph II. Also, it is important to change the dating of all texts contained in the manuscript including such important texts as one of the three lists of imperial tombs of the Church of Sts. Apostles in Constantinople, as well the list of the offices of the Byzantine court. The Paris. gr. 1783 manuscript should be excluded from the circle of Late Byzantine booklore and attributed to post-Byzantine book heritage.

This publication includes letters from Anton V. Kartashev, a renowned historian, a professor at St. Sergius Orthodox Theological Institute (Institut de théologie orthodoxe Saint-Serge) in Paris, sent to his friend Evgenii I. Novitskii, who had moved from France to the USA not long before. In the introduction, the publisher describes the context, in which the letters were written, which makes it possible to better understand their meaning and value as a historical source. The letters characterize Anton Kartashev’s attitude of towards the idea of reuniting Russian Orthodox parishes in emigration, which were under the jurisdiction of different church organizations. The historian considered it possible to unite them under the seniority of Metropolitan Anastasii (Gribanovskii) and under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople but doubted the fulfilment of this possibility due to the accumulated canonical contradictions. Particular attention is paid to the relations between the Russian Exarchate in Western Europe and the Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church in the United States, as well as the possibility of educating graduates of St. Tikhon’s Theological Seminary (Pennsylvania) at the institute. In addition to the information about the persons and events mentioned in the correspondence, the commentary includes fragments from letters of the historian’s wife, Pavla P. Kartasheva, which reveal the nuances of what was sometimes only briefly reported by her husband. Among the latter there are the demarcation between the generations of “fathers” and “sons” at the institute, which led to the departure of young professors to America, and the trip of the Kartashevs to Italy.

A memorial for Mary, Queen of Scots, and for two of her ladies-in-waiting, Barbara Mowbray-Curle, wife of Gilbert Curle, a secretary of the queen, and her sister-in-law, Elizabeth Curle is kept in St Andrew's Church in Antwerp (Belgium). The monument was founded by Barbara's son, Hippolytus. After the execution of the queen the ladies left England and settled first in Paris and afterwards in Antwerp. The article concentrates on the two sons of Barbara, who became Jesuits. Little is known about the elder, James. He died in 1615 in Spain, probably still a Jesuit student. The younger one, Hippolytus (who died in 1638), acted as a manager in the Scots College in Douai (France). He is praised as one of the principal benefactors of the college. More particularly the article comments on the testament he drew up when he joined the Jesuit order in September 1618, of which an authenticated copy is kept in the Scottish Catholic Archives. It offers a telling insight into the situation of the Curle-Mowbray family in exile. It reveals also the family's major concern: the restoration of Catholicism in Scotland through the training of a suitable clergy.

Resumen El modelo de iglesia basilical ha estado presente en el cristianismo desdeépoca de Constantino. Entre sus diversas variantes e interpretaciones podría destacarse la que se desarrolló en la Francia de los siglos XVII y XVIII, caracterizada por entablamentos adintelados que soportan bóvedas de medio cañón y que, en última instancia, remite a una lectura errónea de la descripción vitruviana de la Basílica de Fano. Este importante episodio constituirá el germen renovador de la arquitectura neoclásica, aunque los edificios que vamos a tratar suelen quedar oscurecidos por la sombra de la paradigmática iglesia de Sainte-Geneviève de París que, sin embargo, abandona la tipología original. En este texto se propone una revisión de la arquitectura de esta época buscando un hilo conductor concatenando sus principales obras, que intentan explicarse desde planteamientos no sólo históricos o formales sino también constructivos.AbstractThe basilical church model has been present in Christianity since the time of Constantine. Among its various variants and interpretations could be highlighted that developed in the France of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, characterized by lintel entablatures that support half-barrel vaults and which, ultimately, refers to a misreading of the vitruviandescription of the Basilica of Fano. This important episode will be the renovating germ of neoclassical architecture, although the buildings we are about to treat are often obscured by the shadow of the paradigmatic church of Sainte-Geneviève in Paris which, however, abandons the original typology. In this text we propose a revision of the architecture of this timelooking for a common thread connecting its main works, which try to explain themselves from not only historical or formal approaches, but also constructive ones.

AbstractWho was Jean de Savoie, the clerk with whom the composers Jean Campion and Philippe de Vitry penned the jeu-partiUlixea fulgensin 1350? This article uses Jean's hitherto unnoticed will and foundations at the church of Saint-Benoît-le-Bestourné, Paris, with other documentation, to bring together Jean's two identities in a unified biography (including a new date for his death, in 1354); to illustrate the close parallels between his own career and that of Philippe de Vitry, and to map the scope of opportunities for contact between them in and around the French royal court from the early 1320s onwards. Jean was also an artist and illustrator, and his career as one of the more prominent cartoonists of Philippe VI, king of France, throws light on potential contact with Vitry via the adoption by Louis I de Bourbon of the hitherto largely royal practice of charter illustration. In addition the properties acquired to support two chaplaincies endowed by Jean at Saint-Benoît demonstrate the extent to which he was professionally embedded in a network of royal councillors working in and around the Parlement in the 1330–50s, in which Vitry was also active. Also identified is a house acquired at Saint-Benoît by Gervès du Bus, author of the Roman de Fauvel.

In this article we will try to offer a new perspective on the theater, and we will try to include the theater in other spaces to create artistic values, including digital technology. Since its beginning, the theater space has been a place to see, to watch, to present, to perceive, to understand. So, in a basic sense, theater has been and is a first pathway. At the core of the theatrical experience – as Peter Brook suggests – is the act of watching and being watched. Throughout the history of Western culture, the theater has been a primitive dance circle, a Greek amphitheater, a church, an Elizabethan stage, a market square, a garage, a street, a front stage theater, a Broadway theater, a theater house university, a restored warehouse or recently, even a digital platform on our laptop, computer, or mobile phone. Close-up theater is a continuation of the conceptual changes that took place with theater spaces – and therefore – with the way of watching theater. In the past decades, Jerzy Grotowski in Poland, Ariane Mnoushkin in Paris, Peter Shuman in Vermont and Peter Brook from Africa in Avignon, France, have organized the theater space in different ways to bring the audience and the actors as close as possible to each.

THE writings of the seventeenth-century English theologian, Henry Holden, played a small but significant part in the development of western religious thought in the centuries following his death. His most important work, Divinae fidei analysis, first printed in Latin at Paris in 1652 and afterwards translated and published in English, was several times reprinted in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and was later incorporated in two theological collections, J. P. Migne's Theologiae cursus completus (tom.6, 1839), and Josef Braun's Bibliotheca regularum fidei (tom.2, 1844). It influenced the thinking, in the nineteenth century, not only of avowed liberals such as Dôllinger and Acton, but also, in some degree, of moderate progressives like Newman. In recent years, specialist studies on different aspects of Holden's thought have appeared in English and in French. So far, however, no serious attempt has been made to revise his bibliography: we still have to rely, in large measure, on that published by Joseph Gillow more than a century ago. In this article I want to bring together material that has come to light since Gillow's time and to examine Holden's works afresh against the background of his life and the religious and political developments in England and France at that period. I shall devote particular attention to two themes that run through all his work. One is gallicanism, that amalgam of mediaeval theories limiting the authority of the papacy in relation to secular states and their rulers and national churches and their bishops. It will be seen that plans which Holden advanced in the 1640s for the reform of the Catholic Church in England along gallican lines are based largely on ideas developed in his Divinaefidei analysis published a few years later. The other is his analytical and critical approach to doctrine, aiming always to distinguish truths solidly based on Scripture and tradition from the mere speculations of theologians. It is an approach that had been made popular in France by the Catholic controversialist, François Véron, whose Régula fidei catholicae was first published at Paris in 1644 when Holden was probably already at work on his Divinae fidei analysis. It reveals itself in all Holden's writings and distinguishes him from many of the other Catholic apologists who were drawn into controversy with the Anglican divines of the post-Chillingworth era.

If few historians of the French ancien régime and Revolution entirely ignore the role of the Church, most treat it perfunctorily and many make crass errors in writing about it. To start with examples of error, J. F. Bosher declared in his generally admirable The French Revolution: ‘at least nine abbots wrote for the Encyclopédie’. Actually, at least twenty-three abbés did so, but no abbots. J. C. D. Clark, in his recent edition of Burke's Reflections, attempts to explain Burke's discussion of French commendatory abbots by defining commendam as it was used in England, which makes Burke's argument incomprehensible. Until now it has not been easy to find a work, at any rate in English, which would settle such matters authoritatively. McManners's Church and society in eighteenth-century France will certainly do that. A delightful chapter deals with the vast majority of abbés who were not abbots, that is, those who had taken the very first steps towards an ecclesiastical career, probably to enhance their educational prospects, but never taken vows or significant orders. To this group belonged such notorious philosophes as the abbé Diderot and the abbé Raynal.

Armand de Bourbon, Prince of Conti, was a younger brother of the Grand Condé. Destined for a church career, he gave it up and became politically associated with brother and sister – the famed intriguer Anna Genevieve, Duchess of Longue¬ville. Desiring to be regarded as a person unconstrained by moral principles, he led a very indulgent lifestyle. For a period of time, he was also Moliere’s patron. Armand wanted to equal his brother in renown, though he lacked the talent. For some time, he was considered the leader of the Fronde in Paris. He was imprisoned together with his brother and brother-in-law, then sought agreement with the court. His influences were to be boosted by marriage, first with the daughter of duchess de Chevreuse, then with the niece of Cardinal Mazarin – Anna Maria Martinozzi, which indeed took place. The marriage of a relative with a prince of the blood strengthened the position of the cardinal, while prince of Conti gained a way for final conciliation with the court. In the later years, Armand was a commander in Spain and held various court offices; he also changed his lifestyle utterly, having associated himself with the Jansenists. Armand died young, leaving two sons, the younger of which became a candidate for the Polish throne in 1697. His biography, in particular the issues relating to the marriage, are an interesting example of court intrigues and a game whose purpose was to consolidate the position of both Cardinal Mazarin and the royal cousin. The conduct of prince of Conti is also a vivid example of the mores of aristocracy in 17th-century France.

Archiwum Polskiej Misji Katolickiej w Paryżu przechowuje zespół nr 36 — Listy do prymasa Polski Józefa Glempa. Jest to korespondencja Francuzów skierowana do polskiego hierarchy kościelnego, w której potępiono wprowadzenie stanu wojennego w Polsce i wyrażono duchowe wsparcie dla wszystkich Polaków — braci i sióstr w wierze katolickiej. Akcja pisania takich listów wsparcia została zainicjowana przez katolicki dziennik „La Croix” i stanowiła element ogólnofrancuskiej manifestacji poparcia dla społeczeństwa polskiego. Treść korespondencji obok szablonowego tekstu zredagowanego przez „La Croix” stanowią również teksty indywidualne, wyrażające emocjonalny stosunek do Polaków i do wydarzeń dziejących się w Polsce. W artykule zebrano te listy, które odnoszą się do wspomnień z czasów II wojny światowej i pobytów w obozach koncentracyjnych. Byli jeńcy francuscy opisali w nich swoje kontakty ze współwięźniami polskimi, podkreślając ich heroizm i wiarę w Boga. The letters of French citizens to primate Glemp from the years 1981–1982 in the collection of the Polish Catholic Mission Archive in France The Polish Catholic Mission Archive in Paris is home to fond no. 36: Letters to Polish primate Józef Glemp. It comprises letters sent by French citizens to the Polish Catholic Church dignitary, in which they condemn the introduction of martial law in Poland and express spiritual support for all Poles — brothers and sisters in the Catholic faith. The letter writing campaign was initiated by the Catholic paper “La Croix”, and was an element of a broader manifestation of French support for Poles. Beside template letters based on the text published in “La Croix”, the fond also includes personal messages, expressing an emotional attitude to Poles and to the events taking place in Poland. The paper discusses those letters whose authors reminisce on the Second World War and their experiences in concentration camps. Former French prisoners of war describe their relations with Polish prisoners, emphasizing their heroism and faith in God.

RÉSUMÉLe principal objectif de cet article est d’encourager une approche plus large, supraconfessionnelle, du mariage et de la famille à l’époque moderne. La conjugalité a été “désacralisée” par les réformateurs protestants du 16e siècle. Martin Luther, parmi d’autres, a refusé le statut de sacrement au mariage, tout en valorisant celui-ci comme une arme contre le péché. En réaction, le concile de Trente a réaffirmé avec force que le mariage est bien un des sept sacrements chrétiens. Mais, promouvant la supériorité du célibat, l’Église catholique n’a jamais beaucoup insisté sur les vertus de la vie et de la piété familiales avant le 19e siècle. En parallèle, les historiens décèlent des signes de “sacralisation” de la famille protestante à partir du 16e siècle. Leurs conclusions doivent être relativisées à la lumière de recherches plus récentes et plus critiques, centrées sur les rapports et les représentations de genre. Elles peuvent néanmoins inspirer une étude élargie et comparative, inexistante dans l’historiographie traditionnelle, des réalités et des perceptions de la famille chrétienne au-delà des frontières confessionnelles.MOTS-CLÉ: Époque Moderne, mariage, famille, protestantisme, Concile de TrenteABSTRACTThe main purpose of this paper is to encourage a broader supra-confessional approach to the history of marriage and the family in the Early Modern era. Wedlock was “desacralized” by the Protestant reformers of the 16th century. Martin Luther, among others, denied the sacramental status of marriage but valued it as a weapon against sin. In reaction, the Council of Trent reinforced marriage as one of the seven sacraments. But the Catholic Church, which promoted the superiority of celibacy, did little to defend the virtues of family life and piety before the 19th century. In parallel, historians have identified signs of a “sacralization” of the Protestant family since the 16th century. These findings must be relativized in the light of newer and more critical studies on gender relations and representations. But they can still inspire a broader comparative study, non-existent in traditional confessional historiography, of the realities and perceptions of the Christian family beyond denominational borders.KEY WORDS: Early Modern Christianity, marriage, family, Protestantism, Council of Trent BIBLIOGRAPHIEAdair, R., Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996.Beaulande-Barraud, V., “Sexualité, mariage et procréation. Discours et pratiques dans l’Église médiévale (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017, pp. 19-29.Bels, P., Le mariage des protestants français jusqu’en 1685. Fondements doctrinaux et pratique juridique, Paris, Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1968.Benedict, P., Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed. A Social History of Calvinism, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 2002.Bernos, M., “Le concile de Trente et la sexualité. La doctrine et sa postérité”, dansBernos, M., (coord.), Sexualité et religions, Paris, Cerf, 1988, pp. 217-239.Bernos, M., Femmes et gens d’Église dans la France classique (XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle), Paris, Éditions du Cerf, Histoire religieuse de la France, 2003.Bernos, M., “L’Église et l’amour humain à l’époque moderne”, dans Bernos, M., Les sacrements dans la France des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Pastorale et vécu des fidèles, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2007, pp. 245-264.Bologne, J.-C., Histoire du mariage en Occident, Paris, Lattès/Hachette Littératures, 1995.Burghartz, S., Zeiten der Reinheit – Orte der Unzucht. Ehe und Sexualität in Basel während der Frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn, Schöningh, 1999.Calvin, J., Institution de la Religion chrétienne (1541), édition critique en deux vols., Millet, O., (ed.), Genève, Librairie Droz, 2008, vol. 2, pp. 1471-1479.Carillo, F., “Famille”, dans Gisel, P., (coord.), Encyclopédie du protestantisme, Paris, PUF/Quadrige, 2006, p. 489.Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire du corps, vol. 1: De la Renaissance aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2005.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire des émotions, vol. 1: De l’Antiquité aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2016.Cristellon, C., “Mixed Marriages in Early Modern Europe“, in Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016, chapter 10.Demos, J., A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, New York, 1970.Flandrin, J.-L., Familles. Parenté, maison, sexualité dans l’ancienne société, Paris, Seuil, 1976/1984.Forclaz, B., “Le foyer de la discorde? Les mariages mixtes à Utrecht au XVIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales (2008/5), pp. 1101-1123.Forster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005.Forster, M. R., “Domestic Devotions and Family Piety in German Catholicism”, inForster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005, pp. 97-114.François W., & Soen, V. (coords.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond, 1545-1700, Göttingen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2018.Gautier, S., “Mariages de pasteurs dans le Saint-Empire luthérien: de la question de l’union des corps à la formation d’un corps pastoral ‘exemplaire et plaisant à Dieu’”, dans Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 505-517.Gautier, S., “Identité, éloge et image de soi dans les sermons funéraires des foyers pastoraux luthériens aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, Europa moderna. Revue d’histoire et d’iconologie, n. 3 (2012), pp. 54-71.Goody, J., The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge, 1983; L’évolution de la famille et du mariage en Europe, Paris, Armand Colin, 1985/2012.Hacker, P., Faith in Luther. Martin Luther and the Origin of Anthropocentric Religion, Emmaus Academic, 2017.Harrington, J. F., Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany, Cambridge, 1995.Hendrix, S. H., & Karant-Nunn, S. C., (coords.), Masculinity in the Reformation Era, Kirksville, Truman State University Press, 2008.Hendrix, S. H., “Christianizing Domestic Relations: Women and Marriage in Johann Freder’s Dialogus dem Ehestand zu ehren”, Sixteenth Century Journal, 23 (1992), pp. 251-266.Ingram, M., Church Courts. Sex and Marriage in England 1570-1640, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.Jacobsen, G., “Women, Marriage and magisterial Reformation: the case of Malmø”, in Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends in Reformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 57-78.Jedin, H., Crise et dénouement du concile de Trente, Paris, Desclée, 1965.Jelsma, A., “‘What Men and Women are meant for’: on marriage and family at the time of the Reformation”, in Jelsma, A., Frontiers of the Reformation. Dissidence and Orthodoxy in Sixteenth Century Europe, Ashgate, 1998, Routledge, 2016, EPUB, chapter 8.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Une oeuvre de chair: l’acte sexuel en tant que liberté chrétienne dans la vie et la pensée de Martin Luther”, dans Christin, O., &Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 467-485.Karant-Nunn, S. C., The Reformation of Feeling: Shaping the Religious Emotions in Early Modern Germany, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “The emergence of the pastoral family in the German Reformation: the parsonage as a site of socio-religious change”, in Dixon, C. S., & Schorn-Schütte, L., (coords.), The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003, pp. 79-99.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Reformation Society, Women and the Family”, in Pettegree, A., (coord.), The Reformation World, London/New York, Routledge, 2000, pp. 433-460.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Marriage, Defenses of”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, p. 24.Kingdon, R., Adultery and Divorce in Calvin’s Geneva, Harvard University Press, 1995.Krumenacker, Y., “Protestantisme: le mariage n’est plus un sacrement”, dans Mariages, catalogue d’exposition, Archives municipales de Lyon, Lyon, Olivétan, 2017.Le concile de Trente, 2e partie (1551-1563), vol. XI de l’Histoire des conciles oecuméniques, Paris, (Éditions de l’Orante, 1981), Fayard, 2005, pp. 441-455.Les Decrets et Canons touchant le mariage, publiez en la huictiesme session du Concile de Trente, souz nostre sainct pere le Pape Pie quatriesme de ce nom, l’unziesme iour de novembre, 1563, Paris, 1564.Luther, M., “Sermon sur l’état conjugal”, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 231-240.Luther, M., “Du mariage”, dans Prélude sur la captivité babylonienne de l’Église (1520), dans OEuvres, vol. I, édition publiée sous la direction de M. Lienhard et M. Arnold, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 791-805.Luther, M., De la vie conjugale, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 1147-1179.Mentzer, R., “La place et le rôle des femmes dans les Églises réformées”, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 113 (2001), pp. 119-132.Morgan, E. S., The Puritan Family. Religion and Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New England, (1944), New York, Harper, 1966.O’Reggio, T., “Martin Luther on Marriage and Family”, 2012, Faculty Publications, Paper 20, Andrews University, http://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/church-history-pubs/20. (consulté le 15 décembre 2018).Ozment, S., When Fathers Ruled. Family Life in Reformation Europe, Studies in Cultural History, Harvard University Press, 1983.Reynolds, P. L., How Marriage became One of the Sacrements. The Sacramental Theology of Marriage from the Medieval Origins to the Council of Trent, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2016/2018.Roper, L., Martin Luther. 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R., The Making of Modern Marriage: Matrimonial Control and the Rise of Sentiment in Neuchâtel, Ithaca, 1992.Weis, M., “La ‘Sainte Famille’ inexistante? Le mariage selon le concile de Trente (1563) et à l’époque des Réformes”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université deBruxelles, 2017, pp. 31-40.Westphal, S., Schmidt-Voges, I., & Baumann, A., (coords.), Venus und Vulcanus. Ehe und ihre Konflikte in der Frühen Neuzeit, München, Oldenbourg Verlag, 2011.Wiesner, M. E., Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 1993.Wiesner, M. E., “Studies of Women, the Family and Gender”, in Maltby, W. S., (coord.), Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, Saint Louis, 1992, pp. 181-196.Wiesner-Hanks, M. E., “Women”, in Hillerbrand, H. 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RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. (eds.), Dead Giveaways, Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica end the Andes, Salt Lake city, University of Utah Press, 1998, pp. 249-289.Aladjidi, P., Le roi, père des pauvres: France XIIIe-XVe siècle, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008.Alberro, S., Les Espagnols dans le Mexique colonial: histoire d’une acculturation, Paris, A. Colin, 1992.Alden, D., The making of an enterprise: the Society of Jesus in Portugal, its empire, and beyond 1540-1750, Stanford California, Stanford University Press, 1996.Angulo, D., “El capitán Gómez de León, vecino fundador de la ciudad de Arequipa. Probança e información de los servicios que hizo a S. M. en estos Reynos del Piru el Cap. 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Decadent authors writing about the past share a common artistic practice: revisionist creativity. I argue in my Zoom sur les décadents that this particular type of creativity uses as its main device recombination of legends, myths, and historical events. Historical, cultural or religious figures are reexamined and shown in a new unexpected light. I show in my book how Villiers de Isle-Adam conflates two crucial battles of the Ancient world: Marathon (490 BC) and Thermopiles (480 BC) in ashort story called "Impatience de la foule." The final result of Villiers's telescoping of separate historical events is a seamless narrative. In Hugues Rebell's "Une Saison à Baia," Saint Paul attempts to convert Roman patricians who mock his incoherent speeches. In "La Gloire de Judas," Bernard Lazare departs from the Gospels and tells the tragic story of Judas whose betrayal made the salvation of the human race possible. In Lazare's short story, Judas is a self-effacing figure who doesn't act on his own but on Jesus Christ's specific order, who sworns him into secrecy.Common in French decadent fiction, religious revisionism was largely tolerated in the secular Third Republic. Whereas censorship was quick to punish naturalist authors writing about debauched clergy in contemporary France (e.g. Louis Deprez and Henry Fèvre's Autour d'un clocher) decadent authors reinventing ancient religious stories and retelling the life of catholic saints enjoyed a relative freedom ofexpression.It is my hypothesis that taken out of its secular context, religious revisionism of the kind practiced by French decadents may be seen as shocking transgression in a fiercely catholic country like Poland. In the country that lost its independence in 1794 and was ever since seeking to regain it, Catholic Church was perceived as an essential ally in the struggle against main occupying powers: Orthodox Russia, and Protestant Prussia. In the course of the 19th century Catholicism and patriotism had been effectively fused in Polish national conscience. In this charged political context a Polish author revisiting Church dogma or tradition was at risk of being perceived not only as a religious outcast but also as a traitor to the cause of Polish independence.To test my hypothesis I propose to examine Igrzysko (Game), a forgotten play by Leopold Staff. Admired today chiefly as a poet, the young Staff wrote Igrzysko in Poland after a long sojourn in Paris where he had lived among the international crowd of fin de siècle writers and artists. The play was first produced in Lemberg in 1909 and after a few performances vanished forever from Polish theatrical repertoire.Leopold Staff's play is set in ancient Rome and depicts tribulations of an actor who, while impersonating a Christian awaiting crucifixion, converts to Christianity. In his play, Staff revives the legend of Saint Genesius, an actor in Arles who died a martyr's death in 286 under Diocletian. In Spain, Saint Genesius's legend inspired Lope de Vega who wrote Acting is Believing (Lo fingido verdadero, 1607). In France, it was the source for Jean Rotrou's Saint Genest (1646). All told, the legend of Genesius is a popular theme for artists who wish to explore the distinction between art and life. An important addition to this old tradition, Staff's play contains, however, a decadent and potentially scandalous twist. Unlike in Acting is Believing and Saint Genest, the protagonist's conversion is very short lived in Igrzysko. Fearing pain, Staff's character commits suicide and is, therefore, condemned for eternity. In my paper, I will discuss the significance of Staff's religious transgression in the context of the turn of the century arch-catholic and patriotic Poland.

The reserves of the Alexander Solzhenitsyn House of Russian Abroad in Moscow holds 84 large-format albums with clippings from emigrant newspapers from the 1940s and 1950s, selected according to various subjects (Necropolis, Icons, Church, Our achievements, etc.). These materials are a valuable source for researchers, since the collections of emigrant periodicals in Russian and foreign libraries are fragmented. All albums are predictably associated with the activities of the Russian emigrants. In 1996, A. I. and N. D. Solzhenitsyns transferred them to the collection of the House. The materials were initially received from the collector himself — Alexey Ivanovich Kalugin (1883-1982), a Russian emigrant who lived in Lithuania, Germany, Italy and Argentina. The article clarifies a number of biographical facts about Kalugin, presents a letter to him from A. I. Solzhenitsyn dated September 21, 1980, analyzes the content of the album "Dostoevsky" from the Russian Writers series. In it Kalugin included excerpts from <i>Golos naroda</i>, <i>Novoe russkoe slovo</i>, <i>Russkaya mysl</i>, <i>Narodnaya pravda</i>, <i>Za pravdu</i>, <i>Nasha strana</i>, <i>Seyatel</i>, and other newspapers that reported on new editions of the writer's books, performances, literary debates and lectures devoted to his work (professor V. N. Ilyin, writer Osip Dymov, etc.). They also contained information on the activities of the “Circle for the study of Dostoevsky” in Paris under the leadership of G. A. Meyer, and presented the commemoration program for the 70th anniversary of Dostoevsky's death in France. The album includes reviews of published books about the writer's work, articles about his life and work written by critics and emigrant researchers, the first publications of essays by I. S. Shmelev, B. K. Zaitsev and A. M. Remizov about Dostoevsky in Russian, etc. Among the little-known materials previously unpublished in Russia, the Kalugin album contains an article by Ekaterina Dostoevskaya about Fedyusha – the writer's grandson, a publication of the boy's poems, Professor V. N. Speransky's memoirs about Anna Dostoevskaya and an interview with her. These materials are published in the Appendix to the article.

Dimitrije Matic (1821-1884) was a philosopher, jurist, professor of public law at the Belgrade Lyceum and politician. He served as Serbia?s Minister of Education and Church Affairs, acting Foreign Minister, Speaker of the Parliament, and member of the State Council. He was president of the Serbian Society of Letters and member of the Serbian Learned Society. Matic belonged to Serbian liberal-minded intellectual circles. He believed that the rule of force was unacceptable and that governments should promote and support popular education. Matic studied philosophy and law in Serbia (Kragujevac, Belgrade), Germany (Berlin, Heidelberg) and France (Paris), and received his doctorial degree in philosophy in Leipzig. In Berlin Matic embraced Hegel?s speculative philosophy and theory of state (philosophy of law). Among his professors were Georg Andreas Gabler (Hegel`s immediate successor), Otto Friedrich Gruppe, Wilhelm Vatke etc. In Halle he listened to another Hegelian, Johann Eduard Erdmann. He had the opportunity to attend Friedrich Schelling?s lectures on the philosophy of mythology. If the Right Hegelians developed Hegel?s philosophy along the lines they considered to be in accordance with Christian theology, and the Left Hegelians laid the emphasis on the anti-Christian tendencies of Hegel?s system and pushed it in the direction of materialism and socialism, Matic would be closer to the first. Actually, he was mostly influenced by his professor Karl Ludwig Michelet, with whom he established a lifelong friendship. Matic?s doctorial thesis (Dissertatio de via qua Fichtii, Schellingii, Hegeliique philosophia e speculativa investigatione Kantiana exculta sit) addressed the question of how the philosophy of Fichte, Schelling and Hegel developed from Kantian speculative thought. The paper deals with the question whether Matic took a shift from Hegelianism to Positivism (Naturalism) in the 1860s, which is a claim that was taken for granted in the Yugoslav (Serbian) Marxist histories of Serbian philosophy after the Second World War and Communist revolution. In fact, it is rooted in Milan Kujundzic-Aberdar?s (1842-1893) periodization of the Serbian philosophical literature. Kujundzic, professor of Philosophy at the Belgrade Great School, classified Matic?s Science of Education into the latest period of natural philosophy. In order to answer the question, the paper looks into the evolution of Matic?s philosophical, legal and political views. Matic followed Hegelian philosophy in his: Short Review (according to Hegel?s ? Psychology in Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences); Principles of Rational [Vernunftrecht] State Law [Staatslehre] according to Heinrich Zepfel?s book on the philosophy of law (Grunds?tze des allgemeinen und des konstitutionell-monarchischen Staatsrechts and Hegel?s Philosophy of Law) and History of Philosophy (according to Albert Schwegler?s History of Philosophy). There is nothing in Matic?s Science of Education that would corroborate the claim that he shifted from Hegelianism to Positivism. Though he had to attune his views to the changed, anti- Hegelian, intellectual climate and influences on academic life, he remained a Hegelian. The paper deals with the reasons why the Marxist histories of Serbian philosophy insisted on his alleged conversion.

Статья посвящена анализу причин изменения звукового облика франко-фламандской музыки в 1420-е годы, связанного с воздействием английской музыкальной практики. В качестве истока этого процесса рассматривается первое публичное появление английской духовной музыки на континенте во время проведения Констанцского собора (1414-1418). Несмотря на то, что она вызвала одобрение римской курии, это не привело к изменениям в музыке церковной службы в Риме, одной из важнейших причин чего видится сопротивление папской капеллы, которая в тот момент полностью состояла из французов, продолжавших по привычке считать английскую музыку провинциальной. («Отсталость» англичан сказывалась главным образом в отсутствии у большинства из них новейших ритмических приемов, использовавшихся французскими мастерами Ars subtilior в последние десятилетия XIV века.) Ситуация изменилась в 1420-е годы благодаря тесным политическим контактам англичан и бургундцев, воевавших против французской короны. В результате преобразился звуковой облик музыки, создаваемой не только для французского двора (поскольку по Труаскому договору французский трон после смерти Карла VI перешел к королю Англии, младенцу Генриху VI, за которого правил регент Франции - герцог Бедфорд), но и для папской капеллы в Риме. Данное изменение, связанное с переходом на английскую панконсонантную звуковысотную вертикаль в музыке Г. Дюфаи, Ж. Беншуа, Н. Гренона и других, М. Ле Франк впоследствии назвал «la contenance angloise» (что можно перевести как «английский стиль»). В связи с тем, что английское влияние было осознано самими бургундцами достаточно поздно, имена английских композиторов, перевернувших музыкальный мир континента (предположительно, это были Л. Пауэр, Т. Биттеринг, Джон Бенет и др.), были «забыты» И. Тинкторисом, который считал источником новой гармонии лишь Дж. Данстейбла, чье творчество проникло на материк несколько позднее. The article is devoted to the analysis of the reasons for the change in the sound image of Franco-Flemish music in the 1420s, associated with the influence of English musical practice. The first public appearance of English sacred music on the continent during the Council of Constance (1414-1418) is considered as the source of this process. In spite of the approval of English music by the Roman Curia, the music of Roman church service had not been immediately changed, and one of the main reasons for that was the resistance of the papal chapel, which at that time wholly consisted of Frenchmen, who continued by force of habit to consider English music “provincial”. (The “backwardness” of the English composers showed itself mainly in the absence of the newest rhythmic techniques used by the French masters of Ars subtilior in the last decades of the 14 century). The situation changed in the 1420s due to close political contacts between the Englishmen and the Burgundians, who fought against the French crown. As a result, the sound image of the music created not only for the French court (since even Paris at that time was under the control of Duke Philip the Good and John Bedford - the regent of France), but also for the papal chapel was transformed. This change, associated with the transition to the English euphonic pitch vertical in the music by G. Dufay, J. Benchois, N. Grenon and others, was later called by M. Le Frank “la contenance angloise” (which can be translated as “English style”). Due to the fact that the English influence was recognized by the Burgundians themselves rather late, the names of the English composers who turned the musical world of the continent upside down (presumably these were L. Power, T. Bittering, John Benet, etc.) were “forgotten” by I. Tinctoris, who considered the source of the new harmony only J. Dunstable, whose works reached the mainland a little later.

RESUMENLa historia del cristianismo no se entiende sin el complejo fenómeno mariano. El culto mariano ha afianzado la construcción de identidades colectivas, pero también individuales. La figura de la Virgen María estableció un modelo de conducta desde cada contexto histórico-cultural, remarcando especialmente los ideales de maternidad y virginidad. Dentro del imaginario católico, la Europa contemporánea ha estado marcada por la formación de una cultura aparicionista que se ha generadoa partir de diversas apariciones marianas que han establecido un canon y un marco de interpretación que ha alimentado las guerras culturales entre secularismo y catolicismo.PALABRAS CLAVE: catolicismo, Virgen María, cultura aparicionista, Lourdes, guerras culturales.ABSTRACTThe history of Christianity cannot be understood without the complex Marian phenomenon. Marian devotion has reinforced the construction of collective, but also of individual identities. 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Daggers from the Middle AgesOn entering the front door to Moesgård’s 226 year old main building, some of the first objects to meet one’s eyes are two magnificent white mineral cabinets in Louis XVI style. These beautiful cabinets are among the oldest pieces of furniture at Moesgård. They originate from Christian Frederik Güldencrone’s time (1741-88) and contain now – as then – a mineralogical collection (fig. 1). In a lower drawer of one of the cabinets there are, however, two daggers that have nothing to do with this collection and which must have been added on a later occasion.The types of dagger which will be dealt with here are the kidney dagger and the so-called lansquenet dagger mentioned below. They have their origins in the ­Middle Ages and they are, due to their form, closely linked with the military equipment, especially the plate armour, increasingly in vogue during the 14th century. When the dagger became part of the knight’s armament it was in order for it to be used in hand-to-hand fighting. With its strong and rigid blade, the dagger could be pushed between the plates of a fallen knight’s armour, enabling the final and decisive coup de grâce to be given (fig. 2). The military zenith of the dagger was in the 14th-15th centuries.Daggers are often difficult to date. Many have been recovered from bogs and lakes and a great number do not have any associated information about their origin. As a consequence, the typological chrono­logies that have been produced are rather coarse-grained and are mainly based on pictorial sources and collections of historical weapons (fig. 3).One of the daggers is a double-edged kidney dagger, listed as No. 6 in the catalogue (fig. 4). The length of the dagger is 30 cm, of which 10.5 cm comprises the grip and 19.5 cm the blade. The grip is made of root wood, while the blade is of iron. The blade is rather slender, no more than 1.4 cm at its widest. No smith’s stamp or mark is ­visible. Below each kidney, ­traces of a now missing quillon-plate can be seen; this was often curved or wing-shaped. The guard had been attached to the kidneys by way of two sprigs. At the end of the hilt, a knob or boss has been carved out of the root wood and between the boss and hilt runs a bead which is now somewhat effaced. X-­radiography reveals that the dagger has no real tang.The kidney dagger was quite often depicted in medieval times. An illustration in the so-called “Kristina Psalter”, thought to have been produced in Paris about AD 1230, is usually recognised as the oldest image of a kidney dagger. The dagger referred to is, however, very difficult to recognise as a kidney dagger; it is more probably of the high medieval dagger type – the cultellus. More certainty surrounds another rendition of a kidney dagger – that seen on Duke Christopher’s sepulchral monument from the AD 1360s in Roskilde Cathedral. This is usually regarded as Denmark’s oldest, securely dated kidney dagger (fig. 5). Another example to which attention is always drawn is the dagger shown at Valdemar Atterdag’s side on a fresco from about AD 1375 in St Peder’s Church in Næstved (fig. 6). The Moesgård dagger is dated to the period from the last quarter of the 14th century to the end of the 15th century.The kidney dagger has an interesting cultural history, not exclusively involving the art of war. Daggers become part of the rather dandified men’s fashion of the 15th century where the dagger was worn at front, hung on a belt. As can be imagined, it is no longer the kidneys one thinks about when seeing the dagger! This was also clear at the time; in England the dagger was referred to as the ballock dagger and in France dague á couilettes (fig. 7).The other dagger from the Moesgård cabinet is a so-called lansquenet dagger, listed as No. 17 in the catalogue. Like the kidney dagger this is a double-edged weapon (fig. 8). It is reminiscent of a small sword with short, straight or slightly bent quillons. The length of the dagger is 36.5 cm, of which the grip comprises 11 cm and the blade 25.5 cm. At the end of the tang a cone-shaped pommel with spiral grooves can be seen; this feature is repeated in the quillon terminals. Between quillon and tang, and between pommel and tang, narrow bronze casings can be seen – the last remnants of the lost grip. The double-edged blade, which has a maximum width of 2.1 cm, has a very strongly accentuated back; the cross-section between back and blade is almost concave.During the 15th century the composition and structure of armies gradually changed so that, with time, the heavily armoured cavalry were replaced by lighter infantry, armed with spears, swords and halberds. The infantry became more professional and in Germany, in the 15th century, were referred to as mercenaries; it is probably here that this type of dagger originated. There are several types of the so-called lansquenet dagger; variation is seen primarily in the shape and construction of the guard, but also the shape of the grip. Information from better preserved examples of the type, to which the Moesgård dagger belongs, suggests that the missing grip was probably of wood and was baluster-shaped. The sheath for a this type of dagger was often rather special, being made of wood and having a circular or oval cross-section and often several rows of horizontal beading. Some examples are iron-plated and heavy, and could be used as clubs in self-defence. The Moesgård dagger is dated to the 16th century, probably towards the end of the century.One further dagger, or rather the grip from a dagger, will also be dealt with here. This artefact was not, however, found in Dahl’s mineral cabinets but during an excavation alongside Århus Å in 2002. The degraded grip is made from a bovine metatarsal, carved to resemble twisted rope. It is listed in the catalogue as No. 7 (fig. 9). The grip is 10.3 cm long. The bone has been split lengthways and only the hint of one kidney is preserved. The artefact is dated to the latter half of the 15th century. The actual prototype for this piece is to be found among the magnificent daggers with grips fashioned from twisted bars of precious metal. In the earlier literature this type is dated to the 14th century but the ­evidence now indicates that it belongs to the latter half of the 15th century.Is a catalogue of the kidney and so-called lansquenet daggers from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, which are either kept at museums in the Århus area or were found within Moesgård Museum’s area of archaeological responsibility. The main part of the collection is kept at Den Gamle By in Aarhus, and some of these daggers were previously published by A. Bruhn in 1950. Eighteen kidney and mercenary daggers are catalogued; further to these are six daggers, which cannot be assigned more precisely to type. Seven daggers are of unknown origin. It should be noted that 10 out of the remaining 17 daggers were found either in a lake, watercourse or bog. This significantly high proportion is probably not just due chance but no real investigation has ever been carried out into this phenomenon. Only two of the daggers were found during actual archaeological excavations.Lars Krants LarsenMoesgård Museum

RESUMENLa pretensión de este artículo es ofrecer una serie de reflexiones y valoraciones metodológicas sobre la historia medieval de la Iglesia y la religiosidad partiendo de algunos aspectos destacados de la producción historiográfica reciente y esbozar ciertas propuestas en la misma clave metodológica. Este ensayo reflexiona sobre temas, enfoques y perspectivas, sobre los niveles de estudio de lo religioso y sobre la integración de la historia de la Iglesia y la historia social, y aboga por una historiasocial de la Iglesia.PALABRAS CLAVE: Historia Medieval, Historia de la Iglesia y la vida religiosa en la Edad Media, Metodología histórica, Liturgia y sociedad, Tendencias historiográficas.ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to offer a series of reflections and methodological evaluations on the medieval history of the Church and religiosity based on some outstanding aspects of recent historiographical production, and to outline certain proposals in the same methodological vein. 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RESUMENEl riesgo de morir en duelo fue consustancial a la cultura del honor. Incluso en países, como Francia o España, donde la muerte en duelo no era habitual. El nexo entre honor y vida, o entre sus contrarios, deshonor y muerte, permeaba el imaginario cultural de las élites liberales. La épica de los duelos giraba en torno a la probabilidad de que un combatiente pereciera, y aun cuando la muerte no fuese el objetivo buscado en el lance, siempre pesaba la incertidumbre: la amenaza de recibir una estocada dolorosa o la eventualidad de una lesión grave. La muerte planeaba sobre los desafíos y que acudiera, o no, al campo del honor dependía de diversas variables: la fogosidad de los rivales, la habilidad de los padrinos al concertar el duelo, que uno de los contendientes fuese militar, la naturaleza de la ofensa o que esta girara en torno a una mujer… También se cernía sobre el duelista la amenaza de la muerte eterna, pues la Iglesia condenaba los lances de honor y prohibía que los caídos en combate sin confesión recibieran sepultura sagrada. De todo lo anterior tratan las siguientes páginas, centradas en la cultura del duelo en España, enmarcada en el contexto internacional, y en la presencia en ella de la muerte. Palabras clave: honor, muerte, duelos, masculinidadTopónimos: España, EuropaPeriodo: Siglos xix y xx ABSTRACTThe risk of dying in a duel was consubstantial to the culture of honor, even in countries such as France or Spain, where death in a duel was not usual. The link between honor and life, or between their opposites, dishonor, and death, permeated the cultural imaginary of the liberal elites. The epic of duels revolved around the probability that a combatant would perish; and even when death was not the intended objective of the duel, uncertainty always weighed heavily: the threat of receiving a painful thrust or the eventuality of a serious injury. Death hovered over the challenges and whether it would come to the field of honor depended on several variables: the fierceness of the rivals, the skill of the godfathers in arranging the duel, whether one of the contenders was a military man, the nature of the offense or whether it revolved around a woman... The threat of eternal death also hung over the duelist, since the Church condemned duels and prohibited those who fell in combat without confession with receiving a sacred burial. 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