Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Orange Export Ltd"

Dr. Jamshed Jiji Irani passed away on 31.10.2022 at the Tata Main Hospital in Jamshedpur. He was 86 and was ailing for some time. In fact, Dr. Irani had received severe internal injuries as he slipped in February, 2021, in the bathroom at his house near Beldih Golf Course in Jamshedpur. He was rushed to the Tata Main Hospital, where he was treated and discharged, but did not fully recover thereafter. Dr. Irani is survived by wife Daisy Irani and three children Zubin, Niloufer, and Tanaaz. Dr. Irani had a close Nagpur connect, as he was born here and had his education upto the post graduation level in the Orange City. Starting his school education in SFS School, he did B.Sc. from College of Science (now Institute of Science) in 1956 and post graduation in geology from the Nagpur University, P. G. Department of Geology in 1958. He decided to switch over to metallurgy and was awarded the J. N. Tata fellowship to study abroad. Dr. Irani earned his master's in 1960 and doctorate in 1963 in metallurgy from the University of Sheffield, U.K.. After a stint with British Iron and Steel Research Association, U. K., he returned to India in 1968 and started his innings with Tata Iron and Steel Co. Ltd. (TISCO), now Tata Steel. He soon rose to higher ranks, getting promoted to the post of Managing Director in 1992. Dr. Irani took over as MD from the high profile Mr. Russi Mody. Soon after, Dr. Irani took steps to make his company's steel prices competitive for the world market and bagged export orders. At this time Tata's steel prices were the lowest in the world. His position as the Head of Tata Steel and his apt handling of the company earned him the title "Steel Man of India" who reinvented Tata Steel. He took giant steps to enable local entrepreneurs around Jamshedpur develop their skills and become suppliers to the Tata companies, including Tata Motors, Jamshedpur. With his initiative, Jamshedpur soon became a hub for ancillary suppliers. With Dr. Irani at the helm of affairs, a new work culture of 8-hour shifts began at Tata Steel. He was elevated as Director, Tata Sons, a post that he held till 2011, along with boardroom posts in other Tata companies including Tata Motors and Tata Tele Services. Dr. Irani continued to remain on the Tata Steel board as Director till 2011. Dr. Irani was conferred an honorary knighthood (KBE) by Queen Elizabeth II in 1997. He was awarded Padma Bhushan in 2007 from Government of India. In 2004, the government appointed him as the Chairman of the Expert Committee for formulation of the new Indian Companies Act. He also held the post of National President of Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) during 1992-93. Dr. Irani was always a cricketer till his last years and also an avid stamp and coin collector. The leader and great visionary retired from all the posts of Tata companies in 2011, settling down at Jamshedpur to lead a peaceful life. Dr. Irani maintained a deep connect with the Gondwana Geological Society and his moral and philanthropic support always came by, whenever requested for. Our Society is extremely grateful to Dr. Irani for his encouragement and support and has sadly lost one of its most esteemed members. We deeply condole the passing away of Dr. Irani.

Eni Starts Area 1 Production off Mexico via MODEC FPSO MODEC said first oil has flowed through FPSO MIAMTE MV34 operating in the Offshore Area 1 block in the Bay of Campeche off Mexico. The contractor was appointed by Eni Mexico for the supply, charter, and operation of the FPSO in the Eni-operated Offshore Area 1 block in 2018. The charter contract will run for an initial 15 years, with options for extension every year thereafter up to 5 additional years. Moored in a water depth of approximately 32 m some 10 km off Mexico’s coast, the FPSO is capable of handling 90,000 B/D of oil, 75 MMcf/D of gas, and 120,000 B/D of water injection with a storage capacity of 700,000 bbl of oil. The FPSO boasts a disconnectable tower yoke mooring system, a first-of-its-kind design in the industry. The system was developed to moor the FPSO in shallow water, while also allowing the unit to disconnect its mooring and depart the area to avoid winter storms and hurricanes in the Gulf of Mexico. The mooring system was developed by MODEC subsidiary SOFEC Inc. The mooring jacket was fabricated in Altamira, Mexico. Eni Starts Production from Ndungu EP Development Italy’s Eni has started production from the Ndungu Early Production (EP) development in Block 15/06 of the Angolan deep offshore, via the Ngoma FPSO. With an expected production rate in the range of 20,000 B/D, the project will sustain the plateau of the Ngoma, a 100,000-B/D, zero-discharge, and zero-process-flaring FPSO, upgraded in 2021 to minimize emissions. A further exploration and delineation campaign will be performed in Q2 2022 to assess the full potential of the overall assets of Ndungu. Ndungu EP is the third startup achieved by Eni Angola in Block 15/06 in the past 7 months, after Cuica Early Production and the Cabaca North Development Project. Block 15/06 is operated by Eni Angola with a 36.84% share. Sonangol Pesquisa e Produção (36.84%) and SSI Fifteen Ltd. (26.32%) comprise the rest of the joint venture. Aramco Discovers Natural Gas in Four Regions Saudi Aramco has discovered natural gas fields in four regions of the kingdom, the Saudi Press Agency (SPA) reported, citing Energy Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman. The fields were found in the Empty Quarter desert located in the central area of the kingdom, near its northern border and in the eastern region, he said, according to SPA. Saudi Arabia wants to increase gas production and boost the share of natural gas in its energy mix to meet growing electricity consumption and to make more crude available for export. The minister said an unspecified number of fields were discovered and he mentioned five by name: Shadoon, in the central region; Shehab and Shurfa, in the Empty Quarter in the southeastern region; Umm Khansar, near the northern border with Iraq; and Samna in the eastern region. Two of the gas fields, Samna and Umm Khansar, were said to be “nonconventional” and possibly shale finds. Lukoil Completes Area 4 Deal in Mexico Russian producer Lukoil has completed a deal to become a lead stakeholder in an Area 4 shallow-water asset adjacent to Tabasco and Campeche in Mexico. Under the deal, Lukoil has acquired a 50% stake in the asset from US independent Fieldwood Energy, which filed for US bankruptcy protection in August 2020, for $685 million. The original deal was priced at $435 million; the additional $250 million is related to expenditures Fieldwood incurred since 1 January 2021. Fieldwood committed to invest $477 million to increase oil production from the Ichalkil and Pokoch fields from the current level of 25,000 B/D to a plateau level of 115,000 B/D. Situated in water depths between 35 and 45 m, the fields’ recoverable hydrocarbon reserves amount to 564 million BOE, more than 80% of which is crude oil. Production started in Q4 2021; current average oil production has exceeded 25,000 B/D. The approved work program includes drilling three development wells (two on Ichalkil and one on Pokoch), upgrading three production platforms, and performing seismic reprocessing and petrophysical studies. The remaining 50% stake in Area 4 is held by operator PetroBal, a subsidiary of Mexico’s GrupoBal. Petrobras Sells Polo Norte Capixaba Field Cluster In line with its strategy to concentrate resources on deepwater and ultradeepwater assets, Brazil’s Petrobras has sold 100% of its interest in Norte Capixaba cluster to Seacrest Exploração e Produção de Petróleo Ltda for $544 million, including a $66-million contingent payment. The cluster comprises four producing fields—Cancã, Fazenda Alegre, Fazenda São Rafael, and Fazenda Santa Luzia—and produced 6,470 BOE/D in 2021. The deal also includes the Norte Capixaba Terminal (TNC) and all production facilities. NewMed Targets Morocco Market Entry Israel-based NewMed Energy, formerly Delek Drilling, has identified Morocco as “a country with enormous geological and commercial potential,” in particular the Moroccan coastal areas in the Mediterranean and North Atlantic. The announcement comes a day after the Moroccan Minister of Industry and Trade, Ryad Mezzour, and his Israeli counterpart, Orna Barbivai, signed an MOU aimed at promoting investments and exchanges between the two countries in the digital design, food, automotive, aviation, textile, water technologies and renewable energies, medical equipment, and the pharmaceutical industries. In September 2021, the Israeli oil and gas exploration company obtained from the Moroccan ministry the exploration and study rights of the Dakhla Atlantic Block, which has an area of about 109000 km2. ExxonMobil Sells Nigerian Assets to Seplat ExxonMobil has agreed to sell its shallow-water assets in Nigeria to Seplat Energy for $1.28 billion plus a contingent consideration of $300 million. Seplat said it is acquiring a 40% operating stake in four oil leases to nearly triple its annual net production to 146,000 BOE/D. The deal also includes the Qua Iboe export terminal and a 51% interest in the Bonny River Terminal and natural gas liquids recovery plants at EAP and Oso. It does not include any of ExxonMobil’s deepwater fields in Nigeria. TotalEnergies Discovers Large Oil Field off Namibia TotalEnergies has made a significant discovery of light oil with associated gas on the Venus prospect, located in block 2913B in the Orange Basin, offshore southern Namibia. The Venus 1-X well encountered approximately 84 m of net oil pay in a good-quality Lower Cretaceous reservoir. The find’s potential reserves are estimated at 2 billion bbl of oil. “This discovery offshore Namibia and the very promising initial results prove the potential of this play in the Orange Basin, on which TotalEnergies owns an important position both in Namibia and South Africa,” said Kevin McLachlan, senior vice president exploration at TotalEnergies. “A comprehensive coring and logging program has been completed. This will enable the preparation of appraisal operations designed to assess the commerciality of this discovery.” Block 2913B covers approximately 8215 km2 in deep offshore Namibia. TotalEnergies is the operator with a 40% working interest, alongside QatarEnergy (30%), Impact Oil and Gas (20%), and NAMCOR (10%). CNPC Scoops Ishpingo Drilling Contract The first drilling contract at the Ishpingo oil field near Ecuador’s Yasuni National Park has been awarded to China National Petroleum Corp. (CNPC), Energy Minister Juan Carlos Bermeo told Reuters. Following the approval of a new hydrocarbon law and legislation, Ecuador plans to move forward with auctions and competitive processes for securing foreign and domestic capital for oil and gas exploration, production, transportation, and refining projects. The first drilling campaign to start after an environmental license was granted for the sensitive area will involve 40 wells over the next 18 months. It will focus on the field’s allowed zone without touching an area protected by a court ruling that has prevented extending drilling. Ishpingo is the latest part of the ITT-43 oil field in Ecuador’s Amazonia region to start drilling after Tambococha and Tiputini. It is expected to produce heavy oil to be added to the nation’s output of flagship Napo crude, Bermeo said. BP Brings Hershel Expansion Project On Line in US GOM BP has successfully started production from the Herschel Expansion project in the Gulf of Mexico—the first of four major projects scheduled to be delivered globally in 2022. Phase 1 comprises development of a new subsea production system and the first of up to three wells tied to the Na Kika platform in the Mississippi Canyon area. At its peak, this first well is expected to increase platform annual gross production by an estimated 10,600 BOE/D. The BP-operated well was drilled to a depth of approximately 19,000 ft and is located southeast of the Na Kika platform, approximately 140 miles off the coast of New Orleans. The project provides infrastructure for future well tie-in opportunities. BP and Shell each hold a 50% working interest in the development. Petrobras Kicks off Gulf of Mexico Asset Sales Petrobras has begun an asset sale program in the Gulf of Mexico, in line with the company’s strategy of debt reduction and pivot toward Brazilian deepwater production. The package for sale includes the company’s 20% stake in MP Gulf of Mexico (MPGoM) which holds ownership stakes in 15 fields in partnership with Murphy Oil. In addition to partnership-operated fields, MPGoM owns nonoperated interests in Occidental’s Lucius, Kosmos’ Kodiak, Shell’s Habanero, and Chevron’s St. Malo fields. During the first half of 2021, Petrobras’ share of production was 11,300 BOE/D. ExxonMobil Liza Phase 2 Underway off Guyana ExxonMobil started production of Liza Phase 2, Guyana’s second offshore oil development on the Stabroek Block; total production capacity is now more than 340,000 B/D in the 7 years since the country’s first discovery. Production at the Liza Unity FPSO is expected to reach its target of 220,000 bbl of oil later this year. The Stabroek Block’s recoverable resource base is estimated at more than 10 billion BOE. The current resource has the potential to support up to 10 projects. ExxonMobil anticipates that four FPSOs with a capacity of more than 800,000 B/D will be in operation on the block by year-end 2025. Payara, the third project in the block, is expected to produce approximately 220,000 BOPD using the Prosperity FPSO vessel, currently under construction. The field development plan and application for environmental authorization for the Yellowtail project, the fourth project in the block, have been submitted for government and regulatory approvals. The Liza Unity arrived in Guyana in October 2021. It is moored in water depth of about 1650 m and will store around 2 million bbl of crude. ExxonMobil affiliate Esso Exploration and Production Guyana Ltd. is the operator and holds 45% interest. Hess Guyana Exploration Ltd. holds 30% interest and CNOOC Petroleum Guyana Ltd. holds 25%. Dragon Finds Oil in Gulf of Suez UAE’s Dragon Oil has discovered oil in the Gulf of Suez, according to a statement from the Egyptian Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources. The field contains potential reserves of around 100 million bbl inside the northeastern region of Ramadan. That estimate makes it one of the largest oil finds in the region over the past 2 decades. Development plans were not reported but reserve numbers could expand, the ministry said. The oil field is the first discovery by Dragon Oil since it acquired 100% of BP’s Gulf of Suez Petroleum assets in 2019. Dragon Oil, wholly owned by Emirates National Oil Co., holds 100% interest in East Zeit Bay off the southern Gulf of Suez region. The 93-km2 block lies in shallow waters of 10 to 40 m.

This articles analyses the establishment of state forestry programs in the Orange Free State and Transvaal following the end of the South African War/Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902). British imperial administrators, led by Alfred Milner, sought to reconstruct the economy of the Transvaal and Orange Free State by using personnel who had worked previously in India and Egypt rather than by drawing on local experts in the Cape Colony or Natal Colony. Colonial foresters from the Cape Colony used the opportunities provided by reconstruction to export Cape-centric ideas about forest management to the Transvaal and Orange Free State. Ultimately, Milner's desire to bring in a top-rate forester from India failed, although his program of reconstruction instead brought in foresters from the Cape Colony who helped to harmonise South African forestry practices before Union in 1910. The interpretation put forward in this article helps to explain how Cape foresters exported ideas about climatic comparison and afforestation from the Cape into the rest of South Africa.

Drought is one of the main abiotic stresses limiting the quality and yield of citrus. Cuticular waxes play an important role in regulating plant drought tolerance and water use efficiency (WUE). However, the contribution of cuticular waxes to drought tolerance, WUE and the underlying molecular mechanism is still largely unknown in citrus. ‘Longhuihong’ (MT) is a bud mutant of ‘Newhall’ navel orange with curly and bright leaves. In this study, significant increases in the amounts of total waxes and aliphatic wax compounds, including n-alkanes, n-primary alcohols and n-aldehydes, were overserved in MT leaves, which led to the decrease in cuticular permeability and finally resulted in the improvements in drought tolerance and WUE. Compared to WT leaves, MT leaves possessed much lower contents of malondialdehyde (MDA) and hydrogen peroxide (H2O2), significantly higher levels of proline and soluble sugar, and enhanced superoxide dismutase (SOD), catalase (CAT) and peroxidase (POD) activities under drought stress, which might reduce reactive oxygen species (ROS) damage, improve osmotic regulation and cell membrane stability, and finally, enhance MT tolerance to drought stress. Transcriptome sequencing results showed that seven structural genes were involved in wax biosynthesis and export, MAPK cascade, and ROS scavenging, and seven genes encoding transcription factors might play an important role in promoting cuticular wax accumulation, improving drought tolerance and WUE in MT plants. Our results not only confirmed the important role of cuticular waxes in regulating citrus drought resistance and WUE but also provided various candidate genes for improving citrus drought tolerance and WUE.

Delphi is a procedure that produces forecasts on technological and social developments. This article traces the history of Delphi’s development to the early 1950s, where a group of logicians and mathematicians working at the RAND Corporation carried out experiments to assess the predictive capacities of groups of experts. While Delphi now has a rather stable methodological shape, this was not so in its early years. The vision that Delphi’s creators had for their brainchild changed considerably. While they had initially seen it as a technique, a few years later they reconfigured it as a scientific method. After some more years, however, they conceived of Delphi as a tool. This turbulent youth of Delphi can be explained by parallel changes in the fields that were deemed relevant audiences for the technique, operations research and the policy sciences. While changing the shape of Delphi led to some success, it had severe, yet unrecognized methodological consequences. The core assumption of Delphi that the convergence of expert opinions observed over the iterative stages of the procedure can be interpreted as consensus, appears not to be justified for the third shape of Delphi as a tool that continues to be the most prominent one.

Shell Discovers More Oil Off Namibia Shell announced its oil discovery off Namibia in January and was “very encouraged by the early results” from the Graff-1 exploration well in the country’s Orange Basin, which “established a working petroleum system and the presence of light oil.” Researchers at Wood Mackenzie believe the find could hold upward of 700 million BOE. Shell is currently drilling a second well at La Rona, an aggressive stepout which is likely to be appraising the discovery prior to confirmation of a potential commercial development. Shell operates the Graff find with a 45% interest. Partners in the discovery are QatarEnergy (45%) and NAMCOR (10%). Less than a month after Graff was announced, TotalEnergies reported that it had made a significant discovery of light oil with associated gas on the Venus prospect, in Block 2913B in the Orange Basin. The Venus 1-X well encountered around 84 m of net oil pay in a Lower Cretaceous reservoir. No resource estimates have been officially released. First Oil Achieved at King’s Quay in the GOM Murphy Oil has achieved first oil from the Khaleesi, Mormont, and Samurai field development project in the deepwater Gulf of Mexico (GOM). The field trio is being developed subsea and tied back to the Murphy-operated King’s Quay floating production system (FPS), designed to process 85,000 B/D of oil and 100 MMcf/D of natural gas. The project comprises the Khaleesi/Mormont fields in Green Canyon Blocks 389 and 478, respectively, and the Samurai field, located in Green Canyon Block 432. Completions operations are ongoing for the remaining five wells in the seven-well project. Murphy operates the King’s Quay FPS and associated export lateral pipelines, which are owned 50% by an affiliate of Third Coast Infrastructure and 50% by entities managed by Ridgewood Energy, including ILX Holdings III LLC. Neptune Energy Ramps Up Gas Production From Duva Field Neptune Energy and its partners will be doubling gas production from the Duva field in the Norwegian sector of the North Sea, supporting increased supplies to the UK and Europe. The partnership has worked closely with the Norwegian authorities to identify measures to help meet gas demand in Europe. Gas production from the field was planned to increase by 6,500 BOE/D from the first half of April. Duva is a subsea installation with three oil producers and one gas producer, tied back to the Neptune Energy-operated Gjøa semisubmersible platform. The gas is transported by pipeline to the UK’s St Fergus gas terminal. Duva’s overall production currently stands at 30,000 BOE/D, of which 6,500 BOE/D is natural gas. Under the newly agreed measures, daily gas production will double to 13,000 BOE/D for an initial 4–8 months. Around 70% of Neptune Energy’s Norwegian production is gas, and the company is investigating opportunities to ramp up gas production from other fields within its portfolio. Duva license partners include operator Neptune Energy (30%), INPEX Idemitsu (30%), PGNiG Upstream Norway (30%), and Sval Energi (10%). New Oil Discovery Near Troll and Fram Area of the North Sea Equinor has once again discovered oil and gas close to the Troll and Fram area—this time with its Kveikje well. The find came on the operator’s 293 B production license. The company estimates the size of the discovery is between 25–50 million bbl of recoverable oil equivalent. Temporarily called Kveikje, this is the sixth discovery in this area since 2019. Up to more than 300 million BOE were proven in the five former discoveries. Equinor is considering the development as a tieback to the Troll B or C platform. There were several drilling targets in the exploration well. After Kveikje was discovered, drilling continued to the next target in the upper part of the Cretaceous stratigraphic sequence. Smaller deposits of petroleum were discovered but are considered noncommercial. The well has been permanently plugged and abandoned. The well was drilled by semisubmersible Deepsea Stavanger. Plans call for Equinor to drill another exploration well in this area this year. The 293 B license owners are Equinor (51%), DNO (29%), Idemitsu (10%), and Longboat Energy (10%). W&T Offshore Completes Bolt-On Acquisition in the GOM W&T Offshore has acquired the remaining working interests in the oil- and gas-producing properties at Ship Shoal 230, South Marsh Island 27/Vermilion 191, and South Marsh Island 73 fields for $17.5 million in cash. The initial interest was purchased earlier this year from an undisclosed private seller. The transaction had an effective date and closing date of 1 April and was paid using cash on hand. The deal adds internally estimated proved reserves of 1.4 million BOE (70% oil) and proved and probable, or 2P, reserves of 2 million BOE (75% oil) as of year-end 2021. The properties carry an estimated net sales rate of about 900 BOE/D (~80% oil). The acquisition also adds an average of 20% working interest in more than 50 gross producing wells currently operated by the company across three shallow-water fields and provides additional opportunities for future drilling. ExxonMobil Comes Up Empty on Cutthroat Prospect in Brazil Prospect partner Murphy Oil said it and operator ExxonMobil came away with disappointing results from their Cutthroat-1 exploration well in Block SEAL-M-428 in the Sergipe-Alagoas Basin offshore Brazil. While the presence of hydrocarbons was not found, the partner group said it will continue to integrate the exploration well data into its regional subsurface interpretation efforts to better understand the exploration potential of its deepwater blocks located in the basin. Cutthroat-1 was located nearly 90 km offshore Brazil and was drilled in 3094 m of water by the Seadrill West Saturn drillship. It is one of multiple prospects that the partner group has mapped in the basin. ExxonMobil is the operator and holds 50% working interest in nine offshore SEAL blocks that span more than 6800 km2. Enauta Energia and Murphy Oil each hold a 30% working interest. Eni Upgrades Ndungu Field Resources Off Angola Eni has boosted its reserves base for the Ndungu field in the West Hub of Block 15/06 following the results of an initial well. The Ndungu 2 appraisal well was drilled 5 km away from Ndungu 1 and encountered 40 m of net oil pay in the Lower Oligocene reservoirs with good petrophysical properties confirming the hydraulic communication with the discovery well. The preliminary data collected on Ndungu 2 allows Eni to boost the field resources to between 800 million and 1 billion BOE in place from the initial estimates of 250–300 million BOE following the discovery well. The upgrade makes Ndungu, together with Agogo, the largest accumulation discovered in Block 15/06 since the block award. The early production phase of Ndungu started in February through one producer well, and a second producer well is expected in the fourth quarter of 2022, maximizing the utilization of existing facilities in the West Hub. Ndungu field development will now be upgraded to reflect the increase of the resource base, following a phased approach to uncap the overall potential initially contributing to extend and increase the plateau of the Ngoma—a 100,000 B/D, zero-discharge and zero-process-flaring FPSO. Block 15/06 is operated by Eni Angola with a 36.84% share. Sonangol Pesquisa e Produção holds 36.84% and SSI Fifteen Ltd., 26.32%. ExxonMobil Strikes Gas Off Cyprus The Cyprus energy ministry confirmed a reservoir of high-quality gas was encountered by the ExxonMobil-led Glaucus-2 appraisal well. The drilling of the well was conducted in the area known as Block 10 in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) that has been challenged by Turkey. The ministry said that operations in the EEZ included production testing. “The consortium will proceed with a detailed analysis and evaluation of the data collected to more accurately determine the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the reservoir, as well as potential development and commercialization of the discoveries,” the ministry said in a statement. Cyprus previously estimated gas resources in the reservoir of between 5 and 8 Tcf when the discovery from the Glaucus-1 well was announced in 2019. ExxonMobil and Block 10 partner Qatar Petroleum began drilling the Glaucus-2 well using drillship Stena Forth in December 2021. ExxonMobil is the operator and holds a 60% interest in Block 10. Qatar Petroleum International Upstream OPC holds the remaining 40% stake. Eni, Sonatrach Make Oil Hit in Algerian Desert Eni and Sonatrach made a significant oil and gas discovery in the Zemlet el Arbi concession located in the Berkine North Basin in the Algerian desert. The concession is operated by a joint venture between Eni (49%) and Sonatrach (51%). Preliminary estimates of the size of the discovery are around 140 million bbl of oil in place. The exploratory well that led to the discovery has been drilled on the HDLE exploration prospect, about 15 km from the processing facilities of Bir Rebaa North field. HDLE-1 discovered light oil in the Triassic sandstones of the Tagi formation confirming 26 m of net pay. During a production test, the well delivered 7,000 BOPD and 5 MMcf/D of associated gas. The HDLE-1 well is the first well of the new exploration campaign which will include the drilling of five wells in the Berkine North Basin. The discovery will be appraised by the followup HDLE-2 well to confirm the additional potential of the structure extending in the adjacent Sif Fatima 2 concession operated by an Eni-Sonatrach JV (50–50%). In parallel with the appraisal program, Eni and Sonatrach will perform studies and analyses to accelerate the production phase of the new discovery through a fast-tracked development with startup planned for the third quarter of 2022. Eni has been present in Algeria since 1981 where it operates several concessions. The company produces about 95,000 BOE/D from the country. Neptune Energy Confirms Hydrocarbons at Hamlet Neptune Energy struck hydrocarbons at its Hamlet exploration well in the Norwegian sector of the North Sea. The find is located within the Gjøa license (PL153). It has yet to be confirmed if commercial volumes of oil and gas are present. A contingent sidetrack may be drilled to further define the extent of the discovery. Located 58 km west of Florø, Norway, at a water depth of 358 m, Hamlet is within one of Neptune’s core areas and close to existing infrastructure. The Hamlet test was drilled by the Odjfell semisubmersible Deepsea Yantai. Partners in the find include operator Neptune Energy (30%), Petoro (30%), Wintershall Dea (28%), and OKEA (12%).

Relative Energy Deficiency in Sport (REDs) has various different risk factors, numerous signs and symptoms and is heavily influenced by one’s environment. Accordingly, there is no singular validated diagnostic test. This 2023 International Olympic Committee’s REDs Clinical Assessment Tool—V.2 (IOC REDs CAT2) implements a three-step process of: (1) initial screening; (2) severity/risk stratification based on any identified REDs signs/symptoms (primary and secondary indicators) and (3) a physician-led final diagnosis and treatment plan developed with the athlete, coach and their entire health and performance team. The CAT2 also introduces a more clinically nuanced four-level traffic-light (green, yellow, orange and red) severity/risk stratification with associated sport participation guidelines. Various REDs primary and secondary indicators have been identified and ‘weighted’ in terms of scientific support, clinical severity/risk and methodological validity and usability, allowing for objective scoring of athletes based on the presence or absence of each indicator. Early draft versions of the CAT2 were developed with associated athlete-testing, feedback and refinement, followed by REDs expert validation via voting statements (ie, online questionnaire to assess agreement on each indicator). Physician and practitioner validity and usability assessments were also implemented. The aim of the IOC REDs CAT2 is to assist qualified clinical professionals in the early and accurate diagnosis of REDs, with an appropriate clinical severity and risk assessment, in order to protect athlete health and prevent prolonged and irreversible outcomes of REDs.

The Sea Dayaks, better known as the Ibans, inhabit nearly the whole of Sarawak. The Ibans belong to the Proto-Malay groups and historically, they were from the Kapuas Valley in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. They migrated to Sarawak about fifteen generations ago in the mid 16th century (the 1630s). They went to the state through the Kumpang Valley and inhabit Batang Ai and then split to several places in Sarawak (Morgan, 1968). Although the Ibans have a social status in their traditional belief, they do not have a hierarchy of social status such as the Orang Ulu. However, they have elevated the status so-called Pengulu, Tuai Rumah, Tuai Burung, Lemambang, Manang, Beliau, Tukang Sabak, dan Indu Takar. The era of modernization has led to changes to the knowledge of the young generation, especially the younger generation of the Ibans who lack knowledge about the function and role of each rank status in their communities. Therefore, this study was conducted qualitatively through an interview with expert informants, observation, and documentation. This research was hoped to contribute to the general knowledge of the Iban community and other communities in the preservation of the function and role of each social status in the Iban community.

<p>Berawal pada penyebaran virus Covid-19 dari Negara Cina ke berbagai negara hingga akhirnya masuk ke Indonesia pada bulan Maret 2020 menyebabkan ketidakstabilan kehidupan sosial dan ekonomi. Virus ini memiliki kecenderungan untuk ditularkan dan disebarkan secara cepat melalui droplet. WHO telah menerbitkan protokol untuk pencegahan penyebaran virus Covid-19. Salah satu protokolnya adalah <em>Social Distancing</em> (jaga jarak) yang akhirnya diimplementasikan dengan gerakan di rumah saja. Bagi sebagian orang, dengan pembatasan aktifitas ini dapat menyebabkan depresi hingga stres. Sedangkan para ahli psikologi mengatakan bahwa stres atau depresi dapat menurunkan sistem kekebalan tubuh yang merupakan pertahanan terakhir untuk mencegah virus Covid-19 menjangkiti tubuh seseorang.</p><p>Maka itulah, peneliti bermaksud membuat sistem pakar yang sederhana menggunakan ilmu yang didapat dari seorang pakar, lalu dibuat daftar pertanyaan untuk mendeteksi apakah seseorang mengalami depresi/stres atau tidak, serta memberikan solusi atau saran bagi pengguna. Dan dalam penelitian ini target utama penggunanya adalah karyawan, sehingga studi kasusnya merujuk pada karyawan. Sistem pakar dibuat menggunakan metode forward chaining dengan akomodir ketidakpastian menggunakan CF (certainty factor). Hasilnya akurasi sistem ini sebesar 84,5%.</p><p> </p><p><em><strong>Abstract</strong></em></p><p><em>Starting with the spread of the Covid-19 virus from China to various countries until finally entering Indonesia in March 2020, it led to social and economic instability. This virus has a tendency to be transmitted and spread quickly through droplets. WHO has published a protocol for preventing the spread of the Covid-19 virus. One of the protocols is Social Distancing, which is finally implemented with movement at home. For some people, limiting these activities can cause depression to stress. While psychologists say that stress or depression can reduce the immune system. Though this immune system is the last defense to prevent the Covid-19 virus from infecting a person's body.</em></p><p><em>Therefore, the researcher intends to make a simple expert system using knowledge obtained from an expert, then made a list of questions to detect whether someone is depressed / stressed or not, and provide solutions or suggestions for users. And in this study, the main targeted users are employees, so the case study on employees. Expert systems are made using the forward chaining method with accommodating uncertainty using CF (certainty factor). The result of this system accuracy is 84.5%.</em></p><p><em><strong><br /></strong></em></p>

Historical sources on gamelan Bebonangan refer to the different shapes and forms of the ensemble. This inevitably results in perplexity on the origin, shapes, and forms of gamelan Bebenongan. The paper, therefore, aims to redress the confusion by rewriting it through critical history, a type of criticism on historical sources related to the term gamelan Bebonangan in Bali. The method used for the paper is historical approaches that include heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography as the finale. The word bebonangan is not found in historical sources of Balinese karawitan in the form of Old Javanese literature, which is today preserved in Bali and the Balinese literature itself. The only literary work that mentions these pencon-ed instruments is the Book of Pararaton, calling the as reyong instruments. The Book of Prakempa refers to the instruments in names such as reyong barangan and reyong pangageng. By indicating that the reyong instrument becomes the main instrument, one may expect peculiarity in the claims. It may be pointed out that opinions have been led in the beginning by the foreign influence to impose the view to the Balinese to challenge their own identity and, at the same time to be applauded for their arts and culture.Sumber sejarah tentang gamelan Bebonangan yang menunjuk bentuk dan wujud yang berbeda. Hal ini tentu saja menyebabkan kesimpang siuran tentang asal-usul dan wujud gamelan Bebonangan itu sendiri. Oleh karenanya penulisan ini bertujuan untuk meluruskan kesimpangsiuran yang terjadi dengan menuliskannya melalui kritik terhadap sumber-sumber sejarah istilah gamelan Bebonangan di Bali. Metode yang dipergunakan yaitu metode sejarah yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi atau penafsiran, dan terakhir adalah historiografi. Kata bebonangan tidak ditemukan dalam sumber-sumber sejarah karawitan Bali yang berupa literatur kesusastraan Jawa Kuna yang sekarang diawetkan di Bali dan literatur kesusastraan Bali sendiri. Satu-satunya karya kesusastraan yang menyebutkan instrumen berpencon ini adalah kitab pararaton yang menyebutnya dengan instrumen reyong. Prakempa menyebutkan instrumen-instrumen gamelan Bebonangan antara lain reyong Barangan dan reyong Pangageng. Merujuk hal tersebut dimana instrumen reyong merupakan instrumen utama, maka tentulah hal ini menjadi sebuah keanehan. Sepertinya telah terjadi penggiringan sejak awal, adanya pengacauan asing telah memaksakan orang Bali untuk mempertanyakan dasar identitas mereka, pada saat yang sama mereka juga mendapat sanjungan untuk seni dan budayaannya.

Abstract Background Changing climate and demographic trends have led to recent increases in the incidence of tick-borne illnesses. Early diagnosis of Lyme disease (LD) is critical for initiation of antibiotics to mitigate symptoms and prevent late manifestations. In patients not presenting with a typical erythema migrans rash, 2-tiered serologic testing is recommended to support a diagnosis of LD. However, 2-tiered testing is limited by ambiguity in interpretation and low sensitivity in early disease, highlighting an unmet clinical need for alternative diagnostic approaches. We identified a clinical signal for early LD based on evaluation of the T-cell response to B. burgdorferi infection. Methods We immunosequenced T-cell receptor (TCR) repertoires in blood samples from 3 independent cohorts of patients with laboratory-confirmed or clinically diagnosed early LD and endemic/non-endemic controls to identify 251 public, LD-associated TCRs. These TCRs were used to train a classifier that identified early LD with 99% specificity. Classifier sensitivity was evaluated in 211 LD cases and 2631 endemic controls and compared to that of standard 2-tiered testing (STTT). Biologic specificity was assessed by correlating TCR assay scores with clinical measures and by mapping the antigen specificity of Lyme-associated TCRs to B. burgdorferi antigens. Figure 1. LD-associated TCRs distinguish cases (orange) from controls (blue) in training cohorts. (A) Logistic-growth curve used to define a scoring function. (B) Positive-call threshold (99th percentile in endemic controls). Results In early LD, TCR testing demonstrated a 1.9-fold increase in sensitivity compared to STTT (56% vs 30%), with a 3.1-fold increase ≤4 days from the onset of symptoms (44% vs 14%). TCR positivity predicted subsequent seroconversion in 37% of initially STTT-negative patients, suggesting the T-cell response is detectable before the humoral response. While positivity for both tests declined following treatment, greater declines in posttreatment sensitivity were observed for STTT compared to TCR testing. Higher TCR scores were associated with measures of disease severity, including abnormal liver function tests, disseminated rash, and number of symptoms. A subset of LD-associated TCRs mapped to B. burgdorferi antigens, demonstrating the high specificity of a TCR immunosequencing approach. Figure 2. Validation of the TCR classifier in the JHU cohort and other holdout endemic controls. Distribution of model scores (A) and assay sensitivity (B). Model scores (C) and ROC (D) curves by serostatus. Figure 3. Clinical correlates of TCR scoring. (A) Liver function test; (B) lymphocyte count, (C) rash presentation, (D) number of symptoms. Conclusion T-cell-based testing has potential clinical utility as a sensitive and specific diagnostic for early LD, particularly in the initial days of illness. Disclosures Sudeb C. Dalai, MD, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder) Julia Greissl, PhD, Microsoft (Employee, Shareholder) Mitch Pesesky, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder) Allison W. Rebman, MPH, Global Lyme Alliance (Research Grant or Support)Steven and Alexandra Cohen Foundation (Research Grant or Support) Mark J. Soloski, PhD, NIH grant P30 AR070254 (Grant/Research Support)Steven and Alexandra Cohen Foundation (Research Grant or Support) Elizabeth J. Horn, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Research Grant or Support)Bay Area Lyme Foundation (Research Grant or Support)Lyme Disease Biobank (Employee)Steven and Alexandra Cohen Foundation (Research Grant or Support) Jennifer N. Dines, MD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder) Rachel M. Gittelman, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder) Thomas M. Snyder, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder) Ryan O. Emerson, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Other Financial or Material Support, Employment with Adaptive Biotechnologies during the time of this study) Edward Meeds, PhD, Microsoft (Employee, Shareholder) Thomas Manley, MD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Other Financial or Material Support, Declares employment with Adaptive Biotechnologies during the time of this study) Ian M. Kaplan, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder) Lance Baldo, MD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Employee, Shareholder, Leadership Interest) Jonathan M. Carlson, PhD, Microsoft (Employee, Shareholder) Harlan S. Robins, PhD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Board Member, Employee, Shareholder) John Aucott, MD, Adaptive Biotechnologies (Advisor or Review Panel member)Bay Area Lyme Foundation (Other Financial or Material Support, Scientific Advisory Board member)Department of Health and Human Services (Other Financial or Material Support, Past Chair, 2018, HHS Tick-borne Disease Working Group, Office of HIV/AIDS and Infectious Disease Policy, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Health)Expert testimony (Other Financial or Material Support, Expert testimony)Global Lyme Alliance (Research Grant or Support)Pfizer (Consultant)Steven and Alexandra Cohen Foundation (Research Grant or Support)Tarsus Pharmaceuticals (Consultant)

The geospatial industry is forecasted to have an enormous growth in the forthcoming years and an extended need for well-educated workforce. Hence ongoing education and training play an important role in the professional life. Parallel, in the geospatial and IT arena as well in the political discussion and legislation Open Source solutions, open data proliferation, and the use of open standards have an increasing significance. Based on the Memorandum of Understanding between International Cartographic Association, OSGeo Foundation, and ISPRS this development led to the implementation of the ICA-OSGeo-Lab imitative with its mission “Making geospatial education and opportunities accessible to all”. Discussions in this initiative and the growth and maturity of geospatial Open Source software initiated the idea to develop a framework for a worldwide applicable Open Source certification approach. <br><br> Generic and geospatial certification approaches are already offered by numerous organisations, i.e., GIS Certification Institute, GeoAcademy, ASPRS, and software vendors, i. e., Esri, Oracle, and RedHat. They focus different fields of expertise and have different levels and ways of examination which are offered for a wide range of fees. <br><br> The development of the certification framework presented here is based on the analysis of diverse bodies of knowledge concepts, i.e., NCGIA Core Curriculum, URISA Body Of Knowledge, USGIF Essential Body Of Knowledge, the “Geographic Information: Need to Know", currently under development, and the Geospatial Technology Competency Model (GTCM). The latter provides a US American oriented list of the knowledge, skills, and abilities required of workers in the geospatial technology industry and influenced essentially the framework of certification. <br><br> In addition to the theoretical analysis of existing resources the geospatial community was integrated twofold. An online survey about the relevance of Open Source was performed and evaluated with 105 respondents worldwide. 15 interviews (face-to-face or by telephone) with experts in different countries provided additional insights into Open Source usage and certification. <br><br> The findings led to the development of a certification framework of three main categories with in total eleven sub-categories, i.e., “Certified Open Source Geospatial Data Associate / Professional”, “Certified Open Source Geospatial Analyst Remote Sensing & GIS”, “Certified Open Source Geospatial Cartographer”, “Certified Open Source Geospatial Expert”, “Certified Open Source Geospatial Associate Developer / Professional Developer”, “Certified Open Source Geospatial Architect”. Each certification is described by pre-conditions, scope and objectives, course content, recommended software packages, target group, expected benefits, and the methods of examination. Examinations can be flanked by proofs of professional career paths and achievements which need a peer qualification evaluation. After a couple of years a recertification is required. <br><br> The concept seeks the accreditation by the OSGeo Foundation (and other bodies) and international support by a group of geospatial scientific institutions to achieve wide and international acceptance for this Open Source geospatial certification model. <br><br> A business case for Open Source certification and a corresponding SWOT model is examined to support the goals of the Geo-For-All initiative of the ICA-OSGeo pact.

Palash flowers are abundantly available in and around Vidarbha. These are wasted as their importance as colouring agent is not known. Synthetic colour is commonly used in food preparation and is known to have a harmful effect on health. So it was postulated to introduce colour of palash flowers in food preparation in comparison with synthetic colour. Palash flowers were collected dried two methods –sun drying and shade drying. Colour was extracted by simple household method from both the dried sampled. The shade dried sample gave a brighter orange colour and hence was used in the experiment.For comparison between natural colour and synthetic colour three recipes were selected i.e. coconut burfi, Jalebi, Sweet rice, for incorporating the colour and sensory evaluation was done by judges. To see whether there was any difference between acceptance of recipes prepared with natural colour and synthetic colour used recipes statistical‘t’ test was applied for all parameters like colour, taste, texture, acceptability. It was found that there was no significant difference between natural colour and synthetic colour used recipes in their sensory properties. Result of the study thus proved that addition of palash colour extract in recipes did not alter their acceptability and were statistically seen to reflect insignificant difference as compared to recipes prepared with synthetic colour. Colour is associated with every aspect of our lives and plays an integral role in all our behavioral decisions. From birth, nature teaches us to make value judgments on our environment based in large measure on colour. Since the act of eating represents an extremely personal behavior, in that we take part of our environment into us, it is not surprising that colour conditions our choices. Colour affects our overall judgements on the worth of food from both an aesthetic and a safety point of view. It plays an important role in taste thresholds, flavour identification. Food thus creates problems in a technologically oriented society because numbers cannot be assigned to preference, pleasantness, acceptability and ultimately food choice. However, its role is elusive and difficult to quantify. a cause-effect relationship, there is a tendency to deny the existence of that relationship. That has often led to a situation where the role of colour is either ignored or minimized which, unfortunately, has placed colour in a secondary role to the other sensory characteristics, a position which is not consistent with the facts. Indeed, the importance of colour in food choices is so unquestionable that is often taken for granted, a situation which must be re-evaluated in view of the need for the creation of new and different foods to feed a hungry world. The colour of food is a significant factor in determining its acceptance. We expect to see food looking natural; a natural appearance is appetizing, and we become cautious when a food shows an unexpected colour, interpreting it as a possible sign of spoilage, poor processing or as an indication of adulteration. The association of colour and acceptance of foods is universal, ethnical, historical and social factors and habits. What may be attractive to one group may be unappetizing or even repulsive to another.

Although there are several approaches and strategies for teaching foreign languages, the Total Physical Response (TPR) approach is the most suitable for young learners. TPR is a way of teaching language that is based on the synchronization of speech and behaviour, or in other words, teaching language through movement. This study aims to develop English learning media for children through the Total Physical Response (TPR) method. This study uses a Research and Development (R & D) approach. The development model used is the ADDIE development model (analysis, design, development, implementation, and evaluation). Data collection techniques in this study were based on the results of expert validation tests, media practicality tests, and media effectiveness tests on children aged 5-6 years in Kindergarten. The results showed that the validity test of developing interactive media for children's English learning through the TPR method by media expert was declared valid with the result of 93%. The validity test on the material aspect shows the result is 98%. In the language aspect, the language expert gave the results of the feasibility of the language used in the media with a value of 96%. Likewise, with the practicality test, the results showed that the media had an average value of practicality with a percentage of 94%. The most important result in media development is determined by the results of the effectiveness test, and this media gets an average percentage score of 77.8% on the media tested on children. Therefore, interactive media for children's English learning through the Total Physical Response method deserves to be used as interactive and quality learning media that is practical and effective for early childhood. Intervention in introducing how to develop interactive media for learning English to teachers can be carried out in further research. Keywords: Early Childhood, English Learning Media, Total Physical Response (TPR) method References: Amri, S. (2013). 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AbstractSource‐sink balance in plants determines carbon distribution, and altering it can impact carbon fixation, transport, and allocation. We aimed to investigate the effect of altered source‐sink ratios on carbon fixation, transport, and distribution in ‘Valencia’ sweet orange (Citrus x sinensis) by various defoliation treatments (0%, 33%, 66%, and 83% leaf removal). Gas exchange parameters were measured on 0 and 10 days after defoliation using A/Ci response curves, and leaf export was measured two days after defoliation using radioisotope tracer techniques. Greater defoliation increased the maximum rate of carboxylation (Vcmax), electron transport rate (J1200), and triose‐phosphate utilization rate (TPU). Leaf export was unaffected by defoliation but increased in leaves closer to the shoot apex. Basipetal translocation velocity in the trunk remained unaltered, indicating that more photosynthates remained in the shoot rather than being transported directly to the root sink. Defoliated plants initiated more new flush shoots but accumulated less shoot biomass per plant after 8 weeks. Carbon allocation to fine roots was smaller in defoliated plants, suggesting defoliation led to retention of carbohydrates in aboveground organs such as the trunk and other shoots from previous growing cycles. In conclusion, the low source‐sink ratio increased carbon fixation without impacting individual leaf export in citrus. The results suggest that intermediate sinks such as the aboveground perennial organs play a role in mediating the translocation velocity. Further research is necessary to better understand the dynamics of source‐sink regulation in citrus trees.

Abstract Objective The present report describes the results of four delphi surveys conducted within the quality improvement project “My Logbook” which aims to translate evidence-based standards for psychosocial care in pediatric oncology into a practical consensus-based tool. Methods In four consecutive delphi surveys a total of n=153 international, multi-disciplinary experts rated the content, method, and design of the different booklets of “My Logbook” which a local expert group had conceptualized. After each survey, the feedback was incorporated, and the changes were evaluated in a final consensus vote by the quality assurance panel of the PSAPOH. Results While some surveys led to a review on a page level, most booklets as a whole reached the consensus-level of approval. Over the course of the surveys, any revisions and comments were incorporated in the booklets, and approval rates increased steadily. Discussion The delphi surveys ensured the integration of multi-disciplinary, international expertise, uncovering issues such as language barriers and the need for a user manual that would not have been evident in first line . The incorporation of the input led to a continuous improvement of the tool, reflected in steadily increasing acceptance rates in the consecutive survey rounds. Conclusion The incorporation of the expert input as well as the additional development of a user manual resulted in a final version of the “My Logbook” apt for the interdisciplinary application in pediatric oncology in the entire DACH-region.

The brand, by definition, promises the experience of the scan. A quick glance at the exterior (i.e. brand name/image) presumably conveys a host of brand attributes to the shopper. This scanning experience is particularly intriguing when it comes to colour trademarks, for it presumes that the sight of a colour brings individuals to the same set of associations—that purple connotes Cadbury chocolate, for instance, while pink signifies Owens Corning Fiberglass insulation and orange suggests Orange Personal Communications. But there is a complexity to both colour trademarks and this scanning ‘experience’ that demands a closer look; this paper probes the logic of the ‘colour scan’, as well as its significance. Sketching out 1) how the legal ownership of colour alone or colour per se corresponds to and idealises practices of scanning, and 2) how colour trademarks are positioned (in legal and marketing literature) as a means of dealing with information overload, the paper then addresses how the granting of colour marks by the trademark office/courts creates various difficulties—both for competing brands and for colour communication itself. Most problematic about the ‘brand’ colour scan is that it runs counter to the very nature of colour, which bursts free of constraints with its infinite potential to signify. I Granting legal ownership to colour corresponds to and idealises practices of scanning One great thing about colour, argues Martin Lindstrom in his newly published marketing book Brand Sense (2005) is that it contributes to the ‘smashability’ of a brand. Successful brands can be ‘smashed’ like a glass bottle of Coca-Cola and consumers would still recognise the brand from its pieces. Logically, then, marketers should place a ‘signature’ colour at the center of all branding efforts. Trademarking this colour is even better, as it secures the hue as a distinct part of a particular brand’s sensory experience (119). More to the point, it prevents competitors from using the trademarked colour—or any confusingly similar shade—to promote their products. Of course, marketers have long recognised this fact, and the history of the U.S. is dappled with attempts to ‘own’ a colour. Examples range from Leschen & Sons Rope Company’s claim to ‘blue’ woven into wire rope in 1906 and Campbell Soup’s quest to monopolise red and white for soup labels in 1949, to Life Savers’ desire for certain candy wrapper colours in 1950 and Kraft’s application for royal blue on silver solely for its Klondike bars in 1986. In 1990, NutraSweet Co. even sought rights to the spectrum of blue for its sweetener, arguing that “the accepted market understanding is that pastel blue means ‘Equal,’ pink means ‘Sweet ‘N Low’ and yellow means ‘Sugar Twin’” (Kearns, 355ff). All of these requests demonstrate that colour fits the demands of the glance—it is scanworthy—an understanding the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately supported in 1995 in Qualitex Co. v. Jacobson Products Co. when it ruled that colour per se could in fact constitute a legal trademark. Some analysts see a “trademark disaster” looming in colour ownership (Overcamp); its trademarking certainly provides a vivid example of what Carol Rose deems the “propertisation” of seemingly “un-ownable resources” (Rose, 94). But disaster and propertisation aside, colour trademarks suggest the idealised object d’scan; purple, for instance, provides an instant sensory strike, but if the logic of colour trademarks works, purple also connotes a host of very specific meanings. Within the world of confectionaries in the UK, purple means not simply chocolate but chocolate by Cadbury Limited. This is an important point, since the function of a trademark is not merely to distinguish products from one another but also to indicate the source or origin of a product. As such, purple simultaneously embodies both definitions of scan—both the “quick glance” and the “measured study”—because the exteriority of purple (so we are to understand) immediately gives way to the interiority of the brand. Purple’s exteriority singularly connotes the “taste, smoothness and snap characteristic of Cadbury chocolate” in the confectionary sector (Cadbury). Perhaps this is not too much to ask of colour. After all, the Latin colorem “is related to celare, to hide or conceal; in Middle English ‘to colour’ is to embellish or adorn” as well as “to disguise” (Batchelor 52). Perhaps purple really does conceal the ‘source’ of Cadbury Limited, the fact that a certain product in the UK confectionary sector originates with Cadbury. But perhaps (as will be discussed) it conceals something more… II Colour trademarks are positioned as means of dealing with information overload Practices of scanning, suggest the editors of this issue, stem from “the increased number of things to consider and the reduced amount of time to consider them”. Despite the fact that they are not designed to do so1, colour trademarks shine as a golden solution to this problem of information overload, as well as to a variety of other marketing challenges. Observing colour takes no time, it makes consideration easy and it transcends borders, cultures, and language barriers. Colour naturally draws attention. So, if we’re dealing with a saturated marketplace characterised by information overload, the push for colour trademarks actually works to shift the balance of both the overload and the saturation. Today’s aim is for colour saturation, with brighter, bolder, weirder, and signature hues colonising untapped arenas—as per pink Parkay margarine and blue Heinz fries (which failed), and “Funky Purple” and “Blastin’ Green” Heinz EZ Squirt ketchup (which triumphed). Think, too, of crayoned cell phones, fruit-flavored iMacs, or even Air Canada’s Zip airlines, which coloured the runways in September 2002 with its bold palette of blue, fuchsia, orange and green planes. This push to create a distinct ‘signature’ colour is actually a type of colour overload, with unusual hues being stuffed into ordinary arenas. Ironically, colour is equally used to promise a respite for consumers overwhelmed by a complex environment. Orange Personal Communications, the UK’s largest telecommunications provider, reassures customers with the tagline “The Future’s Bright, The Future’s Orange”—a promise that the company visually demonstrates with its legally trademarked orange (Pantone No. 151) used to market its telephones and all things related to its telecommunication services. III Significance of the colour™ scan The obvious problem with the colour™ scan is that its immediate sensory strike may not take consumers to the ‘deeper’ associations of the brand. Trademarks, observes Celia Lury, are “a way of fixing things” (98) but it is difficult to believe that blue or orange or purple (etc.) can be tacked down so neatly. Does the ordinary consumer really associate turquoise with H.J. Heinz in the category of canned beans? And do consumers make these links even though our world is saturated with colourful experiences and products? Businesses argue that they do and frequently roll out survey data, advertising expenditures, and the paid services of visual ‘experts’ to demonstrate and prove its particular colour ‘rights’ to the trademark office and/or court. In this way, corporate players, supported by the courts, authorise specific colour meanings, and discount others. But perhaps colour isn’t smashable. Even corporately ‘authorised’ colour readings (i.e. those that purportedly ‘scan’ in sync with the brand) encounter difficulties because the semiotics of colour continually evades the quest to pin it down. Regardless of its legal status, a trademark does not actually sequester colour or spontaneously combust a precise brand meaning within individuals. Orange Personal Communications may own the rights to Pantone No. 151 (orange) in the UK, but this has not stopped easyMobile from using a very similar shade of orange to promote its nascent cell phone services. Although Orange began court action against easyMobile over the colour orange on February 18, 2005, the legal ‘solution’ to this infringement is unclear. The problem is that easyMobile is not merely an upstart company, but a subsidiary of easyGroup, well known for its signature orange shellacking its entire discount brand—a brand spanning jet planes, car rentals, internet cafes, movie theatres, cruise lines, male toiletries, and pizza delivery. Thus, the company with the rights to orange for its telecommunications has challenged a company that places orange at the very centre of its brand. What is to be done? Should easyGroup be blocked from using its signature colour for one branch of its operations? If so, wouldn’t this be counter to the very logic of branding? Conversely, what about Orange Communications’ “rights to orange” within the realm of mobile phone services? Aren’t they being infringed? The solution is unclear. And the waters are no less muddied by the fact that the ‘trademarked’ orange in question is Pantone No. 151, while easyGroup uses Pantone No. 023. The numbers, objectively, are different—but what do consumers see? What is the meaning of orange for them? These Pantone numbers, just like advertising expenditures, trademark certifications, and ‘expert’ opinions, remain utterly silent on the question of colour meaning and personal interpretation. And so, we are left with a troubled notion of the scanning of trademarked colours. It’s a practice that promises—but cannot guarantee—a particular meaning and reading within a certain context, one that is perfectly suited to the ‘instant look’ yet might contain a significance far different than the one authored and authorised by a business and the trademark office. While colour is scanworthy, it has multiple meanings and multiple readings; it is subject to recoding and reworking and distortion. That is what makes it colourful. Notes Trademarks recognise distinctiveness within a particular class of goods or services (i.e. Cadbury Ltd. successfully registered purple in the UK for use in the category of chocolate and chocolate confectionary, and a similar mark has been accepted for registration in New Zealand. This does not, of course, give Cadbury Ltd. the exclusive right to purple in unrelated categories, such as sporting goods. Interestingly, Cadbury’s application to register eight different shades of ‘Cadbury purple’ in Australia was unsuccessful.) The author gratefully acknowledges the thoughtful and thorough commentary provided by an anonymous referee. Thank you. Many excellent points were raised which, due to space constraints, were woefully under-addressed in this piece. References Batchelor, D. Chromophobia. London: Reaktion Books, 2000. Cadbury. “History of Chocolate.” 26 June 2005 http://www.cadbury.co.uk/>. Kearns, J. H. “Qualitex Co. v. Jacobson Products Co.: Orange You Sorry the Supreme Court Protected Color?” St. John’s Law Review 70.2 (1996): 337-58. Lindstrom, M. Brand Sense: Build Powerful Brands through Touch, Taste, Smell, Sight, and Sound. New York: Free Press, 2005. Lury, C. Brands: The Logos of the Global Economy. New York: Routledge, 2004. Overcamp, E. (1995). “The Qualitex Monster: The Color Trademark Disaster.” Journal of Intellectual Property Law 2.2 (1995): 595-620. Rose, C. “Romans, Roads, and Romantic Creators: Traditions of Public Property in the Information Age.” Law and Contemporary Problems 89 (Winter/Spring 2003): 89-110. Cases Qualitex Co. v. Jacobson Products Co., 514 U.S. 159, (1995). Citation reference for this article MLA Style Elliott, Charlene. "Colour™: Law and the Sensory Scan." M/C Journal 8.4 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0508/06-elliott.php>. APA Style Elliott, C. (Aug. 2005) "Colour™: Law and the Sensory Scan," M/C Journal, 8(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0508/06-elliott.php>.

It is peculiar that we so urgently seek out the emotion of fear in film. We have a thirst for fear, and we go to elaborate means to experience it. It would be convenient if we could invoke the experience of fear without the apparatus of a cinema, but such intermediaries are necessary. We cannot will ourselves to be afraid. To evoke an emotion, we must organize our environment -- or invoke mental images of such an environment -- which then triggers the emotion. One of the great discoveries of the 20th century was the powerful effect of combining film with musical representations of emotion. It is possible to combine these two media in a way that reflects no naturally occurring visual-auditory correlation, such as the correlation between the sight and sound of a person running. That two such distinct media should combine so readily may seem puzzling. Background music is not part of the diegesis of the film and has the potential to create confusion (Cohen, 2). This potential was illustrated in Mel Brooks' comedy Blazing Saddles (1974). A sheriff rides in the desert set to suitable background music, but then meets the Count Basie Band performing the now foreground music. The music, initially interpreted on a subconscious or emotional level, is unexpectedly thrust into the fictional component of the film and processed on a conscious level. Such exceptions aside, there is usually no such confusion because film and music are integrated on an emotional rather than an analytic level. Fear responses do not require brain structures needed for consciousness and analytic thought but can be processed without conscious awareness by subcortical structures (i.e., the amygdala). A frightening score that is not part of the diegesis of the film combines with visual information at sub-cortical levels to create a unified experience of fear, with no sense that there are two sources of emotional meaning -- fictional and musical. The lack of literal connection between visual and auditory sources is not confusing. We do not question the logic of musicians playing triumphant music at every battle in Star Wars, or sentimental music inside the police station on Hill Street Blues. The combination of film and music is exceptionally potent because both are highly influential media. Economic activity reflects their influence (Huron, 3). In the United States, the largest export sector is entertainment, led by music and film. Film makers are so confident that they invest billions of dollars in them. In 1999 the average budget for a single Hollywood film was 76 million. The prevalence of music in industrialized society is also massive: the music industry is larger than the pharmaceutical industry. As a film composer, I've learned that I can induce fear most readily by turning my attention away from conventional music structures. In an important sense, writing fearful music should not involve composition in the usual sense of the term. Rather, one may rely on the fact that sound is inherently frightening when stripped of the comforting structuring properties of language and music. It is difficult to express fear using conventional forms. Fear is sometimes expressed in Opera but using unconventional forms. Fear is also associated with the bhayanaka rasa in Classical Indian music, but evidence suggests that sensitivity to rasas is related to basic acoustic properties such as pace, loudness, and complexity (Balkwill & Thompson, 1). The major and minor modes in Western music are associated with happiness and sadness, but the evocation of fear seems antithetical to such conventions. When music is recognizable, as in a melody with a traditional harmonic accompaniment, we experience reassurance. Conventional music evokes a comforting feeling that we are "among our own" and there is safety in numbers. The possibility of fear arises when familiar music structures are removed. It is certainly possible to create a creepy atmosphere using traditional forms by repeatedly pairing a musical segment with a frightening image or event. Such learned associations are used in the practice of leitmotiv, in which a musical theme is paired repeatedly with a character until it comes to represent that character. Consider Mike Oldfield's circular melody in The Exorcist or Beethoven's ninth symphony in A Clockwork Orange. Through learned association, both scores created extremely disturbing atmospheres. The most effective way to induce terror, however, is to manipulate basic acoustic properties, also called secondary musical parameters. Primary parameters include melody and harmony: aspects of music that are culturally shaped and recognizable as traditional forms. Secondary parameters include pace, loudness, timbre, and pitch height: elements of sound that are perceived similarly across cultures. The use of musical convention is deeply connected with one's emotional intention. We create fear most powerfully by stripping music of conventional forms. Composers aiming to design a fearful score often import and embed frightening sounds into traditional compositional structures, such as a melody with harmonic accompaniment. They do this as a musical challenge or out of concern that their score might otherwise be perceived as unsophisticated. What evokes fear, however, are not those recognizable conventions of composition but rather, elements of the score that are unrelated to conventional structures. We fear surprising or unfamiliar sounds: sudden changes in loudness, jittery sounds, deep hollow textures, and unpredictable pitch combinations or movement. Sounds are more frightening than visual images, and hence soundtracks are essential to thriller flicks. Visual images are experienced as "out there" and emotionally distant. We've learned to detach ourselves emotionally from visual images by habituating to the continuous stream of horrifying TV and film images. When we actually witness a terrifying event, it seems "like a movie." Sounds are experienced as both outside and inside our heads. We feel sound in our bones, making it difficult to distance ourselves from them. They are less easily localized than visual images, creating nervousness about possible escape routes. Their sources are not always identifiable, creating uncertainty. Prey rely heavily on sounds to alert them of predators, linking sound to fear. The fear centre of the brain -- the amygdala -- lies deep inside the temporal lobe, which processes sound (LeDoux, 4). From an evolutionary standpoint, we can assume that humans, like all animals, evolved a sensitivity to the potential dangers associated with sounds. Brain systems that generate fear are highly conserved throughout evolutionary history, suggesting that fear responses in modern brains are similar to fear responses in early hominids. Large, aggressive, or unfamiliar animals are potentially life-threatening and it is adaptive for us to fear them. Low pitches are associated with large sound-producing cavities and hence, animals with big mouths. Loud low-pitched sounds signal aggression. High-pitched screeches are perceived as alarm calls. During the stabbing scene in the film Psycho, repeated screeching sounds or "alarm-calls" combine with the visual scene to induce excruciating fear. In industrialized society, fear of predation is largely non-existent, replaced with a fear of our own technology: car and airplane accidents, nuclear disasters, weapons. But fear responses today are the result of adaptive pressures that took place thousands of years ago when predation was a constant threat. We are acutely sensitive to alarm calls and predatory sounds. When predators of humans are portrayed in film, as in Jaws or Jurassic Park, the experience of fear is unbearable. Why do we so urgently seek out this unpleasant emotion? One possibility relates to social cohesion. Group solidarity is enhanced when there is a common enemy. The object of fear in film distinguishes "us against them" and secures a bond between those experiencing the terror. The representation of fear identifies an enemy (the object of fear) to enhance solidarity. Teenagers -- who have the greatest need for social bonding and self definition -- are voracious consumers of terror films. Shared experiences of film-induced fear are extremely widespread. In the week ending May 28th, 2000, there were over 3,100 screening of Gladiator in the United States. America dominates the world market in film and music (only India has resisted this domination). For better or worse, Hollywood emotions are globally shared. People from Japan, China, Italy, Spain, and Brazil have a common bond on the basis of having seen The Matrix or The Exorcist. Fear in film also performs another function. Films are externalized representations of cultural memory, and of culturally significant or meaningful experiences. They are a mechanism for accumulating and transmitting knowledge of the environment, preparing ourselves for circumstances in which we might find ourselves. Terror films stimulate the development of cognitive strategies for coping with challenging circumstances. All of us -- teenagers especially -- feel a need to prepare ourselves for hostile environments. Terror films not only nurture social bonding, they motivate the refinement of an essential human trait: courage. By situating ourselves within an environment that presents various hypothetical sources of terror, we test our courage, and we activate the development of important strategies for coping with the very real fears with which we will inevitably be confronted. References Balkwill, L.L. & Thompson, W.F. "A cross-cultural investigation of the perception of emotion in music: Psychophysical and cultural cues." Music Perception, 17, 43-64, 1999. Cohen, A. "Music as a source of emotion in film." In Patrik Juslin & John Sloboda (Ed.) Music and Emotion: Theory and Research. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Huron, D. "Is music an evolutionary adaptation?" In Robert Zatorre & Isabelle Peretz (Ed.), The Biological Foundations of Music. New York: Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, Volume 930. New York, 2001. LeDoux, J. The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life. New York: Touchstone, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Thompson, Bill. "Evoking Terror In Film Scores" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.1 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/evoking.php>. Chicago Style Thompson, Bill, "Evoking Terror In Film Scores" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 1 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/evoking.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Thompson, Bill. (2002) Evoking Terror In Film Scores. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(1). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/evoking.php> ([your date of access]).

The rise of expertise in the lives of women is a complex and prolonged process that began when the old networks through which women had learned from each other were being discredited or destroyed (Ehrenreich and English). Enclosed spaces of expert power formed separately from political control, market logistics and the pressures exerted by their subjects (Rose and Miller). This, however, was not a question of imposing expertise on women and forcing them to adhere to expert proclamations: “the experts could not have triumphed had not so many women welcomed them, sought them out, and … organised to promote their influence” (Ehrenreich and English 28). Women’s continuing enthusiasm for self-help books – and it is mainly women who buy them (Wood) – attests to the fact that they are still welcoming expertise into their lives. This paper argues that a major factor in the popularity of self-help is the reversal of the conventional ‘priestly’ relationship and ethic of confession, in a process of conversion that relies on the enthusiasm and active participation of the reader.Miller and Rose outline four ways in which human behaviour can be transformed: regulation (enmeshing people in a code of standards); captivation (seducing people with charm or charisma); education (training, convincing or persuading people); and conversion (transforming personhood, and ways of experiencing the world so that people understand themselves in fundamentally new ways). Of these four ways of acting upon others, it is conversion that is the most potent, because it changes people at the level of their own subjectivity – “personhood itself is remade” (Miller and Rose 35). While theories of conversion cannot be adequately discussed here, one aspect held in common by theories of religious conversion as well as those from psychological studies of ‘brainwashing’ is enthusiasm. Rambo’s analysis of the stages of religious conversion, for example, includes ‘questing’ in an active and engaged way, and a probable encounter with a passionately enthusiastic believer. Melia and Ryder, in their study of ‘brainwashing,’ state that two of the end stages of conversion are euphoria and proselytising – a point to which I will return in the conclusion. In order for a conversion to occur, then, the reader must be not only intellectually convinced of the truth, but must feel it is an important or vital truth, a truth she needs – in short, the reader must be enthused. The popularity of self-help books coincides with the rise of psy expertise more generally (Rose, "Identity"; Inventing), but self-help putatively offers escape from the experts, whilst simultaneously immersing its readers in expertise. Readers of self-help view themselves as reading sceptically (Simonds), interpretively (Rosenblatt) and resistingly (Fetterly, Rowe). They choose to read books as an educational activity (Dolby), rather than attending counselling or psychotherapy sessions in which they might be subject to manipulation, domination and control by a therapist (Simonds). I have discussed the nature of the advice in relationship manuals elsewhere (Hazleden, "Relationship"; "Pathology"), but the intention of this paper is to investigate the ways in which the authors attempt to enthuse and convert the reader.Best-Selling ExpertiseIn common with other best-selling genres, popular relationship manuals begin trying to enthuse the reader on the covers, which are intended to attract the reader, to establish the professional – or ‘priestly’ – credentials of the author and to assert the merit of the book, presenting the authors as experienced professionally-qualified experts, and advertising their bestseller status. These factors form part of the marketing ‘buzz’ or collective enthusiasm about a particular author or book.As part of the process of establishing themselves in the priestly role, the authors emphasise their professional qualifications and experience. Most authors use the title ‘Dr’ on the cover (Hendrix, McGraw, Forward, Gray, Cowan and Kinder, Schlessinger) or ‘PhD’ after their names (Vedral, DeAngelis, Spezzano). Further claims on the covers include assertions of the prominence of the authors in their field. Typical are DeAngelis’s claim to being “America’s foremost relationships expert,” and Hendrix’s claim to being “the world’s leading marital therapist.” Clinical and professional experience is mentioned, such as Spezzano’s “twenty-three years of counseling experience” (1) and Forward’s experience as “a consultant in many southern California Medical and psychiatric facilities” (iii). The cover of Spezzano’s book claims that he is a “therapist, seminar leader, author, lecturer and visionary leader.” McGraw emphasises his formal qualifications throughout his book, saying, “I had more degrees than a thermometer” (McGraw 6), and he refers to himself throughout as “Dr. Phil,” much like “Dr Laura” (Schlessinger). Facts and SecretsThe authors claim their ideas are based on clinical practice, research, and evidence. One author claims, “In this book, there is a wealth of tried and accurate information, which has worked for thousands of people in my therapeutic practice and seminars over the last two decades” (Spezzano 1). Another claims that he “worked with hundreds of couples in private practice and thousands more in workshops and seminars” and subsequently based his ideas on “research and clinical observations” (Hendrix xviii). Dowling refers to “four years of research … interviewing professionals who work with and study women.” She went to all this trouble because, she assures us, “I wanted facts” (Dowling, dust-jacket, 30).All this is in order to assure the reader of the relevance and build her enthusiasm about the importance of the book. McGraw (226) says he “reviewed case histories of literally thousands and thousands of couples” in order “to choose the right topics” for his book. Spezzano (7) claims that his psychological exercises come from clinical experience, but “more importantly, I have tested them all personally. Now I offer them to you.” This notion of being in possession of important new knowledge of which the reader is unaware is common, and expressed most succinctly by McGraw (15): “I have learned what you know and, more important, what you don't know.” This knowledge may be referred to as ‘secret’ (e.g. DeAngelis), or ‘hidden’ (e.g. Dowling) or as a recent discovery. Readers seem to accept this – they often assume that self-help books spring ‘naturally’ from clinical investigation as new information is ‘discovered’ about the human psyche (Lichterman 432).The Altruistic AuthorOn the assumption that readers will be familiar with other self-help books, some authors find it necessary to explain why they felt motivated to write one themselves. Usually these take the form of a kind of altruistic enthusiasm to share their great discoveries. Cowan and Kinder (xiv) claim that “one of the wonderful, intrinsic rewards of working with someone in individual psychotherapy is the rich and intense relationship that is established, [but] one of the frustrations of individual work is that in a whole lifetime it is impossible to touch more than a few people.” Morgan (26) assures us that “the results of applying certain principles to my marriage were so revolutionary that I had to pass them on in the four lesson Total Woman course, and now in this book.”The authors justify their own addition to an overcrowded genre by delineating what is distinctive about their own book, or what other “books, articles and surveys missed” (Dowling 30) or misinterpreted. Beattie (98-102) devotes several pages to a discussion of Dowling to assert that Dowling’s ‘Cinderella Complex’ is more accurately known as ‘codependency.’ The authors of another book admit that their ideas are not new, but claim to make a unique contribution because they are “writing from a much-needed male point of view” (Cowan and Kinder, back cover). Similarly, Gray suggests “many books are one-sided and unfortunately reinforce mistrust and resentment toward the opposite sex.” This meant that “a definitive guide was needed for understanding how healthy men and women are different,” and he promises “This book provides that vision” (Gray 4,7).Some authors are vehement in attacking other experts’ books as “gripe sessions,” “gobbledegook” (Schlessinger 51, 87), or “ridiculous” (Vedral 282). McGraw (9) writes “it is amazing to me how this country is overflowing with marital therapists, psychiatrists and psychologists, counselors, healers, advice columnists, and self-help authors – and their approach to relationships is usually so embarrassing that I want to turn my head in shame.” His own book, by contrast, will be quite different from anything the reader has heard before, because “it differs from what relationship ‘experts’ tell you” (McGraw 45).Confessions of an Author Because the authors are writing about intimate relationships, they are also keen to establish their credentials on a more personal level. “Loving, losing, learning the lessons, and reloving have been my path” (Carter-Scott 247-248), says one, and another asserts that, “It’s taken me a long time to understand men. It’s been a difficult and often painful journey and I’ve made a lot of mistakes along the way in my own relationships” (DeAngelis xvi). The authors are even keen to admit the mistakes they made in their previous relationships. Gray says, “In my previous relationships, I had become indifferent and unloving at difficult times … As a result, my first marriage had been very painful and difficult” (Gray 2). Others describe the feelings of disappointment with their marriages: We gradually changed. I was amazed to realize that Charlie had stopped talking. He had become distant and preoccupied. … Each evening, when Charlie walked in the front door after work, a cloud of gloom and tension floated in with him. That cloud was almost tangible. … this tension cloud permeated our home atmosphere … there was a barrier between us. (Morgan 18)Doyle (14) tells a similar tale: “While my intentions were good, I was clearly on the road to marital hell. … I was becoming estranged from the man who had once made me so happy. Our marriage was in serious trouble and it had only been four years since we’d taken our vows.” The authors relate the bewilderment they felt in these failing relationships: “My confusion about the psychology of love relationships was compounded when I began to have problems with my own marriage. … we gave our marriage eight years of intensive examination, working with numerous therapists. Nothing seemed to help” (Hendrix xvii).Even the process of writing the relationship manual itself can be uncomfortable: This was the hardest and most painful chapter for me to write, because it hit so close to home … I sat down at my computer, typed out the title of this chapter, and burst into tears. … It was the pain of my own broken heart. (DeAngelis 74)The Worthlessness of ExpertiseThus, the authors present their confessional tales in which they have learned important lessons through their own suffering, through the experience of life itself, and not through the intervention of any form of external or professional expertise. Furthermore, they highlight the failure of their professional training. Susan Forward (4) draws a comparison between her professional life as a relationship counsellor and the “Susan who went home at night and twisted herself into a pretzel trying to keep her husband from yelling at her.” McGraw tells of a time when he was counselling a couple, and: Suddenly all I could hear myself saying was blah, blah, blah. Blah, blah, blah, blah. As I sat there, I asked myself, ‘Has anybody noticed over the last fifty years that this crap doesn’t work? Has it occurred to anyone that the vast majority of these couples aren’t getting any better? (McGraw 6)The authors go to some lengths to demonstrate that their new-found knowledge is unlike anything else, and are even prepared to mention the apparent contradiction between the role the author already held as a relationship expert (before they made their important discoveries) and the failure of their own relationships (the implication being that these relationships failed because the authors themselves were not yet beneficiaries of the wisdom contained in their latest books). Gray, for example, talking about his “painful and difficult” first marriage (2), and DeAngelis, bemoaning her “mistakes” (xvi), allude to the failure of their marriage to each other, at a time when both were already well-known relationship experts. Hendrix (xvii) says: As I sat in the divorce court waiting to see the judge, I felt like a double failure, a failure as a husband and as a therapist. That very afternoon I was scheduled to teach a course on marriage and the family, and the next day, as usual, I had several couples to counsel. Despite my professional training, I felt just as confused and defeated as the other men and women who were sitting beside me.Thus the authors present the knowledge they have gained from their experiences as being unavailable through professional marital therapy, relationship counselling, and other self-help books. Rather, the advice they impart is presented as the hard-won outcome of a long and painful process of personal discovery.Peace and PassionOnce the uniqueness of the advice is established, the authors attempt to enthuse the reader by describing the effects of following it. Norwood (Women 4) says her programme led to “the most rewarding years of my life,” and Forward (10) says she “discovered enormous amounts of creativity and energy in myself that hadn't been available to me before.” Gray (268) asserts that, following his discoveries “I personally experienced this inner transformation,” and DeAngelis (126) claims “I am compassionate where I used to be critical; I am patient where I used to be judgmental.” Doyle (23) says, “practicing the principles described in this book has transformed my marriage into a passionate, romantic union.” Similarly, in discussing the effects of her ideas on her marriage, Morgan (26) speaks of “This brand new love between us” that “has given us a brand new life together.” Having established the success of their ideas and techniques on their own lives, the authors go on to relate stories about their successful application to the lives and relationships of their clients. One author writes that “When I began implementing my ideas … The divorce rate in my practice sharply declined, and the couples … reported a much deeper satisfaction in their marriages” (Hendrix xix). Another claims “Repeatedly I have heard people say that they have benefited more from this new understanding of relationships than from years of therapy” (Gray 7). Morgan, describing the effects of her ‘Total Woman’ classes, says: Attending one of the first classes in Miami were wives of the Miami Dolphin football players … it is interesting to note that their team won every game that next season and became the world champions! … Gals, I wouldn’t dream of taking credit for the Superbowl … (Morgan 188)In case we are still unconvinced, the authors include praise and thanks from their inspired clients: “My life has become exciting and wonderful. Thank you,” writes one (Vedral 308). Gray (6) talks of the “thousands of inspirational comments that people have shared” about his advice. Vedral (307) says “I have received thousands of letters from women … thanking me for shining a beam of light on their situations.” If these clients have transformed their lives, the authors claim, so can the reader. They promise that the future will be “exceptional” (Friedman 242) and “wonderful” (Norwood, Women 257). It will consist of “self fulfilment, love, and joy” (Norwood, Women 26), “peace and joy” (Hendrix xx), “freedom and a lifetime of healing, hope and happiness” (Beattie), “peace, relief, joy, and passion that you will never find any other way” (Doyle 62) – in short, “happiness for the rest of your life” (Spezzano 77).SummaryIn order to effect the conversion of their readers, the authors seek to create enthusiasm about their books. First, they appeal to the modern tradition of credentialism, making claims about their formal professional qualifications and experience. This establishes them as credible ‘priests.’ Then they make calculable, factual, evidence-based claims concerning the number of books they have sold, and appeal to the epistemological authority of the methodology involved in establishing the findings of their books. They provide evidence of the efficacy of their own unique methods by relating the success of their ideas when applied to their own lives and relationships, and those of their clients and their readers. The authors also go to some lengths to establish that they have personal experience of relationship problems, especially those the reader is currently presumed to be experiencing. This establishes the ‘empathy’ essential to Rogerian therapy (Rogers), and an informal claim to lay knowledge or insight. In telling their own personal stories, the authors establish an ethic of confession, in which the truth of oneself is sought, unearthed and revealed in “the infinite task of extracting from the depths of oneself, in between the words, a truth which the very form of the confession holds out like a shimmering mirage” (Foucault, History 59). At the same time, by claiming that their qualifications were not helpful in solving these personal difficulties, the authors assert that much of their professional training was useless or even harmful, suggesting that they are aware of a general scepticism towards experts (cf. Beck, Giddens), and share these doubts. By implying that it is other experts who are perhaps not to be trusted, they distinguish their own work from anything offered by other relationship experts, thereby circumventing “the paradox of self-help books’ existence” (Cheery) and proliferation. Thus, the authors present their motives as altruistic, whilst perhaps questioning the motives of others. Their own book, they promise, will be the one (finally) that brings a future of peace, passion and joy. Conversion, Enthusiasm and the Reversal of the Priestly RelationshipAlthough power relations between authors and readers are complex, self-help is evidence of power in one of its most efficacious forms – that of conversion. This is a relationship into which one enters voluntarily and enthusiastically, in the name of oneself, for the benefit of oneself. Such power enthuses, persuades, incites, invites, provokes and entices, and it is therefore a strongly subjectifying power, and most especially so because the relationship of the reader to the author is one of choice. Because the reader can choose between authors, and skip or skim sections, she can concentrate on the parts of the therapeutic diagnosis that she believes specifically apply to her. For example, Grodin (414) found it was common for a reader to attach excerpts from a book to a bathroom mirror or kitchen cabinet, and to re-read and underline sections of a book that seemed most relevant. In this way, through her enthusiastic participation, the reader becomes her own expert, her own therapist, in control of certain aspects of the encounter, which nonetheless must always take place on psy terms.In many conversion studies, the final stage involves the assimilation and embodiment of new practices (e.g. Paloutzian et al. 1072), whereby the convert employs or utilises her new truths. I argue that in self-help books, this stage occurs in the reversal of the ‘priestly’ relationship. The ‘priestly’ relationship between client and therapist, is one in which in which the therapist remains mysterious while the client confesses and is known (Rose, "Power"). In the self-help book, however, this relationship is reversed. The authors confess their own ‘sins’ and imperfections, by relating their own disastrous experiences in relationships and wrong-thinking. They are, of course, themselves enthusiastic converts, who are enmeshed within the power that they exercise (cf. Foucault History; Discipline), as these confessions illustrate. The reader is encouraged to go through this process of confession as well, but she is expected to do so privately, and to play the role of priest and confessor to herself. Thus, in a reversal of the priestly relationship, the person who ‘is knowledge’ within the book itself is the author. It is only if the reader takes up the invitation to perform for herself the priestly role that she will become an object of knowledge – and even then, only to herself, albeit through a psy diagnostic gaze provided for her. Of course, this instance of confession to the self still places the individual “in a network of relations of power with those who claim to be able to extract the truth of these confessions through their possession of the keys to interpretation” (Dreyfus and Rabinow 174), but the keys to interpretation are provided to the reader by the author, and left with her for her own safekeeping and future use. As mentioned in the introduction, conversion involves questing in an active and engaged way, and may involve joy and proselytising. Because the relationship must be one of active participation, the enthusiasm of the reader to apply these truths to her own self-understanding is critical. Indeed, the convert is, by her very nature, an enthusiast.ConclusionSelf-help books seek to bring about a transformation of subjectivity from powerlessness to active goal-setting, personal improvement and achievement. This is achieved by a process of conversion that produces particular choices and types of identity, new subjectivities remade through the production of new ethical truths. Self-help discourses endow individuals with new enthusiasms, aptitudes and qualities – and these can then be passed on to others. Indeed, the self-help reader is invited, by means of the author’s confessions, to become, in a limited way, the author’s own therapist – ie, she is invited to perform an examination of the author’s (past) mistakes, to diagnose the author’s (past) condition and to prescribe an appropriate (retrospective) cure for this condition. Through the process of diagnosing the author and the author’s clients, using the psy gaze provided by the author, the reader is rendered an expert in therapeutic wisdom and is converted to a new belief system in which she will become an enthusiastic participant in her own subjectification. ReferencesBeattie, M. 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Why do politicians wear what they wear? Social conventions and parliamentary rules largely shape how politicians dress. Clothing is about power, especially if we think about clothing as uniforms. Uniforms of judges and police are easily recognised as symbols of power. Similarly, the business suit of a politician is recognised as a form of authority. But what if you are a female politician: what do you wear to work or in public? Why do we expect politicians to wear suits and ties? While we do expect a certain level of behaviour of our political leaders, why does the professionalised suit and tie signal this? And what happens if a politician challenges this convention? Female politicians, and largely any women in a position of power in the public sphere, are judged when they don’t conform to the social conventions of appropriate dress. Arguably, male politicians are largely not examined for their suit preferences (unless you are Paul Keating wearing Zenga suits or Anthony Albanese during an election make-over), so why are female politicians’ clothes so scrutinised and framed as reflective of their abilities or character? This article interrogates the political uniform and its gendered contestations. It does so via the ways female politicians are challenging gender norms and power relations in how they dress in public, political, and parliamentary contexts. It considers how rules and conventions around political clothing are political in themselves, through a discussion on how female politicians and political figures choose to adhere to or break these rules. Rules about what dress is worn by parliamentarians are often archaic, often drawn from rules set by parliaments largely made up of men. But even with more women sitting in parliaments, dress rules still reflect a very masculine idea of what is appropriate. Dress standards in the Australian federal parliament are described as a “matter for individual judgement”, however the Speaker of the House of Representatives can make rulings on members’ attire. In 1983, the Speaker ruled dress was to be neat, clean, and decent. In 1999, the Speaker considered dress to be “formal” and “similar to that generally accepted in business and professional circles”. This was articulated by the Speaker to be “good trousers, a jacket, collar and tie for men and a similar standard of formality for women”. In 2005, the Speaker reinforced this ruling that dress should be “formal” in keeping with business and professional standards, adding there was no “dignity of the House for Members to arrive in casual or sportswear” (“Dress”). Clothes with “printed slogans” are not considered acceptable and result in a warning from the Speaker for Australian MPs to “dress more appropriately”. Previous dress rulings also include that members should not remove their jackets in parliament, “tailored safari suits without a tie were acceptable, members could wear hats in parliament but had to remove them while entering or leaving the chamber and while speaking”. The safari suit rule likely refers to the former Foreign Affairs Minister Gareth Evans’s wearing of the garment during the 1980s and 1990s. The Speaker can also rule on what a member of the federal parliament can’t do. While in parliament, members can’t smoke, can’t read a newspaper, can’t distribute apples, may not climb over seats, and can’t hit or kick their desks. Members of parliament can however use their mobile phones for text messaging, and laptops can be used for emails (“Dress”). These examples suggest an almost old-fashioned type of school rules juxtaposed with modern sensibilities, positing the ad-hoc nature of parliamentary rules, with dress rules further evidence of this. While a business suit is considered the orthodoxy of the political uniform for male politicians, this largely governs rules about what female politicians wear. The business suit, the quasi-political uniform for male MPs, is implicit and has social consensus. The suit, which covers the body, is comprised of trousers to the ankle, well cut in muted colours of blue, grey, brown, and black, with contrasting shirts, often white or light colours, ties that may have a splash of colour, often demonstrating allegiances or political persuasions, mostly red or blue, as in the case of Labor and Liberal or Republicans and Democrats. The conventions of the suit are largely proscribed onto women, who wear a female version of the male suit, with some leeway in colour and pattern. Dress for female MPs should be modest, as with the suit, covering much of the body, and especially have a modest neckline and be at least knee length. In the American Congress, the dress code requires “men to wear suit jackets and ties ... and women are not supposed to wear sleeveless tops or dresses without a sweater or jacket” (Zengerle). In 2017, this prompted US Congresswomen to wear sleeveless dresses as a “right to bare arms” (Deutch and Karl). In these two Australian and American examples of a masculine parliamentary wear it is reasonable to suppose a seeming universality about politicians’ dress codes. But who decides what is the correct mode of political uniform? Sartorial rules about what are acceptable clothing choices are usually made by the dominant group, and this is the case when it comes to what politicians wear. Some rules about what is worn in parliament are archaic to our minds today, such as the British parliament law from 1313 which outlaws the wearing of armour and weaponry inside the chamber. More modern rulings from the UK include the banning of hats in the House of Commons (although not the Lords), and women being permitted handbags, but not men (Simm). This last rule reveals how clothing and its performance is gendered, as does the Australian parliament rule that a “Member may keep his hands in his pockets while speaking” (“Dress”), which assumes the speaker is likely a man wearing trousers. Political Dress as Uniform While political dress may be considered as a dress ‘code’ it can also be understood as a uniform because the dress reflects their job as public, political representatives. When dress code is considered as a uniform, homogenisation of dress occurs. Uniformity, somewhat ironically, can emphasise transgressions, as Jennifer Craik explains: “cultural transgression is a means of simultaneously undermining and reinforcing rules of uniforms since an effective transgressive performance relies on shared understandings of normative meanings, designated codes of conduct and connotations” (Craik 210). Codified work wear usually comes under the umbrella of uniforms. Official uniforms are the most obvious type of uniforms, clearly denoting the organisation of the wearer. Military, police, nurses, firefighters, and post-office workers often have recognisable uniforms. These uniforms are often accompanied by a set of rules that govern the “proper” wearing of these items. Uniforms rules do not just govern how the clothing is worn, they also govern the conduct of the person wearing the uniform. For example, a police officer in uniform, whether or not on duty, is expected to maintain certain codes of behaviour as well as dress standards. Yet dress, as Craik notes, can also be transgressive, allowing the wearer to challenge the underpinning conventions of the dress codes. Both Australian Senator Sarah Hanson-Young and US Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, to name just two, leveraged social understandings of uniforms when they used their clothing to communicate political messages. Fashion as political communication or as ‘fashion politics’ is not a new phenomenon (Oh 374). Jennifer Craik argues that there are two other types of uniform; the unofficial and the quasi-uniform (17). Unofficial uniforms are generally adopted in lieu of official uniforms. They generally arise organically from group members and function in similar ways to official uniforms, and they tend to be identical in appearance, even if hierarchical. Examples of these include the yellow hi-vis jackets worn by the French Gilets Jaunes during the 2018 protests against rising costs of living and economic injustice (Coghlan). Quasi-uniforms work slightly differently. They exist where official and unofficial rules govern the wearing of clothes that are beyond the normal social rules of clothing. For example, the business suit is generally considered appropriate attire for those working in a conservative corporate environment: some workplaces restrict skirt, trouser, and jacket colours to navy, grey, or black, accompanied by a white shirt or blouse. In this way we can consider parliamentary dress to be a form of “quasi-uniform”, governed by both official and unofficial workplaces rules, but discretionary as to what the person chooses to wear in order to abide by these rules, which as described above are policed by the parliamentary Speaker. In the Australian House of Representatives, official rules are laid down in the policy “Dress and Conduct in the Chamber” which allows that “the standard of dress in the Chamber is a matter for the individual judgement of each Member, [but] the ultimate discretion rests with the Speaker” (“Dress”). Clothing rules within parliamentary chambers may establish order but also may seem counter-intuitive to the notions of democracy and free speech. However, when they are subverted, these rules can make clothing statements seem even more stark. Jennifer Craik argues that “wearing a uniform properly ... is more important that the items of clothing and decoration themselves” (4) and it is this very notion that makes transgressive use of the uniform so powerful. As noted by Coghlan, what we wear is a powerful tool of political struggle. French revolutionaries rejected the quasi-uniforms of the French nobility and their “gold-braided coat, white silk stockings, lace stock, plumed hat and sword” (Fairchilds 423), and replaced it with the wearing of the tricolour cockade, a badge of red, blue, and white ribbons which signalled wearers as revolutionaries. Uniforms in this sense can be understood to reinforce social hierarchies and demonstrate forms of power and control. Coghlan also reminds us that the quasi-uniform of women’s bloomers in the 1850s, often referred to as “reform dress”, challenged gender norms and demonstrated women’s agency. The wearing of pants by women came to “symbolize the movement for women’s rights” (Ladd Nelson 24). The wearing of quasi-political uniforms by those seeking social change has a long history, from the historical examples already noted to the Khadi Movement led by Gandhi’s “own sartorial choices of transformation from that of an Englishman to that of one representing India” (Jain), to the wearing of sharecropper overalls by African American civil rights activists to Washington to hear Martin Luther King in 1963, to the Aboriginal Long March to Freedom in 1988, the Tibetan Freedom Movement in 2008, and the 2017 Washington Pink Pussy Hat March, just to name a few (Coghlan). Here shared dress uniforms signal political allegiance, operating not that differently from the shared meanings of the old-school tie or tie in the colour of political membership. Political Fashion Clothing has been used by queens, female diplomats, and first ladies as signs of power. For members of early royal households, “rank, wealth, magnificence, and personal virtue was embodied in dress, and, as such, dress was inherently political, richly materialising the qualities associated with the wearer” (Griffey 15). Queen Elizabeth I (1558-1603), in order to subvert views that she was unfit to rule because of her sex, presented herself as a virgin to prove she was “morally worthy of holding the traditionally masculine office of monarch” (Howey 2009). To do this she dressed in ways projecting her virtue, meaning her thousands of gowns not only asserted her wealth, they asserted her power as each gown featured images and symbols visually reinforcing her standing as the Virgin Queen (Otnes and Maclaren 40). Not just images and symbols, but colour is an important part of political uniforms. Just as Queen Elizabeth I’s choice of white was an important communication tool to claim her right to rule, Queen Victoria used colour to indicate status and emotion, exclusively wearing black mourning clothes for the 41 years of her widowhood and thus “creating a solemn and pious image of the Queen” (Agnew). Dress as a sign of wealth is one aspect of these sartorial choices, the other is dress as a sign of power. Today, argues Mansel, royal dress is as much political as it is performative, embedded with a “transforming power” (Mansel xiiv). With the “right dress”, be it court dress, national dress, military or civil uniform, royals can encourage loyalty, satisfy vanity, impress the outside world, and help local industries (Mansel xiv). For Queen Elizabeth II, her uniform rendered her visible as The Queen; a brand rather than the person. Her clothes were not just “style choices”; they were “steeped with meaning and influence” that denoted her role as ambassador and figurehead (Atkinson). Her wardrobe of public uniforms was her “communication”, saying she was “prepared, reliable and traditional” (Atkinson). Queen Elizabeth’s other public uniform was that of the “tweed-skirted persona whose image served as cultural shorthand for conservative and correct manner and mode” (Otnes and Maclaren 19). For her royal tours, the foreign dress of Queen Elizabeth was carefully planned with a key “understanding of the political semantics of fashion … with garments and accessories … pay[ing] homage to the key symbols of the host countries” (Otnes and Maclaren 49). Madeline Albright, former US Secretary of State, engaged in sartorial diplomacy not with fashion but with jewellery, specifically pins (Albright). She is quoted as saying on good days, when I wanted to project prosperity and happiness, I'd put on suns, ladybugs, flowers, and hot-air balloons that signified high hopes. On bad days, I'd reach for spiders and carnivorous animals. If the progress was slower than I liked during a meeting in the Middle East, I'd wear a snail pin. And when I was dealing with crabby people, I put on a crab. Other ambassadors started to notice, and whenever they asked me what I was up to on any given day, I would tell them, “Read my pins”. (Burack) Two American first ladies, Hillary Rodham Clinton and Michelle Obama, demonstrate how their fashion acted as a political uniform to challenge the ideal notions of American womanhood that for generations were embedded in the first lady (Rall et al.). While modern first ladies are now more political in their championing of causes and play an important role in presidential election, there are lingering expectations that the first lady be the mother of the nation (Caroli). First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton’s eclectic style challenged the more conservative tone set by prior Republican first ladies, notably Barbara Bush. Rodham Clinton is a feminist and lawyer more interested in policy that the domesticity of White House functions and décor. Her fashion reflects her “independence, individuality and agency”, providing a powerful message to American women (Rall et al. 274). This was not that much of a shift from her appearance as the wife of a Southern Governor who wouldn’t wear makeup and kept her maiden name (Anderson and Sheeler 26). More recently, as Democratic Presidential nominee, Rodham Clinton again used fashion to tell voters that a woman could wear a suit and become president. Rodham Clinton’s political fashion acted to contest the gender stereotypes about who could sit in the White House (Oh 374). Again, the pantsuit was not new for Rodham Clinton; “when I ran for Senate in 2000 and President in 2008, I basically had a uniform: a simple pantsuit, often black” (Mejia). Rodham Clinton says the “benefit to having a uniform is finding an easy way to fit in … to do what male politicians do and wear more or less the same thing every day”. As a woman running for president in 2016, the pantsuit acted as a “visual cue” that she was “different from the men but also familiar” (Mejia). Similarly, First Lady Michelle Obama adopted a political uniform to situate her role in American society. Gender but also race and class played a role in shaping her performance (Guerrero). As the first black First Lady, in the context of post-9/11 America which pushed a “Buy American” retail campaign, and perhaps in response to the novelty of a black First Lady, Obama expressed her political fashion by returning the First Lady narrative back to the confines of family and domesticity (Dillaway and Paré). To do this, she “presented a middle-class casualness by wearing mass retail items from popular chain stores and the use of emerging American designers for her formal political appearances” (Rall et al. 274). Although the number of women elected into politics has been increasing, gender stereotypes remain, and female representation in politics still remains low in most countries (Oh 376). Hyland argues that female politicians are subject to more intense scrutiny over their appearance … they are held to higher standards for their professional dress and expected to embody a number of paradoxes — powerful yet demure, covered-up but not too prim. They’re also expected to keep up with trends in a way that their male counterparts are not. Sexism can too easily encroach upon critiques of what they wear. How female politicians dress is often more reported than their political or parliamentary contributions. This was the case for Australia’s first female Prime Minister Julia Gillard. Jansens’s 2019 research well demonstrates the media preoccupation with political women’s fashion in a number of ways, be it the colours they choose to wear, how their clothing reveals their bodies, and judgements about the professionalism of their sartorial choices and the number of times certain items of clothing are worn. Jansens provides a number of informative examples noting the media’s obsession with Gillard’s choices of jackets that were re-worn and tops that showed her cleavage. One Australian Financial Review columnist reported, I don’t think it’s appropriate for a Prime Minister to be showing her cleavage in Parliament. It’s not something I want to see. It is inappropriate to be in Parliament, it is disrespectful to yourself and to the Australian community and to the parliament to present yourself in a manner that is unprofessional. (Jansens) The media preoccupation with female politicians’ clothing is noted elsewhere. In the 2012 Korean presidential election, Geun-hye Park became the first female president of Korea, yet media reports focussed largely on Park’s fashion: a 2013 newspaper published a four-page analysis titled “Park Geun-hye Fashion Project”. Another media outlet published a review of the 409 formal function outfits worn by Park (Oh 378). The larger focus, however, remains on Park’s choice to wear a suit, referred to as her “combat uniform” (Cho), for her daily parliamentary and political duties. This led Oh to argue that Korean female politicians, including Park, wear a “male suit as a means for benefit and survival”; however, with such media scrutiny “female politicians are left under constant surveillance” (382). As Jansens argues, clothing can act as a “communicative barrier between the body and society”, and a narrative that focusses on how clothes fit and look “illustrates women’s bodies as exceptional to the uniform of the political sphere, which is a masculine aesthetic” (212). Drawing on Entwistle, Jansens maintains that the the uniform “serves the purpose in policing the boundaries of sexual difference”, with “uniforms of gender, such as the suit, enabl[ing] the repetitious production of gender”. In this context, female politicians are in a double bind. Gillard, for example, in changing her aesthetic illustrates the “false dichotomy, or the ‘double bind’ of women’s competency and femininity that women can be presented with regarding their agency to conform, or their agency to deviate from the masculine aesthetic norm” (Jansens 212). This was likely also the experience of Jeannette Rankin, with media reports focusing on Rankin’s “looks and “personal habits,” and headlines such “Congresswoman Rankin Real Girl; Likes Nice Gowns and Tidy Hair” (“Masquerading”). In this article, however, the focus is not on the media preoccupation with female politicians’ political fashion; rather, it is on how female politicians, rather than conforming to masculine aesthetic norms of wearing suit-like attire, are increasingly contesting the political uniform and in doing so are challenging social and political boundaries As Yangzom puts it, how the “embodiment of dress itself alters political space and civic discourse is imperative to understanding how resistance is performed in creating social change” (623). This is a necessary socio-political activity because the “way the media talks about women affects the way women are perceived in society. If women’s appearances are consistently highlighted in the media, inequality of opportunity will follow from this inequality of treatment” (Jansens 215). Contesting the Political Uniform Breaking fashion norms, or as Entwistle argues, “bodies which flout the conventions of their culture and go without the appropriate clothes are subversive of the most basic social codes and risk exclusion, scorn and ridicule” (7), hence the price may be high to pay for a public figure. American Vice-President Kamala Harris’s penchant for comfy sneakers earned her the nickname “the Converse candidate”. Her choice to wear sneakers rather than a more conventional low-heel shoe didn’t necessarily bring about a backlash; rather, it framed her youthful image (possibly to contrast against Trump and Biden) and posited a “hit the ground running” approach (Hyland). Or, as Devaney puts it, “laced up and ready to win … [Harris] knew her classic American trainers signalled a can-do attitude and a sense of purpose”. Increasingly, political women, rather than being the subject of social judgments about their clothing, are actively using their dressed bodies to challenge and contest a range of political discourses. What a woman wears is a “language through which she can send any number of pointed messages” (Weiss). In 2021, US Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez wore a ‘Tax the rich’ dress to the Met Gala. The dress was designed by social activist designers Brother Vellies and loaned to Ocasio-Cortez to attend the $30,000 ticket event. For Ocasio-Cortez, who has an Instagram following of more than eight million people, the dress is “about having a real conversation about fairness and equity in our system, and I think this conversation is particularly relevant as we debate the budget” (“Alexandria”). For Badham, “in the blood-spattered garments of fighting class war” the “backlash to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s … dress was instant and glorious”. At the same event, Congresswomen Carolyn Maloney wore an ‘Equal Rights for Women’ suffragette-themed floor length dress in the suffragette colours of purple, white, and gold. Maloney posted that she has “long used fashion as a force 4 change” (Chamlee). US Senator Kyrsten Sinema is known for her “eccentric hipster” look when sitting in the chamber, complete with “colourful wigs, funky glasses, gold knee-high boots, and a ring that reads ‘Fuck off”’ (Hyland). Simena has been called a “Prada Socialist” and a “fashion revolutionary” (Cauterucci). Similarly, UK politician Harriet Harmen received backlash for wearing a t-shirt which read “This is what a feminist looks like” when meeting PM David Cameron (Pilote and Montreuil). While these may be exceptions rather than the rule, the agency demonstrated by these politicians speaks to the patriarchal nature of masculine political environments and the conventions and rules that maintain gendered institutions, such as parliaments. When US Vice-President Kamala Harris was sworn in, she was “not only … the first woman, Black woman, and South Asian-American woman elected to the position, but also … the first to take the oath of office wearing something other than a suit and tie”, instead wearing a feminised suit consisting of a purple dress and coat designed by African-American designer Christopher John Rogers (Naer). Harris is often photographed wearing Converse sneakers, as already noted, and Timberland work boots, which for Naer is “quietly rebellious” because with them “Harris subverts expectations that women in politics should appear in certain clothing (sleek heels, for instance) in order to compete with men — who are, most often, in flats”. For Elan, the Vice-President’s sneakers may be a “small sartorial detail, but it is linked to the larger cultural moment in which we live. Sneakers are a form of footwear finding their way into many women’s closets as part of a larger challenge to outmoded concepts of femininity” as well as a nod to her multiracial heritage where the “progenitors of sneaker culture were predominantly kids of colour”. Her dress style can act to disrupt more than just gender meanings; it can be extended to examine class and race. In 2022, referencing the Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez 2021 Met dress, Claudia Perkins, the wife of Australian Greens leader Adam Bandt, wore a “white, full-length dress covered in red and black text” that read “coal kills” and “gas kills”, with slick, long black gloves. Bandt wore a “simple tux with a matching pocket square of the same statement fabric” to the federal parliament Midwinter Ball. Joining Perkins was Greens Senator Sarah Hanson-Young, wearing an “hourglass white dress with a statement on the back in black letters” that read: “end gas and coal”. The trim on the bottom was also covered in the same text. Hanson-Young posted on social media that the “dress is made from a 50-year-old damask table cloth, and the lettering is made from a fast fashion handbag that had fallen apart” (Bliszczyk). Federal MP Nicolle Flint posted a video on Twitter asking a political commentator what a woman in politics should wear. One commentator had taken aim at Flint’s sartorial choices which he described “pearl earrings and a pearly smile” and a “vast wardrobe of blazers, coats and tight, black, ankle-freezing trousers and stiletto heels”. Ending the video, Flint removes her black coat to reveal a “grey bin bag cinched with a black belt” (Norman). In 2018, Québec politician Catherine Dorian was criticised for wearing casual clothes, including Dr Marten boots, in parliament, and again in 2019 when Dorian wore an orange hoodie in the parliamentary chamber. The claim was that Dorian “did not respect decorum” (Pilote and Montreuil). Dorian’s response was “it’s supposed to be the people’s house, so why can’t we look like normal people” (Parrillo). Yet the Québec parliament only has dress rules for men — jacket, shirt and ties — and has no specifics for female attire, meaning a female politician can wear Dr Martens or a hoodie, or meaning that the orthodoxy is that only men will sit in the chamber. The issue of the hoodie, somewhat like Kamala Harris’s wearing of sneakers, is also a class and age issue. For Jo Turney, the hoodie is a “symbol of social disobedience” (23). The garment is mass-produced, ordinary, and democratic, as it can be worn by anyone. It is also a sign of “criminality, anti-social behaviour and out of control youth”. If the media are going to focus on what female politicians are wearing rather than their political actions, it is unsurprising some will use that platform to make social and political comments on issues relating to gender, but also to age, class, and policies. While this may maintain a focus on their sartorial choices, it does remind us of the double bind female politicians are in. With parliamentary rules and social conventions enamoured with the idea of a ‘suit and tie’ being the appropriate uniform for political figures, instances when this ‘rule’ is transgressed will risk public ridicule and social backlash. However, in instances were political women have chosen to wear garments that are not the conventional political uniform of the suit and tie, i.e. a dress or t-shirt with a political slogan, or a hoodie or sneakers reflecting youth, class, or race, they are challenging the customs of what a politician should look like. Politicians today are both men and women, different ages, abilities, sexualities, ethnicities, religions, and demographics. To narrowly suppose what a politician is by what they wear narrows public thinking about a person’s contribution or potential contribution to public life. 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Content warning: although it was kept to a minimum, this text displays instances of (anti-Semitic) hate speech. During the 2016 U.S. election and its aftermath, multiple journalistic accounts reported on “alt-right trolls” emanating from anonymous online spaces like the imageboard 4chan (e.g. Abramson; Ellis). Having gained infamy for its nihilist trolling subcultures (Phillips, This Is Why) and the loose hacktivist movement Anonymous (Coleman), 4chan now drew headlines because of the alt-right’s “genuinely new” concoction of white supremacy, ironic Internet humour, and a lack of clear leadership (Hawley 50). The alt-right “anons”, as imageboard users call themselves, were said to primarily manifest on the “Politically Incorrect” subforum of 4chan: /pol/. Gradually, a sentiment arose in the titles of several news articles that the pro-Trump “alt-right trolls” had successfully won the metapolitical battle intertwined with the elections (Phillips, Oxygen 5). For instance, articles titled that “trolls” were “The Only True Winners of this Election” (Dewey) or even “Plotting a GOP Takeover” (Stuart).The headlines were as enticing as questionable. As trolling-expert Whitney Phillips headlined herself, the alt-right did not attain political gravity solely through its own efforts but rather was “Conjured Out of Pearl Clutching and Media Attention” (“The Alt-Right”), with news outlets being provoked to criticise, debunk, or sensationalise its trolling activities (Faris et al. 131; Phillips, “Oxygen” 5-6). Even with the right intentions, attempts at denouncement through using vague, structuralist notions–from “alt-right” and “trolls” to “the basket of deplorables” (Robertson) – arguably only strengthened the coherence of those it was meant to disavow (Phillips, Oxygen; Phillips et al.; Marantz). Phillips et al. therefore lamented such generalisations, arguing attributing Trump’s win to vague notions of “4chan”, “alt-right”, or “trolls” actually bestowed an “atemporal, almost godlike power” to what was actually an “ever-reactive anonymous online collective”. Therefore, they called to refrain from making claims about opaque spaces like 4chan without first “plotting the landscape” and “safeguarding the actual record”. Indeed, “when it comes to 4chan and Anonymous”, Phillips et al. warned, “nobody steps in the same river twice”.This text answers the call to map anonymous online groups by engaging with the complexity of testing the muddy waters of the ever-changing and dissimulative 4chan-current. It first argues how anti-structuralist research outlooks can answer to many of the pitfalls arising from this complex task. Afterwards, it traces the word trump as it was used on 4chan/pol/ to problematise some of the above-mentioned media narratives. How did anons consider Trump, and how did the /pol/-current change during the build-up of the 2016 U.S. elections and afterwards?On Researching Masked and Dissimulative ExtremistsWhile potentially playing into the self-imagination of malicious actors (Phillips et al.), the frequent appearance of overblown narratives on 4chan is unsurprising considering the peculiar affordances of imageboards. Imageboards are anonymous – no user account is required to post – and ephemeral – posts are deleted after a certain amount of activity, sometimes after days, sometimes after minutes (Bernstein et al.; Hagen). These affordances complicate studying collectives on imageboards, with the primary reasons being that 1) they prevent insights into user demographics, 2) they afford particularly dissimulative, playful discourse that can rarely be taken at face value (Auerbach; de Zeeuw and Tuters), and 3) the sheer volume of auto-deleted activity means one has to stay up-to-date with a rapid waterfall of subcultural ephemera. Additionally, the person stepping into the muddy waters of the chan-river also changes their gaze over time. For instance, Phillips bravely narrates how she once saw parts of the 4chan-stream as “fun” to only later realise the blatantly racist elements present from the start (“It Wasn’t Just”).To help render legible the changing currents of imageboard activity without relying on vague understandings of the “alt-right”, “trolls”, or “Anonymous”, anti-structuralist research outlooks form a possible answer. Around 1900, sociologists like Gabriel Tarde already argued to refrain from departing from structuralist notions of society and instead let social compositions arise through iterative tracing of minute imitations (11). As described in Bruno Latour’s Reassembling the Social, actor-network theory (ANT) revitalises the Tardean outlook by similarly criticising the notion of the “social” and “society” as distinct, sui-generis entities. Instead, ANT advocates tracing “flat” networks of agency made up of both human and non-human actors (165-72). By tracing actors and describing the emerging network of heterogeneous mediators and intermediaries (105), one can slowly but surely get a sense of collective life. ANT thus takes a page from ethnomethodology, which advocates a similar mapping of how participants of a group produce themselves as such (Garfinkel).For multiple reasons, anti-structuralist approaches like ANT can be useful in tracing elusive anonymous online groups and their changing compositions. First, instead of grasping collectives on imageboards from the outset through structuralist notions, as networked individuals, or as “amorphous and formless entities” (see e.g. Coleman 113-5), it only derives its composition after following where its actors lead. This can result in an empirical and literally objective mapping of their collectivity while refraining from mystifications and non-existent connections–so often present in popular narratives about “trolls” and the “alt-right”. At the same time, it allows prominent self-imaginations and mythologizations – or, in ANT-parlance, “localisations of the global” (Latour 173-190) – rise to the surface whenever they form important actors, which, as we will see, tends to happen on 4chan.Second, ANT offers a useful lens with which to consider how non-human actors can uphold a sense of collectivity within anonymous imageboards. This can include digital objects as part of the infrastructure–e.g. the automatically assigned post numbers having mythical value on 4chan (Beran, It Came From 69)–but also cultural objects like words or memes. Considering 4chan’s anonymity, this focus on objects instead of individuals is partly a necessity: one cannot know the exact amount and flow of users. Still, as this text seeks to show, non-human actors like words or memes can form suitable actors to map the changing collectivity of anonymous imageboard users in the absence of demographic insights.There are a few pitfalls worth noting when conducting ANT-informed research into extremist spaces like 4chan/pol/. The aforementioned ironic and dissimulative rhetoric of anonymous forum culture (de Zeeuw and Tuters) means tracing is complicated by implicit (yet omnipresent) intertextual references undecipherable to the untrained eye. Even worse, when misread or exaggerated, such tracing efforts can play into trolling tactics. This can in turn risk what Phillips calls “giving oxygen” to bigoted narratives by amplifying their presence (“Oxygen”). Since ANT does not prescribe what sort of description is needed (Latour 149), this exposure can be limited and/or critically engaged with by the researcher. Still, it is inevitable that research on extremist collectives adds at least some garbage to already polluted information ecologies (Phillips and Milner 2020), even when “just” letting the actors speak (Venturini). Indeed, this text will unfortunately also show hate speech terms below.These complications of irony and amplification can be somewhat mitigated by mixing ethnographic involvement with computational methods. Together, they can render implicit references explicit while also mapping broad patterns in imitation and preventing singular (misleading) actors from over-dominating the description. When done well, such descriptions do not only have to amplify but can also marginalise and trivialise. An accurate mapping can thereby counter sensationalist media narratives, as long as that is where the actors lead. It because of this potentiality that anti-structuralist tracing of extremist, dissimulative online groups should not be discarded outright.Stopping Momentarily to Test the WatersTo put the above into practice, what follows is a brief case study on the term trump on 4chan/pol/. Instead of following users, here the actor trump is taken an entry point for tracing various assemblages: not only referring to Donald J. Trump as an individual and his actions, but also to how /pol/-anons imagine themselves in relation to Trump. In this way, the actor trump is a fluid one: each of its iterations contains different boundaries and variants of its environment (de Laet and Mol 252). By following these environments, can we make sense of how the delirious 2016 U.S. election cycle played out on /pol/, a space described as the “skeleton key to the rise of Trump” (Beran, 4chan)?To trace trump, I use the 4plebs.com archive, containing almost all posts made on /pol/ between late-2013 and early 2018 (the time of research). I subsequently use two text mining methods to trace various connections between trump and other actors and use this to highlight specific posts. As Latour et al. note, computational methods allow “navigations” (593) of different data points to ensure diverse empirical perspectives, preventing both structuralist “zoomed-out” views and local contexts from over-dominating. Instead of moving between micro and macro views, such a navigation should therefore be understood as a “circulation” around the data, deploying various perspectives that each assemble the actors in a different way. In following this, the case study aims to demonstrate how, instead of a lengthy ethnographic account, a brief navigation using both quali- and quantitative perspectives can quickly demystify some aspects of seemingly nebulous online groups.Tracing trump: From Meme-Wizard to Anti-Semitic TargetTo get a sense of the centrality of Trump on /pol/, I start with post frequencies of trump assembled in two ways. The first (Figure 1) shows how, soon after the announcement of Trump’s presidential bid on 16 June 2015, around 100,000 comments mention the word (2% of the total amount of posts). The frequencies spike to a staggering 8% of all comments during the build-up to Trump’s win of the Republican nomination in early 2016 and presidential election in November 2016. Figure 1: The absolute and relative amount of posts on 4chan/pol/ containing the word trump (prefixes and suffixes allowed).To follow the traces between trump and the more general discourse surrounding it, I compiled a more general “trump-dense threads” dataset. These are threads containing thirty or more posts, with at least 15% of posts mentioning trump. As Figure 2 shows, at the two peaks, 8% of any thread on /pol/ was trump-dense, accounting for approximately 15,000 monthly threads. While Trump’s presence is unsurprising, these two views show just how incredibly central the former businessman was to /pol/ at the time of the 2016 U.S. election. Figure 2: The absolute and relative amount of threads on 4chan/pol/ that are “trump-dense”, meaning they have thirty comments or more, out of which at least 15% contain the word trump (prefixes and suffixes allowed).Instead of picking a certain moment from these aggregate overviews and moving to the “micro” (Latour et al.), I “circulate” further with Figure 3, showing another perspective on the trump­-dense thread dataset. It shows a scatter plot of trump-dense threads grouped per week and plotted according to how similar their vocabulary is. First, all the words per week are weighted with tf-idf, a common information retrieval algorithm that scores units on the basis if they appear a lot in one of the datasets but not in others (Spärck-Jones). The document sets are then plotted according to the similarity of their weighted vocabulary (cosine similarity). The five highest-scoring terms for the five clusters (identified with K-means) are listed in the bottom-right corner. For legibility, the scatterplot is compressed by the MDS algorithm. To get a better sense of specific vocabulary per week, terms that appeared in all weeks are filtered out (like trump or hillary). Read counterclockwise, the nodes roughly increase in time, thus showing a clear temporal change of discourse, with the first clusters being more similar in vocabulary than the last, and the weeks before and after the primary election (orange cluster) showing a clear gap. Figure 3: A scatterplot showing cosine distances between tf-idf weighted vocabularies of trump-dense threads per week. Compressed with MDS and coloured by five K-means clusters on the underlying tf-idf matrix (excluding terms that appeared in all weeks). Legend shows the top five tf-idf terms within these clusters. ★ denotes the median week in the cluster.With this map, we can trace other words appearing around trump as significant actors in the weekly documents. For instance, Trump-supportive words like stump (referring to “Can’t Stump the Trump”) and maga (“Make America Great Again”) are highly ranked in the first two clusters. In later weeks, less clearly pro-Trump terms appear: drumpf reminds of the unattractive root of the Trump family name, while impeached and mueller show the Russia probe in 2017 and 2018 were significant in the trump-dense threads of that time. This change might thus hint at growing scepticism towards Trump after his win, but it is not shown how these terms are used. Fortunately, the scatterplot offers a rudder with which to navigate to further perspectives.In keeping with Latour’s advice to keep “aggregate structures” and “local contexts” flat (165-72), I contrast the above scatterplot with a perspective on the data that keeps sentence structures intact instead of showing abstracted keyword sets. Figure 4 uses all posts mentioning trump in the median weeks of the first and last clusters in the scatterplot (indicated with ★) and visualises word trees (Wattenberg and Viégas) of most frequent words following “trump is a”. As such, they render explicit ontological associations about Trump; what is Trump, according to /pol/-anons? The first word tree shows posts from 2-8 November 2015, when fifteen Republican competitors were still in the race. As we have seen in Figure 1, Trump was in this month still “only” mentioned in around 50,000 posts (2% of the total). This word tree suggests his eventual nomination was at this point seen as an unlikely and even undesirable scenario, showing derogatory associations like retard and failure, as well as more conspiratorial words like shill, fraud, hillary plant, and hillary clinton puppet. Notably, the most prominent association, meme, and others like joke and fucking comic relief, imply Trump was not taken too seriously (see also Figure 5). Figure 4: Word trees of words following “trump is a” in the median weeks of the first and last clusters of the scatterplot. Made with Jason Davies’s Word Tree application. Figure 5: Anons who did not take Trump seriously. Screencapture taken from archive.4plebs.org (see post 1 and post 2 in context).The first word tree contrast dramatically with the one from the last median week from 18 to 24 December 2017. Here, most associations are anti-Semitic or otherwise related to Judaism, with trump most prominently related to the hate speech term kike. This prompts several questions: did /pol/ become increasingly anti-Semitic? Did already active users radicalise, or were more anti-Semites drawn to /pol/? Or was this nefarious current always there, with Trump merely drawing anti-Semitic attention after he won the election? Although the navigation did not depart from a particular critical framework, by “just following the actors” (Venturini), it already stumbled upon important questions related to popular narratives on 4chan and the alt-right. While it is tempting to stop here and explain the change as “radicalisation”, the navigation should continue to add more empirical perspectives. When doing so, the more plausible explanation is that the unlikely success of Trump briefly attracted (relatively) more diverse and playful visitors to /pol/, obscuring the presence and steady growth of overt extremists in the process.To unpack this, I first focus on the claim that a (relatively) diverse set of users flocked to /pol/ because of the Trump campaign. /pol/’s overall posting activity rose sharply during the 2016 election, which can point to already active users becoming more active, but is likely mostly caused by new users flocking to /pol/. Indeed, this can be traced in actor language. For instance, many anons professed to be “reporting in” from other 4chan boards during crucial moments in the campaing. One of the longest threads in the trump-dense threads dataset (4,504 posts) simply announces “Cruz drops out”. In the comments below, multiple anons state they arrived from other boards to join the Trump-infused activity. For instance, Figure 6 shows an anon replying “/v/ REPORTING IN”, to which sixty other users reacted by similarly affirming themselves as representatives from other boards (e.g. “/mu/ here. Ready to MAGA”). While but another particular view, this implies Trump’s surprising nomination stimulated a crowd-like gathering of different anons jumping into the vortex of trump-related activity on /pol/. Figure 6: Replies by outside-anons “reporting in” the sticky thread announcing Ted Cruz's drop out, 4 May 2016. Screenshots taken from 4plebs.org (see post 1 and post 2 in context).Other actor-language further expresses Trump’s campaign “drew in” new and unadjusted (or: less extreme) users. Notably, many anons claimed the 2016 election led to an “invasion of Reddit users”. Figure 7 shows one such expression: an annotated timeline of /pol/’s posting activity graph (made by 4plebs), posted to /pol/ on 26 February 2016 and subsequently reposted 34 times. It interprets 2016 as a period where “Trump shit goes into overdrive, meme shit floods /pol/, /pol/ is now reddit”. Whether these claims hold any truth is difficult to establish, but the image forms an interesting case of how the entirety “/pol/” is imagined and locally articulated. Such simplistic narratives relate to what Latour calls “panoramas”: totalising notions of some imagined “whole” (188-90) that, while not to be “confused with the collective”, form crucial data since they express how actors understand their own composition (190). Especially in the volatile conditions of anonymous and ephemeral imageboards, repeated panoramic narratives can help in constructing a sense of cohesion–and thereby also form interesting actors to trace. Indeed, following the panoramic statement “/pol/ is now reddit”, other gatekeeping-efforts are not hard to find. For instance, phrases urging other anons to go “back to reddit” (occurring in 19,069 posts in the total dataset) or “back to The_Donald” (a popular pro-Trump subreddit, 1,940 posts) are also particularly popular in the dataset. Figure 7: An image circulated on /pol/ lamenting that "/pol/ is now reddit" by annotating 4plebs’s posting metrics. Screenshot taken from archive.4plebs.org (see posts).Did trump-related activity on /pol/ indeed become more “meme-y” or “Reddit-like” during the election cycle, as the above panorama articulates? The activity in the trump-dense threads seems to suggest so. Figure 8 again uses the tf-idf terms from these threads, but here with the columns denoting the weeks and the rows the top scoring tf-idf terms of their respective week. To highlight relevant actors, all terms are greyed out (see the unedited sheet here), except for several keywords that indicate particularly playful or memetic vernacular: the aforementioned stump, emperor, referring to Trump’s nickname as “God Emperor”; energy, referring to “high energy”, a common catchphrase amongst Trump supporters; magic, referring to “meme magic”, the faux-ironic belief that posting memes affects real-life events; and pepe, the infamous cartoon frog. In both the tf-idf ranking and the absolute frequencies, these keywords flourish in 2016, but disappear soon after the presidential election passes. The later weeks in 2017 and 2018 rarely contain similarly playful and memetic terms, and if they do, suggest mocking discourse regarding Trump (e.g. drumpf). This perspective thus pictures the environment around trump in the run-up to the election as a particularly memetic yet short-lived carnival. At least from this perspective, “meme shit” thus indeed seemed to have “flooded /pol/”, but only for a short while. Figure 8: tf-idf matrix of trump-dense threads, columns denoting weeks and rows denoting the top hundred most relevant terms per week. Download the full tf-idf matrix with all terms here.Despite this carnivalesque activity, further perspectives suggest it did not go at the expense of extremist activity on /pol/. Figure 9 shows the absolute and relative counts of the word "jew" and its derogatory synonym "kike". Each of these increases from 2015 onwards. As such, it seems to align with claims that Trump’s success and /pol/ becoming increasingly extremist were causally related (Thompson). However, apart from possibly confusing correlation with causation, the relative presence remains fairly stable, even slightly decreasing during the frenzy of the Trump campaign. Since we also saw Trump himself become a target for anti-Semitic activity, these trendlines rather imply /pol/’s extremist current grew proportionally to the overall increase in activity, and increased alongside but not but necessarily as a partisan contingent as a result of Trump’s campaign. Figure 9: The absolute and relative frequency of the terms "jew" and "kike" on 4chan/pol/.ConclusionCombined, the above navigation implies two main changes in 4chan/pol/’s trump-related current. First, the climaxes of the 2016 Republican primaries and presidential elections seem to have invoked crowd-like influxes of (relatively) heterogeneous users joining the Trump-delirium, marked by particularly memetic activity. Second, /pol/ additionally seemed to have formed a welcoming hotbed for anti-Semites and other extremists, as the absolute amount of (anti-Semitic) hate speech increased. However, while already-present and new users might have been energised by Trump, they were not necessarily loyal to him, as professed by the fact that Trump himself eventually became a target. Together with the fact that anti-Semitic hate speech stayed relatively consistent, instead of being “countercultural” (Nagle) or exclusively pro-Trump, /pol/ thus seems to have been composed of quite a stable anti-Semitic and Trump-critical contingent, increasing proportionally to /pol/’s general growth.Methodologically, this text sought to demonstrate how a brief navigation of trump on 4chan/pol/ can provide provisional yet valuable insights regarding continuously changing current of online anonymous collectives. As the cliché goes, however, this brief exploration has left more many questions, or rather, it did not “deploy the content with all its connections” (Latour 147). For instance, I have not touched on how many of the trump-dense threads are distinctly separated and pro-Trump “general threads” (Jokubauskaitė and Peeters). 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