Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Nomads Dwellings"

Based on the available archaeological material, the article covers a number of issues related to the kurgans of nomads from the middle of the 1st millennium BC within the sub-mountain zone of the Bashkir Trans-Urals, embankments of which were built using stone. The author analyses the representativeness of archaeological records, provides typological and chronological attribution of the burial complexes. Previously these materials allowed to identify the “Irendyk-Kryktyn nomadic group” which existed in the considered landscape zone. According to the author, the investigated stone kurgans are divided into two groups. The first one might be dated back to the Saka Age (VII-VI centuries BC), the second one belongs to the Savromatian-Sarmatian period (not earlier that the mid of V-IV centuries BC). Within the existing chronology there is no explanation for the time gap between those periods. Hereby, this fact may indicate the presence of two culturally unrelated nomadic groups. The analysis of the archaeological material allows us to say that the signs of the burial rite, which are typical for the monuments of the foothill strip of the Bashkir Trans-Ural (Irendyk-Kryktyn group), are widespread far beyond this landscape zone, and are common for nomads who left stone kurgans in the steppe part of the region on both sides of the Ural Ridge. Furthermore, the author draws attention to the existing statement about the process of sedentarization of nomads of this region in the middle of the 1st millennium BC. The study of the source base on this issue shows that single finds of ceramic in “settlements” of nomads are their common locations. Settlement monuments in the mountainous Urals and steppe Trans-Urals, where few fragments of Kenotkel and Gafurian tableware were found, demonstrate the lack of dwellings, tools and remnants of handicraft production. This fact testifies to the temporary or episodic nature of the appearance of small groups of population at such monuments, and is not associated with nomads. Moreover, the sedentarization of nomads in the northern marginal zone is not confirmed by either historical or ethnographic sources. The article contains materials to supplement the archaeological records for studying issues related to stone kurgans.

The agrarian question is a very urgent problem in Kazakhstan. The following paper shows the history of struggle for land in 19-20 centuries. At those times Kazakhs were nomads. Tsarism carried some reforms and made the lands in the Kazakh steppe the property of the state. In Western Kazakhstan agriculture, cattle breeding, trade developed. In the Kazakh steppe agrarian transformation started. Nomads started to build permanent dwellings. These buildings were near the Russian peasants. Construction of railways led to the fact that the Kazakhs and Russian peasants sold bread at the markets near stations. Stolypin agrarian reform accelerated the process of agrarian transformation. Eventually, Western Kazakhstan entered into Russian market.

Abstract Livestock are an important component of rural livelihoods in developing countries, but data about this source of income and wealth are difficult to collect due to the nomadic and seminomadic nature of many pastoralist populations. Most household surveys exclude those without permanent dwellings, leading to undercoverage. In this study, we explore the use of a random geographic cluster sample (RGCS) as an alternative to the household-based sample. In this design, points are randomly selected and all eligible respondents found inside circles drawn around the selected points are interviewed. This approach should eliminate undercoverage of mobile populations. We present results of an RGCS survey with a total sample size of 784 households to measure livestock ownership in the Afar region of Ethiopia in 2012. We explore the RGCS data quality relative to a recent household survey, and discuss the implementation challenges.

In the training of specialists in the art education field, it is essential to know the continuity in the evolution of national art. In Kazakh folk art, the semantic content and structuring of ornamental forms and compositions are the result of a long historical development and spiritual experience of the nomadic people. In the decorative and applied art of the people, the mental processes of society are represented. The artist-nomad is a spokesman of the Kazakh nomadic mentality, which is characterized by the originality of spiritual experience and traditions and is formed as a result of the long development of historical eras and periods under the influence of geographical, social, cultural conditions of life. In the Kazakh arts and crafts, a system of expressive means and images has been formed, which reveal the specifics of the nomadic way of life. The ornaments are a historical source that sheds the light on the peculiarities of the beliefs, the way of life of the nomads. The artistic vision of the Kazakh people is manifested both in the forms and in the decorative decoration of the dwelling household items, military equipment, jewelry. In the products of decorative and applied creativity, the artistic picture of the world of their creators is reflected ideas about heavenly bodies, natural phenomena, animal and plant life. Ornament plays a role of a kind of tool for symbolic and sign thinking. A stable system of specific signs and combinations of units is recorded in the Kazakh ornamental language. Craftsmen and contemporary artists, using the language of ornaments as an important visual communication tool, have filled their artworks with non-verbal messages and mental information.

Human life in the future, not far from technology, technology encourages humans to adapt to their life patterns. Technology affects the working system, where the term Digital Nomad, or what can be called digital nomads, appears, those who work by moving places, by utilizing technology so that everything can be done only with an internet connection and electronic devices. The term Digital Nomad is not far from inhabited, because it talks about lifestyle, the problem of moving life patterns like this, creating empty spaces which must be filled according to the seasons, and according to the needs of workers, who must be able to answer places to live in, work, run hobbies, and playing, therefore, the focus of this project is to answer the problem of living in, as well as indirectly making a public place for local people to know the term Digital Nomad. By being located in Blok M which is a creative location with a TOD (Transit Oriented Development) system that focuses on being the best environment for pedestrians who maximize walking territory, thus supporting projects to be useful and can be enjoyed by Digital Nomads and local people who want to know and learn, and still paying attention to the contextual value of Blok M, in the year 2035. By determining the pattern of life, so the goals of this project will be achieved.Keywords: Blok M; Dwelling; Digital Nomad; TOD AbstrakKehidupan manusia dimasa yang akan datang, tidak jauh dari teknologi, teknologi mendorong manusia untuk beradaptasi dengan pola hidupnya. Teknologi mempengaruhi sistem dalam bekerja, dimana muncul istilah Digital Nomad, atau bisa disebut pengembara digital, mereka yang bekerja dengan berpindah tempat, dengan memanfaatkan teknologi sehingga semua bisa dilakukan hanya dengan bermodalkan koneksi internet dan alat elektronik. Istilah Digital Nomad tidak jauh dari berhuni, karena berbicara tentang pola hidup, permasalahan dari pola hidup berpindah ini, menciptakan ruang ruang kosong dimana harus diisi sesuai dengan musim, dan sesuai dengan kebutuhan para pekerja, yang harus bisa menjawab tempat berhuni, bekerja, menjalankan hobi, dan bermain, maka dari itu, fokus dari proyek ini menjawab permasalahan berhuni , juga secara tidak langsung menjadikan tempat untuk masyarakat lokal mengetahui istilah Digital Nomad. Dengan berlokasi di Blok M yang merupakan lokasi kreatif dengan sistem TOD (Transit Oriented Development) berfokus untuk menjadi tempat yang tepat bagi pejalan kaki yang memaksimalkan pedestrian, sehingga mendukung proyek agar menjadi bermanfaat dan bisa dinikmati oleh Digital Nomad dan masyarakat lokal yang ingin belajar dengan tetap memperhatikan nilai kontekstual dari Blok M, di tahun 2035. Dengan merumuskan pola hidup para pengembara maka dapat tercapai tujuan akhir proyek ini.

With the deepening of living space, the living behavior gradually become the basis of living space, Based on the steppe nomads living behavioral interviews, Analysis of the steppe nomads living behavior, Provide design basis for the study of the grassland dwelling pattern.

Purpose. The article is devoted to the study of nominating the items of traditional Khakass housing in the Sayan-Altai region. We considered difficult issues of their genesis focusing on a number of poorly researched types of housings. Results. The study analyzes the use of the names of traditional Khakass dwellings that are well-known in Ethnography, including their rare dialect nominations recorded by domestic ethnographers. It is noted that some nominations studied are used to determine a house as an object of material culture, whereas other nominations demonstrate a clarifying characteristic, which ultimately determines the differences in the nominations. We considered interpretations of the names of a number of nomad dwellings, such as the name of an archaic housing of taiga Khakass “at ib”. Genesis of the dwellings names is shown in relation to log housings (tura) and frame-pillar constructions (at ib, otah / otag) of the Khakass, which represents a modern trend of studying the Khakass’ material culture. Conclusion. It is necessary to classify the names of Khakass dwellings known by describing their types. A number of issues relating to the genesis and origin of the types of dwellings studied in relation to otah / otag is still open and requires more additional data. In our opinion, the problem of the genesis of the Khakass dwelling tura, which features a log wooden construction, has been solved and shows its autochthonous character.

Abstract Census data from 8th-century Eastern Central Asian oases, combined with the measurements of the oases and data from archives discovered there, allow us to calculate estimates both of the individual oases’ populations and of their respective feeding capacities, which is to say the number of people who could be fed from the output of one hectare of agricultural land. These numbers in turn have parallels in Western Central Asia, where oasis sizes can also be calculated by examination of preserved archaeological landscapes and oasis walls. It is therefore possible to reach a rough idea of the populations dwelling in the main oases and valleys of sedentary Central Asia. As regards nomadic regions, the data are far more hypothetical, but references in certain sources to the sizes of nomad armies and rates of nomadic military levying can allow us to calculate at least the possible scales of magnitude for populations living to the north of the Tianshan.

Verbal restrictions common among the Turko-Mongol peoples of Inner Asia and Siberia are analyzed on the basis of folkloric and ethnographic sources. Their principal forms are silence, circumlocution, and whisper. The socio-cultural context of these restrictions is reconstructed. They are seen in various domains of culture, in particular relating to social norms, and are believed to refl ect fear of human life and the well-being of man and society in the communication with nature represented by deities and spirits. This is a natural reaction that has evolved under the harsh environmental and climatic conditions of Inner Asia. The sa me concerns, extending to social communication, have regulated interpersonal interactions. In a nomadic culture, verbal restrictions stem from the importance of the ritual function of language and a specifi c attitude toward spoken language, which, over the centuries, was the principal means of information storage and transfer, cognition and adaptation. This concept of speech affected the emergence of the principal behavioral stereotypes. The rigid norms of behavior account for the importance of the nonverbal context of the nomadic culture— the high informative potential of the entire space inhabited by the nomads, and the rich symbolism of their material culture, traditional outfi t, and dwelling.

8 iron daggers of the advanced stage of the Prokhorov culture (III–II centuries BC), found in different years in the vicinity of the village of Tolbazy located in the forest-steppe of the Southern Urals (Republic of Bashkortostan, Aurgazinsky district) are published. It is shown that according to physical and geographical data, this area (about 15  15 km) is allocated to a single microdistrict located at the crest of the Bielsko-Urshak watershed, which has a width of more than 50 km at this point. The territory of the microdistrict is elevated (100 meters or more from the foot of elevation, 250 meters above sea level on average), it abounds with small lakes and springs on the top, with the sources of small watercourses on the slopes and it is surrounded by rivers on all sides. Most of the findings were made on the plateau or at the sources of small watercourses, some of them - in river valleys. It is concluded that this area can be considered as a separate honey cell, “nomadic parish” or summer dwelling complex, which is typical for the settlement system of early nomads to the north of the hills of Obshchiy Syrt. The nearest known honey cells are located at a distance of 5–12 km from Tolbazinsky district and the number of finds of bladed weapons of the mid-late I Millennium BC varies from 3–4 to 25 pieces. It is also shown that in the III–II centuries BC, the development of bladed weapons (swords and daggers with a straight cross quillion and a crescent-shaped pommel) among the nomads followed the line of standardization of earlier forms of the Southern Urals, the assimilation of individual innovations and imitation of samples with a ring-shaped pommel representing foreign culture for the region.

Property guardianship, a form of short-term building security through temporary dwelling, has emerged in several European countries over the past 20 years. Despite being characterized by tenure insecurity and frequently substandard conditions, ‘living as a guardian’ has become a composite and polyvalent mode of inhabiting cities, rooted in the production and dissemination of distinctive spatial imaginaries of ‘nomadic’ urban dwelling. In the United Kingdom, where guardianship is relatively novel and marginal, the establishment of several intermediary companies has contributed to the rapid diffusion of the scheme as precarious ‘adventurous’ housing, particularly in metropolitan areas where guardianship schemes largely attract mobile and university-educated individuals. Drawing on debates about the complexities of ‘self-precarization’, this article examines imaginaries of property guardianship and their ambivalent significance in relation to lived processes of precarization. Through the analysis of media representations and in-depth interviews with current and former guardians in London, it explores how guardians mobilize narratives of adaptability, flexibility and nomadism between their resignation to existing housing conditions and a sense of critical and autonomous agency. This article proposes and develops a nuanced qualitative approach to analyse how precarious dwelling through guardianship is reshaping spatial imaginaries of acceptable and desirable urban housing, contributing to significant processes of individual and collective subjectification. At a moment of extensive governmentality through insecurity, it concludes that examining imaginaries and practices of self-precarization offers a critical entry point for understanding and rethinking, theoretically and politically, housing precarity and its geographies.

The city of Gabes has been considered an important crossroads and a center of an old commercial activity for caravans and nomads since antiquity. This is in fact because it is famous for its unique coastal Mediterranean oasis. Coastal oases are essentially sources of great biological diversity and particular natural habitations, which altogether make an essential component of the cultural identity of the region. This key element of cultural heritage is unfortunately facing a lot of challenges which threaten its existence. The present study tries to understand the context of the evolution of the oasis dwelling and the traditional urban landscapes of the city of Gabes. It seeks to identify the typology of this traditional dwelling and characterize its main components. It also assesses its current state and the profound changes it is experiencing in an atmosphere of negligence from the side of state which has avoided adopting the principles of urgent intervention to promote, enhance it and preserve this dwelling against the undesirable effects of modernization.

Housing and its evolution constitutes an important study for all councils. This paper limns the encyclopaedic timeline of housing from the times of pre-urban dwellings of nomadic, semi-nomadic, and sedentary agricultural societies to the present day, while focusing on the chunks of a comprehensive architecture, history and anthropology. A detailed literature review made it evident that early urban dwellings were insular and extended around an internal patio. Lately, these housing forms lasted in the original metropolitan house arrangements in the Islamic world, China, India, Latin America, the Iberian Peninsula and the Indian subcontinent like Indus valley civilization. After the fall of the Roman Empire, there was a drift towards peripheral house forms which engaged the early forms of urban settlement in the world today. The study also revealed that the Middle Age dwellings functioned as both residences and work places, yet with the passage of time the buildings became more functionalized, thus dividing dwellings and work places from each other. With the advent of the industrial revolution, there were remarkable variations in the suburban expansion of housing in the western world that became isolated along socioeconomic outlines and the housing types diverged with less populated, single-family communities at one extreme and densely populated, high rise, multi-family apartments at the other extreme. It is concluded that the side effects of the American transportation system have resulted into rigorous peripheral dwellings which includes ineffective use of land, air contamination and the city degeneration suggesting solutions based on a rich variety of historical examples.

This paper presents some architectural housing projects designed by architects in different parts of the world, considering concepts originated from the virtuality domain. Some designers propose the beginning of an interaction between the user and its dwelling that attempts to overcome the functionalist slant of so-called residential automation. After examining different approaches and proposals, ten points are presented as items for an agenda of debates. The brief and introductory analysis proposed hereby is part of undergoing studies at the Nomads.usp Center for Interactive-Living Studies ( www.eesc.usp.br/nomads ), of the University of Sao Paulo, Brazil.

This paper reports the results of field studies carried out in November 2018 in the towns of Murmansk Oblast and in February — March 2020 in the city of Murmansk. The research was aimed to evaluate resilience of the Kola North as the most extensively urbanized northern region and of Murmansk as the largest city above the Arc-tic Circle. The material for the paper is based on the poll data of 444 residents of Murmansk Oblast and interviews of 23 residents of Murmansk. A residence-stratified sampling model combined with sex and age quotas has been employed. On the basis of research on resilience in psychology and theory of time-space of Mikhail Bakhtin, the authors conduct analysis of the perception of the population towards the elements of urban chronotopos: time (chronos), space (topos), and human (anthropos), which either repel the population, thus weakening the resilience, or attract it, hence strengthening the resilience. The level of resilience of a region is firmly bound to the population attitude towards it, and apathy towards the city, let alone hatred, take a heavy toll on the resilience of the cities in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation, instilling conditions for weakening bods between people and the dwelling and causing decay of the social climate. In this paper, we identify problematic urban areas induc-ing negative emotions of the population (climate, ecology, standard of living, state of the education and infrastructure, a lack of ideas and perspectives of development which are clear to the urban residents) and strong points enhancing the resilience (natural environment, social links, pace of living, frontier location, understanding of his-torical role and strategic importance). Models of mental behavior which have effect on the urban resilience have been identified. It is argued that temporary and shift workers have negative effect on the urban resilience, whereas positive influence comes from traditional and new nomads, innovators, proprietors and amateur researchers. Traditional nomads of the Kola North — fishermen and seamen — create the image and mission of the cities understandable to their residents. The model of a new nomad brings dynamics and hospitability to the region. The innovator creates new models of development of the territory, while the proprietor explores the North and looks after it. The model of special importance for the cities of the Kola North is that of exploration, characteristic of researchers and artists, since new values may become new ideas of the cities supporting their resilience.

A yurt is a portable tent-like dwelling structure favored by Mongolian nomads for more than three millennia and it can be favorably used even at a harsh environment as low as ?50 degrees. The paper concludes that the multi-layer structure of the felt cover is the key for weatherproofing. A fractional differential model with He?s fractional derivative is established to find an optimal thickness of the fractal hierarchy of the felt cover. A better understanding of the yurt mechanism could help the further design of yurt-like space suits and other protective clothing for extreme cold region.

The official policy of the Soviet state toward nomadic populations was to change their way of life by implementation of enforced collective property (on reindeer), boarding school education, and the displacement of nomadic women to settlements. This policy, however, never totally succeeded in all the Nenets areas and among all groups; many Nenets people remain living in a nomadic community. Today, globalization in the form of modern technologies, industrial development, exploration of underground resources and climate changes are affecting the lives of the Nenets. This article draws from several ethnographic fieldwork surveys of nomadic Nenets families conducted between 2015-2017, within the area of the arctic tundra and among the Forest Nenets of Northern Russia. The author’s aim is to address one aspect of Nenets’s life impacted by modern globalization: their dwelling space. Their traditional dwelling, the “Mya” has been only marginally changed and is still in use in almost all the areas in which Nenets families and communities can be found. Can it be that the displacement of women, originally caused by official Soviet state policy, has also affected the sacred symbolism of the traditional Mya?

Tailgating is an institutionalized form of public revelry and emplacement of brand community that occurs within the context of a consumption encampment. In this ethnographic investigation of tailgating in an American collegiate football setting, we explore the dwelling practices of stakeholders involved in the event. In the duration of a tailgate, a city is raised, and ultimately razed. Over the course of a day, a nomadic brand community encampment arises, replete with ersatz homes, a grid of streets with ingenious address coordinates, playing fields, and channels of information exchange. By examining the process of dwelling, we unpack the mechanics of the space-to-place transformation that characterizes consumption encampments. We analyze the role of three architectonic pillars of tailgating—chorography, conviviality, and community—in the emplacement of brand community and theorize the spatial essence of the collegiate brand.

According to the research developed by André Leroi-Gourhan in 1964, entitled “Gesture and speech”, the evolution of human beings during Prehistory was linked to the search for work efficiency. As time passed, man designed increasingly complex tools whose production implied a decreasing amount of energy. The aim of the present research was to determine if this evolution, which occurred in parallel to the sedentary process, also affected architecture, specifically if it can be detected on traditional dwellings, particularly in those built by the Native American Indians during the pre-Columbian period. Due to their great diversity, since both nomad and sedentary models can be found among them, and to the available information about their morphology and technical characteristics, these models offer a unique opportunity to study the consequences of this process for architecture. In order to achieve it, an alternative parameter that can be determined for any type of building was designed. It allows us to establish the amount of energy an envelope is equal to. The results obtained suggest that the efficiency of the dwellings decreased as this process went forward, but this pattern changed in its last step, when agriculture appeared and permanent settlements started to be built. Besides, statistical graphs were used in order to show graphically the relationship between it, the climate, the morphology of the dwellings and their technical characteristics.

In architecture the link between life and art can be so strong that one can see them as fused, as Heidegger did. We encounter buildings in connection with the life that inhabits them, but the relationship between building and life is not that of cause and effect. The building is a tool, for which a variety of uses might be found. Gilles Deleuze saw ideas as tools, and valued ‘nomadism’ – moving between sets of ideas. He deployed a rhetoric of mobility and invention that encourages the free play of ideas, while effectively resisting the lure of Heideggerís ‘blood and soil’ nostalgia.

Over the last 20 years, Ulaanbaatar, the capital of Mongolia, has witnessed unprecedented urbanisation. Nomadic families from the rural provinces of the country have been pouring into the city and developing the so-called ‘ger settlements’. The traditional mobile dwelling, the ger (Mongolian for ‘yurt’), forms the nucleus of semi-formal settlement compounds, where yurts and makeshift shelters are surrounded by improvised walls and connected by dusty access lanes. Ger settlements lack essential urban services, such as water and sewage systems, as well as many public services and public spaces. At the same time, ger settlements are dynamic, hybrid spaces in which nomadic/rural and urban lifestyles still merge today, bearing problems but also opportunities for the city, as linkages to former nomadic lifestyles. The paper discusses challenges to community making and empowerment when transforming from nomadic life style to urban life and these are linked to the traditions and daily routines of ger settlement Yarmag.

AbstractThe essay focuses on the thematic coming into being of a place mapped through practices of listening. Sound, noise, and music are seen as part of the racially informed urban “everyday.” The reading depends on the isovist narration of The Street (1946) by Ann Petry, documenting Harlem during the 1940s. The text develops a narrative predicated on the use of aurality as a means of “dwelling upon” the site of a home; a place to live, but where the idea of habitation is compromised by the need to reside. The figural horizon created by Petry anticipates dwelling as Heideggerian habitation rather than as occupation. For Heidegger, the conventional edifice of housing illustrates the forced settling of land. This contradicts his principle of dwelling as a way to remain in a place, leaving us perpetually in search of the dwelling that is more than home. The streets of Harlem cite, among other instruments, the nomadism of such residing, as it attempts to breach the conflicting boundaries of “white” ownership. The trajectory of this subversive foray draws upon the improvisations of a Harlem soundscape, as it works out a means of dwelling anew.

This essay proposes to interpret the significance of the so-called immigration crisis in the light of the ancient story of Cain and Abel. Much more than a mere conflict between brothers, this essay will argue that the story of Cain and Abel presents two archetypal ways of dwelling in the world: the sedentary and the nomadic. As such, the story sheds a shocking new light on our present crisis, deeply problematizing the sedentary and revealing in an amazing tour de force, the hidden potentialities of the nomadic and the powerful rejuvenating force that comes with its inclusion and welcoming in the sedentary landscape that characterizes our Western societies.

The settlement of people in Lachin district that located in the foothills of the Lesser Caucasus dates back to ancient times. The settlements of the district were built mainly in accordance with tribal relations. The construction of villages in the area was mainly divided into mountainous, foothill, hill-side and plain types according to the relief of the region. On the whole, since Lachin district is located in a mountainous area, the construction of villages here was also different: mainly, the houses in the district were built far apart, mostly scattered; villages with hut dwellings and those with dwellings built compact, closer to each other.The newly built bines (nomad camps or isolated farmsteads) were named after those who built them first. Although the main occupation of the district population was animal husbandry, they were also engaged in gardening, forestry and beekeeping. Archaeological and ethnographic investigations conducted in the district, clarified that the population were engaged in many handicraft areas (pottery, stone carving, metal working, etc.). At the same time, the settlements, grave monuments, churches and tombs and bridges of the district were comprehensively studied. The district located in a mountainous area, covers one town, one settlement and 125 villages.

Abstract This article investigates two fundamental dimensions of André Scrima’s anthropology: his emphasis on the incomprehensibility of the human being, and his interest for the mystical life in spiritual experience. The author intertwines these aspects in a range of topics with the aim of approaching the nature of the human being, such as the access to God as presence, the deification or transfiguration of the human being, and the iconic character of human existence. I analyze the use of such terms like “participation” and “mixture,” as well as the imagery that depicts the union of the human and the divine. Finally, I underline the spiritual importance of the nomad as figure and hospitality as virtue, and interpret them in terms of human itinerancy and God’s mystical dwelling in the human person.

Goals. The article aims to highlight the main results of ethnographic research in Mongolia. The basis for ethnographic studies in Mongolia was laid by the emergence of professional scientists in the late 1950s, development of research methodologies, and the formation of the main research directions. Since the mid-1960s, a new approach to ethnographic research has prevailed, and studies in the evolution of traditional nomadic pastoral culture in Mongolia began. It can be noted that during this period there were works on cultural anthropology. At the same time, the nomadic culture and customs of that time were described formally, with an emphasis on the historical period. The study of works from this period allows us to conclude that the research methodology was based on the fact that the reality of life rested on the source material and remained an ethnocultural fact that never lost its value. During the following decades, the main focus of Mongolian ethnographic research was, firstly, the study of the way of life of Mongolian ethnic groups, and secondly, the identification of the causes of cultural and ethnic changes. Systematic ethnographic research was actively conducted on various issues, such as animal husbandry, nomadic customs, settlements and dwellings, food, dairy products, clothing, family and marriage, religion, crafts and folklore. Results. Currently, the following can be noted. There is a development of theoretical research based on previously achieved scientific results. Field research methods of ethnography, social and cultural anthropology are becoming more complex, and the field of studying the cultural heritage of the Mongolian people is becoming more important.

The paper analyzes images of dogs in rock art of China. According to the semantics of compositions the following groups can be distinguished: hunting dogs, herding dogs, guard dogs, using of dogs in rituals, mythological and folklore motifs and other images. According to the distribution of different thematic groups of images, two big areas – northern and south-western – can be seen. In northern regions of China (Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Gansu Province) the scenes of practical use of dogs (hunting, grazing, guarding herds and dwellings) prevail, which can be explained by the characteristics of the economic structure of the nomadic peoples who inhabited these territories. The images of a horseman followed by a dog and a bird of prey seen in Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia can be interpreted as depictions of some motifs of heroic epos of Central Asian nomadic peoples. Other compositions in northern regions have been found to depict not only “realistic”, but “mytho-ritual” interpretations as well. In south-western regions (Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Yunnan Province, Sichuan Province) the images of dogs in ritual and/or a mythological context are more common. It is likely connected with the less practical importance of dogs in the agricultural economy and the higher status of this animal in the spiritual culture of the peoples of Southern China. Rock paintings in Cangyuan County, Yunnan Province, is an exception that combines the images belonging to both traditions, namely a picture of a hunting dog and a dog as a sacrificial animal. Some images cannot yet be deciphered unequivocally.

This article examines the mobility histories and practices of later-life foreigners living or based in Ubud, Bali. Through an exploration of mobility practices, past and present, I question the analytical relevance of emerging lifestyle paradigms that paradoxically seek to contain experiences of mobility in metaphysical imaginings of flux and dynamism. Based on long-term ethnographic research in Ubud, Bali, I consider the extent to which people continually move across academic paradigms to make sense of their life projects. This mobility of thinking, about selfhood, mobility, place and kin relationships, draws analytical attention to the notion of life course. From this conceptual and methodological sticking point I illustrate how later-life foreigners embrace metaphysical imaginaries of mobility and dwelling on their own evolving, innovative and relational terms. Such imaginaries ultimately unsettle the ‘contained fluidity’ of lifestyle paradigms, as place becomes variously imbued with sedentarist and nomadic qualities of residence, fly paper and water.

High-altitude dwelling primates have to optimize navigating a space that contains both a vertical and horizontal component. Black-and-white or Yunnan snub-nosed monkeys (Rhinopithecus bieti) are extreme by primate standards in inhabiting relatively cold subalpine temperate forests at very high altitudes where large seasonal variation in climate and food availability is expected to profoundly modulate their ranging strategies so as to ensure a positive energy balance. A “semi-nomadic” group ofR. bietiwas followed for 20 months in the montane Samage Forest, Baimaxueshan Nature Reserve, Yunnan, PRC, which consisted of evergreen conifers, oaks, and deciduous broadleaf trees. The aim of this study was to disentangle the effects of climate and phenology on patterns of altitudinal range use. Altitude used by the group ranged from a maximum of 3550 m in July 2007 to a minimum of 3060 m in April 2006. The proportional use of lichen, the monkeys’ staple fallback food, in the diet explained more variation in monthly use of altitudes than climatic factors and availability of flush and fruit. The abundance of lichens at high altitudes, the lack of alternative foods in winter, and the need to satisfy the monkey's basal energetic requirements explain the effect of lichenivory on use of altitudes.

Known as sea tribe, Bajo tribe is foreigners in Karimunjawa. As a sea tribe, they are nomadic and live on the boat before settling in Karimunjawa. The encouragement to settle in Karimunjawa is due to the fact that the island has a lot of fish and they exploit it to make their living. At the beginning, they live on the boat, but sometimes they move to the land. Later on, they build houses on stilts at coastal areas.The process experienced by Bajo tribe from sea to land tribe is caused by some factors, from the effort to adapt with local people, decreasing number of the captured fish, the government program to make Bajo tribe becomes the land settlers and the change of their livelihood.This research is aimed to study social change occurring to Bajo tribe as a sea tribe that was formerly nomadic into land tribe dwelling in Karimunjawa. Moreover, this research also intended to study the push factors and the impact from the social change toward the life of the settled Bajo society. In line with the problem and the objectives of this research, the qualitative method with the anthropological and sociological approach was used. These two approaches were applied in order to give a better understanding of the social change of Bajo tribe that had already settled in Karimunjawa.The result of the research shows that there is a social change in Bajo society living permanently in Karimunjawa that is, the change of daily behavior in the society, social interaction with other tribes, values held by the society and social institution, structure and social classes. Social change occurring to Bajo society in Karimunjawa brings positive influences. The social changes among others are awareness towards the importance of education, Bajo society has new jobs other than fisherman, the increase of income, living standard, also modernization in fisheries system. The negative impact as a consequence of the social changes is faded culture, changes in life orientation and views of life, and consumerism in the society.

The distinctive Sami historical land use concerning reindeer management and settlement of inner Troms, North Norway, is reflected in places with archaeological remains. The insight and knowledge connected with these places can be accessed through oral traditions and place-names where reindeer management is embedded in reindeer knowledge developed over long time spans. Previous distinctions between wild reindeer hunting and pastoral herding can be redefined, since much of the traditional knowledge concerning the wild reindeer (goddi) may have been transferred to the domesticated animals (boazu). The transition from reindeer hunting to pastoralism is a current research focus and archaeological results from inner Troms indicate that several Sami dwellings with árran (hearths) are related to a transitional period from AD 1300 to 1400. This period is marked by a reorganisation of the inland Sami siida (collective communities), and changes in landscape use wherein seasonal cycles and grazing access began to determine the movements of people and their domestic reindeer herds. This reorganisation was a response to both external political relations and the inner dynamic of the Sami communities. The first use of tamed reindeer was as decoys and draft animals in the hunting economy, only later becoming the mainstay of household food supply in reindeer pastoralism, providing insurance for future uncertainties. The formation of the national border between Norway-Denmark and Sweden in 1751 led to extensive changes in the previously trans-national mobility pattern, leading to fragmentation of the old siidas and to a new stage of nomadic pastoral economy.

Introduction. The article publishes and analyses the materials obtained during excavations of Scythian barrow 9 of the group Vodovod near the Glinoe village, Slobodzeysk district, on the left bank of the Lower Dniester. The barrow was surrounded by a ring ditch and contained two burials of medieval nomads - the main one, the Scythian, and the secondary, the inlet one. Methods. The mound was excavated by the method of parallel trenches, leaving stratigraphic profiles. When analyzing the materials obtained, a comparatively typological method was applied. Analysis. The main burial was made in a catacomb of unusual construction. The entrance well of the catacomb was filled with stone slabs and boulders characterized with utmost accuracy of production. Despite this, in antiquity the burial was robbed three times: through the entrance well, through the roof of the funeral chamber and through the robbery mine, which went to the burial chamber from the north-eastern floor of the mound. The preserved grave goods are represented with a handmade pot, an iron knife, an iron needle and an awl, a lead finial, a stone slab, a burned pebble, a piece of mineral paint, a wooden kneader, a bronze horse harness and golden pendants. The stone slab was made very carefully, and the wooden kneader is the second such find in the North-West Black Sea region. Bronze items of horse harness have no analogues in the Scythian burial complexes of the North Black Sea region. The construction of barrow 9 of the group Vodovod dates back to the second half of the 5th century BC and is determined on the basis of gold pendants, which analogies are known only in the Malyy Chertomlyk barrow in the Lower Dnieper region. Results.The most important is the fact that the studied barrow was found in the microzone (near the Glinoe village of the Slobodzeya district), where at the moment not only the Scythian burial sites of the 5th - 2nd centuries BC are known, but also a settlement of that time. This testifies to the continual dwelling of the Scythians on the left bank of the Lower Dniester River during this period.

<div><p><em>The Indian sub-continent is inhabited by 53 million tribal populations belonging to over 550 tribal communities that come under 227 linguistic groups. They inhibit varied geographic and climatic Zones of the country. Their vocation ranges from hunting, gathering, cave dwelling nomadics to societies with settled culture living in complete harmony with nature. Forests have been their dear home and totally submitted themselves to forest settings. Their relationship with the forest was symbolic in nature. They have been utilizing the resources without disturbing the delicate balance of the eco-system. Tribals thus mostly remained as stable societies and were unaffected by the social, cultural, material and economic evolutions that were taking place with the so called civilized societies. But this peaceful co-existence of the tribals has been disturbed in recent years by the interference in their habitats. Traditional communities living close to nature have, over the years acquired unique knowledge about the use of living biological resources. Modernisation, especially industrialization and urbanisation has endangered the rich heritage of knowledge and expertise of age old wisdom of the traditional communities. A study on the utilization of local tribals revealed that they hold precious knowledge on the specific use of a large number of agents of wild plant and animal origins, the use of many are hitherto unknown to the outside world. The tribal people are the real custodians of the medicinal plants and thus by using their talents they can be developed as real custodian of Health Care in Indigenous field. </em></p><p><em>The present paper explains how medicinal the knowledge of medicinal plants can prove to be an ideal alternative for tribal development especially in the area of Health Care.</em></p></div>

One of the main needs for the population of a country is housing. A house is a building that functions as a home for humans ranging from simple dwellings such as rudimentary huts of nomadic tribes to complex structures composed of many systems. Some countries do not address the housing problems and this eventually led to people building houses individually without proper supervision from the authorities. The main aim of this study is to identify the problems faced the owners and developers of the housing in Sudan. The objectives of the study are to identify the problems faced by the house owners who build houses individually in Sudan, to assess the problems faced by housing developers in Sudan, to investigate the factors that influence house owners to either construct houses individually or buy from developers in Sudan. This study is carried out in Khartoum, Sudan. The study is carried out through questionnaires. A total of 50 respondents submitted the questionnaires duly answered. The data is analyzed using Average Index. From the study, the main problems faced by the housing owners who build houses individually are the high cost of land, the escalation of construction material prices. The main problems faced by the housing developers in Sudan are the delay, too expensive due to its properties and the lack of infrastructure. The factors that influence house owners to construct houses individually are categorized into two groups, the first group is the financial factors and the other one is the design related factors. From the study the people agreed that the main financial factors are they can build according to their income and better cost controlling. The main design related factors are they can choose suitable location for the house, design an appropriate plan, flexible plan (add element or delete during construction) and quality is better than developer. Also the respondents agreed that the main factors that influence people to buy houses from developers are: facilities available in the housing projects (gardens, swimming pools, playgrounds, etc.), Facilities available such as power and water backup and more security.

This article makes a case for the everyday while on tour and argues that the ability to continue with everyday routines and social relationships, while at the same time moving through and staying in liminal or atypical zones of tourist locales, is a key part of some kinds of tourist experience. Based on ethnographic field research with grey nomads (retirees who take extended tours of Australia in caravans and motorhomes) everyday life while on tour is examined, specifically the overlap and intersection between the out-of-the-ordinary “tourist zone” and the ordinariness of the “everyday zone.” The “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” can be readily differentiated by their obvious geospatial boundaries (being at home or being away on holiday). More specifically, the “everyday zone” refers to the routines of quotidian life, or the mundane practices which make up our daily, at-home lives. These practices are closely connected with the domestic realm and include consumption practices (clothing, cooking, mass media) and everyday social interactions. The “tourist zone” is similarly concerned with consumption. In this zone, however, tourists are seen to consume places; the culture, landscape, and peoples of exotic or out-of-the-ordinary tourist locales. Needless to say this consumption of place also includes the consumption of services and objects available in the tourist destinations (Urry, “The Consuming of Place” 220). The notion of tourists being away from home has often been contrasted with constructions of home—with the dull routines of everyday life—by social scientists and tourist marketers alike in an effort to illuminate the difference between being “away” and being at “home.” Scott McCabe and Elizabeth Stokoe suggest that peoples’ notion of “home” takes into account the meaning of being away (602). That is to say that when people are away from home, as tourists for example, they often compare and contrast this with the fundamental aspects of living at home. Others, however, argue that with the widespread use of mobile communication technologies, the distinction between the notion of being at “home” and being “away” becomes less clear (White and White 91). In this sense, the notion of home or the everyday is viewed with an eye towards social relationships, rather than any specific geographical location (Jamal and Hill 77–107; Massey 59–69; Urry, “The Tourist Gaze” 2–14; White and White 88–104). It can be argued, therefore, that tourism entails a fusion of the routines and relationships associated with the everyday, as well as the liminal or atypical world of difference. This article is based on semi-structured interviews with 40 grey nomads, as well as four months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out in rural and remote Australia—in Western Australia, the Northern Territory, and South Australia. Grey nomads have been part of Australian senior culture for at least four decades. They are a relatively heterogeneous group of tourists encompassing a range of socio-economic backgrounds, preferred activities, health status, and favoured destinations (Davies et al. 40–1; Economic Development Committee 4; Holloway 117–47), as well age cohorts—including the frugal generation (1910–1932), the silent generation (1931–1946), and the baby boomer generation (1946–65). Grey nomads usually tour as spousal couples (Tourism Research Australia 26; Onyx and Leonard 387). Some of these couples live solely on government pensions while others are obviously well-resourced—touring in luxury motorhomes costing well over half a million dollars. Some prefer to bush camp in national parks and other isolated locations, and some choose to stay long term in caravan parks socialising with other grey nomads and the local community. All grey nomads, nonetheless, maintain a particularly close link with the everyday while touring. Mobile communication technologies anchor grey nomads (and other tourists) to the everyday—allowing for ready contact with existing family and friends while on tour. Grey nomads’ mobile dwellings, their caravans and motorhomes, integrate familiar domestic spaces with a touring life. The interior and exterior spaces of these mobile dwellings allow for easy enactment of everyday, domestic routines and the privatised world of adult spousal relationships. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself accommodates both travel and an everyday domestic life further blurs the distinctions between the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone”. In this sense grey nomads carry out a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile; anchored in the everyday domestic life while at the same time being nomadic or geographically unstable. This blurring of the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” is attractive to senior tourists, offering them a relatively safe and comfortable incursion into tourist locales, where established routines and patterns of everyday life can be maintained. Other homes-away-from-homes such as serviced apartments, holiday homes and house swaps also offer greater connection to the everyday, but are geographically anchored to specific tourism spaces. The caravan or motorhome allows this at-home connection for the peripatetic tourist offsets the relative rigours of outback touring in remote and rural Australia. Everyday Social Relationships in the “Tourist Zone” When tourists go away from home, they are usually thought of as being away from both place (home) and relationships (family and friends). Nowadays, however, being away from home does not necessarily mean being away from family and friends. This is because the ease and speed of today’s telecommunication technologies allows for instantaneous contact with family and friends back home—or the virtual co-presence of family and friends while being away on tour. In the past, those friends and relations who were geographically isolated from each other still enjoyed social contact via letters and telegrams. Such contacts, however, occurred less frequently and message delivery took time. Long distance telephone calls were also costly and therefore used sparingly. These days, telecommunication technologies such as mobile phones and the Internet, as well as the lower cost of landline phone calls, mean that everyday social contact does not need to be put on hold. Keeping in contact is now a comparatively fast, inexpensive, and effortless activity and socialising with distant friends and relatives is now a routine activity (Larsen 24). All grey nomads travel with a mobile phone device, either a digital mobile, Next G or satellite phone (Obst, Brayley and King 8). These phones are used to routinely keep in contact with family and friends, bringing with them everyday familial relationships while on tour. “We ring the girls. We’ve got two daughters. We ring them once a week, although if something happens Debbie [daughter] will ring us” (Teresa). Grey nomads also take advantage of special deals or free minutes when they scheduled weekly calls to family or friends. “I mainly [use] mobile, then I ring, because I’ve got that hour, free hour” (Helen). E-mail is also a favoured way of keeping in contact with family and friends for some grey nomads. This is because the asynchronicity of e-mail interaction is very convenient as they can choose the times when they pick up and send messages. “Oh, thank goodness for the e-mail” (Pat). Maintaining social contact with family and friends at a distance is not necessarily as straightforward as when grey nomads and other tourists are at home. According to discussants in this study and the Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee, mobile phone coverage within Australia is still rather patchy when outside major metropolitan areas. Consequently, the everyday task of kin keeping via the phone can be somewhat intermittent, especially for those grey nomads who spend a great deal of time outside major towns in rural and remote Australia. “You can never get much [reception] but [...] they can just ring the mobile and just leave a message and we will get that message [later]” (Rena). Similarly, using the Internet to e-mail family and friends and catch up with online banking can only be carried out when passing through larger towns. “I do it [using the Internet] like every major town we went through. I’d stop and do a set of e-mails and I used to do my banking” (Maureen). The intermittent phone coverage in remote and rural Australia was not always viewed as an inconvenience by discussants in this study. This is because continuing engagement with family and friends while on tour may leave little respite from the ongoing obligations or any difficulties associated with family and friends back home, and encroach on the leisure and relaxation associated with grey nomad touring. “I don’t want the phone to ring […] That’s one thing I can do without, the phone ringing, especially at 4:00 in the morning” (Rena). In this way, too much co-presence, in the form of mobile phone calls from family and friends, can be just as much a nuisance when away from home as when at home—and impinge on the feeling of “being away from it all.” Naomi White and Peter White also suggest that “being simultaneously home and away is not always experienced in a positive light” (98) and at times, continued contact (via the phone) with friends and family while touring is not satisfying or enjoyable because these calls reiterate the “dynamics evident in those that are [usually] geographically proximate” (100). Thus, while mobile communication technologies are convenient tools for grey nomads and other tourists which blur the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zones” in useful and pleasurable ways, their overuse may also encroach on tourists’ away time, thus interfering with their sense of solitude and quiescence when touring in remote or rural Australia. The “Everyday Zone” of the Caravan or Motorhome Being a tourist involves “everyday practices, ordinary places and significant others, such as family members and friends, but co-residing and at-a-distance” (Larsen 26). While tourism involves some sense of liminality, in reality, it is interspersed with the actuality of the everyday routines and sociabilities enacted while touring. Tim Edensor notes that; Rather than transcending the mundane, most forms of tourism are fashioned by culturally coded escape attempts. Moreover, although suffused with notions of escape from normativity, tourists carry quotidian habits and responses with them: they are part of the baggage. (61) Grey nomads go further than this by bringing on tour with them a domestic space in which everyday routines and sociabilities are sustained. Travelling in this manner “makes possible, and probably encourages, greater continuity with everyday routine than many other kinds of holiday making” (Southerton et al. 6). To be able to sleep in your own bed with your own pillow and linen, or perhaps travel with your dogs, makes caravanning and motorhoming an attractive touring option for many people. Thus, the use of caravans or motorhomes when travelling brings with it a great deal of mobile domesticity while on tour. The caravan or motorhome is furnished with most of the essentially-domestic objects and technologies to enable grey nomads to sleep, eat, relax, and be entertained in a manner similar to that which they enjoy in the family home, albeit within smaller dimensions. Lorna: We have shower, toilet. We had microwave, stereo. We have air conditioning and heating.Eric: Yeah, reverse cycle air conditioning.Lorna: Reverse cycle. What else do we have?Eric: Hot water service. Gas or 240 volt. 12 volt converter in that, which is real good, it runs your lights, runs everything like that. You just hook it into the main power and it converts it to 12 volt. Roll out awning plus the full annex.Lorna: Full annex. What else do we have? There’s a good size stove in it. The size of caravans and motorhomes means that many domestic tasks often take less time or are simplified. Cleaning the van takes a lot less time and cooking often becomes simplified, due to lack of bench and storage space. Women in particular like this aspect of grey nomad travel. “It is great. Absolutely. You don’t have toilets to clean, you don’t have bathrooms to clean. Cooking your meals are easier because everything is all […] Yeah. It’s more casual” (Sonya). This touring lifestyle also introduces new domestic routines, such as emptying chemical toilets, filling water tanks, towing and parking the van and refilling gas tanks, for example. Nonetheless grey nomads, spend significantly less time on these domestic tasks when they are touring. In this sense, the caravan or motorhome brings with it the comforts and familiarity of home, while at the same time minimising the routine chores involved in domestic life. With the core accoutrements of everyday life available, everyday activities such as doing the dishes, watching television, preparing and eating a meal—as well as individual hobbies and pastimes—weave themselves into a daily life that is simultaneously home and away. This daily life, at home in the caravan or motorhome, brings with it possibilities of a domestic routinised lifestyle—one that provides welcome comfort and familiarity when travelling and a retreat from the demands of sightseeing. On the farm I used to make jam and cakes, so I do it again [in the caravan]. I make jam, I made marmalade a couple of weeks ago. We’d often stay home [in the caravan], I’d just clean or do a bit of painting. (Jenny) Touring in a caravan or motorhome allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. “We go for a long walk. We come back and we see friends and we stop and have a coffee with them, and then you come home in the caravan at 2.30 and you can still have lunch” (Yvonne). Touring in a caravan or motorhome also frees grey nomads from dependence on prearranged tourist experiences such as organised tours or hotel meal times where much of the tourist experience can be regimented. We always went in hotels and you always had to dress up, and you had to eat before a certain time, and you had your breakfast before a certain time. And after 2.30 you can’t have lunch anymore and sometimes we have lunch at 2 o’clock. I like the caravan park [better]. (Donald) Despite the caravan or motorhome having close links with everyday life and the domestic realm, its ready mobility offers a greater sense of autonomy while touring: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place or timetable, and can move on at whim. Grey nomads often cross paths with other tourists dependent on guided bus tours. “They go in [to Kakadu] on a bus trip. All they do is go in on the main road, they’re in there for the day and there’re back. That’s absolutely ridiculous” (Vance). This autonomy, or freedom to structure their own tourist experiences, allows grey nomads the opportunity to travel at a leisurely pace. Even those grey nomads who travel to the same northern destination every year take their time and enjoy other tourist locations along the way. We take our time. This time, last time, we did three weeks before we got in [to] Broome. We spent a lot [of time] in Karratha but also in Geraldton. And when we came back, in Kalbarri, [we had] a week in Kalbarri. But it’s nice going up, you know. You go all through the coast, along the coast. (John) Caravan or motorhome use, therefore, provides for a routinised everyday life while at the same time allowing a level of autonomy not evident in other forms of tourism—which rely more heavily on pre-booking accommodation and transport options. These contradictory aspects of grey nomad travel, an everyday life of living in a caravan or motorhome coupled with freedom to move on in an independent manner, melds the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone” in a manner appealing to many grey nomads. Conclusion Theories of tourism tend to pay little attention to the aspects of tourism that involve recurrent activities and an ongoing connectedness with everyday life. Tourism is often defined: by contrasting it to home geographies and everydayness: tourism is what they are not. [...] The main focus in such research is on the extraordinary, on places elsewhere. Tourism is an escape from home, a quest for more desirable and fulfilling places. (Larsen 21) Nonetheless, tourism involves everyday routines, everyday spaces and an everyday social life. Grey nomads find that mobile phones and the Internet make possible the virtual co-presence of family and friends allowing everyday relationships to continue while touring. Nonetheless, the pleasure of ongoing contact with distant family and friends while touring may at times encroach on the quietude or solitude grey nomads experienced when touring remote and rural Australia. In addition to this, grey nomads’ caravans and motorhomes are equipped with the many comforts and domestic technologies of home, making for the continuance of everyday domiciliary life while on tour, further obfuscating the boundaries between the “tourist zone” and the “everyday zone.” In this sense grey nomads lead a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile. This anchoring involves dwelling in everyday spaces, carrying out everyday domestic and social routines, as well as maintaining contact with friends and family via mobile communication technologies. This anchoring allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. Conversely, the ready mobility of the caravan or motorhome offers a sense of autonomy: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place and can move on at whim. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself is the catalyst for both travel and an everyday domestic life, is an under researched area. Mobile dwellings such as caravans, motorhomes, and yachts, constitute dwellings that are anchored in the everyday yet unfixed to any one locale. References Davies, Amanda, Matthew Tonts, and Julie Cammell. Coastal Camping in the Rangelands: Emerging Opportunities for Natural Resource Management. Perth: Rangelands WA, 2009. 24 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.rangelandswa.com.au/pages/178/publications›. Economic Development Committee. Inquiry into Developing Queensland’s Rural and Regional Communities through Grey Nomad Tourism. Brisbane: Queensland Parliament, 2011. 23 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.parliament.qld.gov.au/Documents/TableOffice/TabledPapers/2011/5311T3954.pdf›. Edensor, Tim. “Performing Tourism, Staging Tourism: (Re)Producing Tourist Space and Practice.” Tourist Studies 1 (2001): 59–81. Holloway, Donell. Grey Nomads: Retirement, Leisure and Travel in the Australian Context. PhD diss. Edith Cowan University: Perth, 2010. Jamal, Tanzin, and Steve Hill. “The Home and the World: (Post) Touristic Spaces of (in) Authenticity.” The Tourist as a Metaphor of The Social World. Ed. Graham Dann. Wallingford: CAB International, 2002. 77–107. Larsen, Jonas. “De-Exoticizing Tourist Travel: Everyday Life and Sociality on the Move.” Leisure Studies 27 (2008): 21–34. Massey, Doreen. “Power-Geometry and a Progressive Sense of Place.” Mapping the Futures: Local Cultures, Global Change. Eds. Jon Bird et al. London: Routeledge, 1993. 59–69. McCabe, Scott, and Elizabeth Stokoe. “Place and Identity in Tourists’ Accounts.” Annals of Tourism Research 31 (2004): 601–22. Obst, Patricia L., Nadine Brayley, and Mark J. King. “Grey Nomads: Road Safety Impacts and Risk Management.” 2008 Australasian Road Safety Research, Policing and Education Conference. Adelaide: Engineers Australia, 2008. Onyx, Jenny, and Rosemary Leonard. “The Grey Nomad Phenomenon: Changing the Script of Aging.” The International Journal of Aging and Human Development 64 (2007): 381–98. Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee. Regional Telecommunications Review Report: Framework for the Future. Canberra: RTIRC, 2008. Southerton, Dale, Elizabeth Shove, Alan Warde, and Rosemary Dean. “Home from Home? A Research Note on Recreational Caravanning.” Department of Sociology, Lancaster University. 1998. 10 Jan. 2009 ‹http://www.lancs.ac.uk/fass/sociology/papers/southerton-et-al-home-from-home.pdf›. Tourism Research Australia. Understanding the Caravan industry in WA: Grey Nomads—Fast Facts. Perth, Australia: Tourism WA (n.d.). Urry, John. “The Consuming of Place.” Discourse, Communication, and Tourism. Eds. Adam Jaworski and Annette Pritchard. Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005. 19–27. ———. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage, 2002. White, Naomi, and Peter White. “Home and Away: Tourists in a Connected World.” Annals of Tourism Research 34 (2006): 88–104.

Many ecopoetical formulations of belonging to, or caring for, the environment involve the notion of ‘dwelling’, which, in Martin Heidegger’s work, necessitated a kind of peaceful stasis, or a mode of being attuned to one particular locale, rather than to many. This essay will argue that in fragile, colonised environments like Australia’s such thinking is irrelevant and negligent because it insists on the importance of an individual’s on-going relationship with a single place, rather than with many. This relationship is manifest in particular kinds of poetry. The speaker’s intimacy with a place is affirmed with layers of detail, and assertions that it is this place to which the speaker belongs. The place is in turn constructed, and caged, within this representation. A poem that seeks to describe complex, dynamic ecologies in static representations, however, ignores both the nature of these ecologies and the poem’s own connection to them. This essay will propose a process-based poetics based on nomadic thought. Rather than describing static representations of the ‘real’ world, a nomadic ecopoetics understands its own role within the real world. Like nomadic agricultural practice, it moves in relation to the demands of its environment without an over-arching need to become entrenched in any particular locale. The essay will argue that nomadic thinking is as important for urban as rural regions as global climate change becomes increasingly influential

В статье представлен аналитический обзор постоянной экспозиции Мир тувинцев: быт, традиции и культура в Национальном музее Республики Тыва. Тувинский народ за свою историю накопил колоссальное культурноэстетическое наследие. Часть тувинских обрядов и традиций требует детального изучения и восстановления для сохранения и передачи потомкам. С развитием цивилизации и переходом в дома и благоустроенные квартиры позабылись строение, структура юрты и быт кочевого народа. В работе даны основные понятия о кочевом жилище, строении юрты, ее убранстве и предметах домашнего обихода, народном искусстве. Обзор музейной экспозиции представляет интерес для исследователей тувинского быта, конструкции древнего жилища кочевых народов Центральной Азии, в частности тувинцев. Изложенные сведения могут быть использованы как дополнительная информация для преподавателей, студентов и учащихся. The article presents an analytical review of the permanent exhibition The World of Tuvans: life, traditions and culture in the National Museum of the Republic of Tyva. The Tuvinian people in their history have accumulated a colossal cultural and aesthetic heritage. Part of Tuvan rites and traditions require detailed study and restoration to preserve and transfer to descendants. With the development of civilization and the transition of living in houses and comfortable apartments, the structure of the Yurt and the life of the nomadic people were forgotten. The paper presents the basic concepts of nomadic dwelling, the structure of the Yurt, its decoration and household items, folk art. The review of the museum exhibition is of interest to researchers of Tuvinian life, the construction of the ancient dwelling of the nomadic peoples of Central Asia, in particular, Tuvans. This information can be used as additional information for teachers and students.

Tents have an iconic place in anthropologists’ vision of Southwest Asia, largely through ethnographic analogy to the Bedouin black tent. Yet, tent nomadism and tent caravans emerged relatively recently during the Iron Age (c. 1200-568 BCE). Iconography, texts, and archaeology suggest that increased exploitation of tents as temporary or mobile housing would have required the use of large quantities of woven fabric. Yet, archaeologists have not considered the labor that members of the Iron Age population invested first in spinning fibers into yarn and then weaving these threads into cloth. This paper draws on published methods to estimate the labor investments required to produce the fabric structures from Iron Age Southwest Asia. The results demonstrate that although tents were well suited to mobility strategies, they were not inexpensive or disposable. Comparison to ethnographic examples from historic Southwest Asia supports the conclusion that tents were the result of large amounts of raw material and countless hours of work and coordination.

The often conflicting emotions associated with home and the tension between mobility and fixity are at the heart of autobiographical works that map Italian American writer Louise DeSalvo’s transition from working class girl to privileged «intellectual nomad» (Bruno 2002, 404). The essay is framed around the theorizing of home as a geographical space and idea and its relationship to widespread and diverse forms of mobility. Migration, exile, transnationalism, tourism, and relocation create a mobile space for home not only as a site of origin, but as a destination and transit zone. Rosi Braidotti’s multiple figurations of mobility, both physical and metaphorical, are particularly useful in an analysis of DeSalvo’s autobiographical texts. This essay concentrates on two of her memoires: "Crazy in the Kitchen" (2004) and "On Moving" (2009). In these works DeSalvo interrogates the layers of meaning of home as well as the interaction between home and geographic and intellectual mobility. In "Crazy in the Kitchen", a work that highlights the interconnectedness between food-writing and life-writing in Italian American culture, the narrator’s search for self relies on the constant reinvention of geographical space, of domestic space, and of textual space. "On Moving" explores the condition of relocation or change of dwellings. Taking as a point of departure her own anxiety about changing homes, DeSalvo resorts to an examination of the relationship between mobility and home through the experiences of other writers and thinkers.

In this paper, I invite you into some considerations of what autoethnography might do in research, what it might teach us as researchers. In doing so, I return to an autoethnographic study I engaged in a few years ago which was contoured through the question: How do teachers experience student voice pedagogies? In that study, I experienced autoethnography as a creative methodology that allowed me to go back to two experiences I had with youth, or student voice projects. The paper embodies a return to the autoethnographic study of my doctoral research, which itself was a return to the previously experienced student voice projects; a return that is being propelled by my new position as a professor, supervising students in the mappings of their research landscapes. Returning, thus, becomes a central motif that invites dwelling in the simultaneity of pastpresentfuture – wherein the present is the folding in of the past and the future through attuning to embodied ways of knowing, sensing, being, and doing -- disrupting colonial epistemological legacies of progress and linearity found in conventional and taken-for-granted research practices. I ask, what does it mean to go back, in efforts oriented towards a future (such as social justice)? What might it mean to conceptualize time differently within our research, teaching, and learning? I argue that autoethnography, when engaged through an active nomadism, opens space for learning about our research practices, ourselves as researchers and pedagogues, as well as deeper understandings of our research topics.

В статье рассматривается структура калмыцкого народного костюма с выделением знаковой роли головного убора. Впервые рассматривая калмыцкий народный костюм с точки зрения комплекса искусствоведческого, культурологического, эстетического, семиотического подходов к народному искусству, автор вписывает его в контекст соотношения человека и универсума. Автор рассматривает народный костюм как знаковую систему и явление искусства, обусловленные материальнодуховной культурой этноса. Связь духовноэтических основ и художественных традиций калмыцкого народа положена в основу его анализа и интерпретации. Результаты показывают пространственную привязку знака головного убора и в целом всей системы костюма. В сравнении конструктивных деталей традиционного костюма и жилища обнаруживается их идентичность в создании материальной сферы бытия человека, универсальной сегментации пространства. В конструкции головного убора хаджилга специфичным образом реализована символика целого пласта традиционной калмыцкой культуры, основанная на буддийском мировоззрении. Эти результаты значимы для интерпретации традиционного и современного искусства евразийских кочевых народов и народов буддийского ареала в образно-символическом аспекте. The article describes the structure of the Kalmyk folk costume with the release of a headdress as a sign. The author includes the Kalmyk folk costume in the context of the relationship between man and the universe, for the first time considering it from the point of view of a complex of art history, cultural, aesthetic, semiotic approaches to folk art. The article presents the folk costume as a sign system and a phenomenon of art, caused by the material and spiritual culture of the ethnos. The connection of the spiritual and ethical foundations and artistic traditions of the Kalmyk people is the basis of its analysis and interpretation. The results reveal the spatial reference mark headdress and the entire system as a whole suit. In comparison, structural parts of the traditional costume and dwellings found their identity in the creation of the material sphere of human existence, the universal space segmentation. The symbolism of the Buddhist world as a late formation of the traditional culture of the Kalmyks distinctive way implemented in the design of the headdress hadzhilga . These results are significant for the figurative-symbolic and worldview interpretation of the traditional and modern art of the Eurasian nomadic peoples and the peoples of the Buddhist area.

IntroductionThe perception of the archive as the warehouse of tradition is inflected with the notion that what it stores is also removed from the everyday, at once ancient but also irrelevant, standing still outside time. Yet, if the past is of any relevance, the archive cannot maintain a rigid fixity that does not intersect with the present. In the work of the Atlas Group, the fabrication of “archival material” reflects what Hal Foster has termed an “archival impulse” that is constructed of multiple temporalities. The Atlas Group archive interrogates forms that are at once still, excavated from life, while still being in the present. In the process, the reductive singularity of the archive as an immobile monument is opened up to the complexity of a radical stillness through which the past enters the present in a moment of recognition. What is still, and what is still there, intersect in the productivity of a stillness that cuts through an undifferentiated continuity. This juncture echoes the Benjaminian flash which heralds the arrival of past in the presentTo articulate the past historically does not mean to recognize it ‘the way it really was’ (Ranke). It means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger. (Benjamin, Theses)Klee’s Angelus Novus stands still between past and future as a momentary suspension of motion brings history and prophecy into the present. For “the historian of the dialectic at a standstill”, Walter Benjamin, historical materialism was not simply a means of accessing the past in the present, but of awakening the potential of the future (Tiedemann 944-945). This, Rolf Tiedemann suggests, was the revolution of historical perception that Benjamin wanted to bring about in his unfinished Arcades Project (941). By carrying the principle of montage into history, Benjamin indicates an intention “to discover in the analysis of the small individual moment the crystal of the total event” (Benjamin Arcades 461). This principle had already been alluded to in his “Theses on the Philosophy of History” where he had written that a historical materialist cannot do without a present in which time stands still, and later, that it is in the arrest of thought that what has been and what will be “crystallizes into a monad” (Benjamin “Theses” 262-263).Everywhere in Benjamin’s writings on history, there is something of the irreducibility of the phrase “standing still”. Standing still: still as an active, ongoing form of survival and endurance, still as an absence of movement. The duality of stillness is amplified as semantic clarity vacillates between one possibility and another: to endure and to be motionless. Is it possible to reduce “standing still” to a singularity? Benjamin’s counsel to take hold of memory at the “moment of danger” might be an indication of this complexity. The “moment of danger” emerges as the flash of the past in the present, but also the instant at which the past could recede into the inertia of eternity, at once a plea against the reduction of the moment into a “dead time” and recognition of the productivity of stillness.Something of that “flash” surfaces in Gilles Deleuze’s reading of Michel Foucault: “a first light opens up things and brings forth visibilities as flashes and shimmerings, which are the ‘second light’” (Deleuze 50). The first flash makes “visibilities visible” and determines what can be seen in a given historical period, while the second makes “statements articulable” and defines what can be said (Deleuze 50). These visibilities and statements, however, are distributed into the stratum and constitute knowledge as “stratified, archivized, and endowed with a relatively rigid segmentarity” (Deleuze 61). Strata are historically determined, what they constitute of perceptions and discursive formations varies across time and results in the presence of thresholds between the stratum that come to behave as distinct layers subject to splits and changes in direction (Deleuze 44). Despite these temporal variations that account for differences across thresholds, the strata appear as fixed entities, they mimic rock formations shaped over thousands of years of sedimentation (Deleuze and Guattari 45). Reading Deleuze on Foucault in conjunction with his earlier collaborative work with Felix Guattari brings forth distant shadows of another “stratification”. A Thousand Plateaus is notably less interested in discursive formations and more concerned with “striation”, the organisation and arrangement of space by the diagrams of power. Striated space is state space. It is offset by moving in the opposite direction, effectively turning striated space into smooth space (Deleuze and Guattari 524).Whether on striation or stratification, Deleuze’s work exhibits more than a cautionary distrust of processes of classification, regulation, and organization. Despite the flash that brings visibilities and statements into being, stratification, as much as striation, remains a technique of knowledge shaped by the strategies of power. It is interesting however, that Deleuze sees something as indeterminate as a flash, creating structures that are as determined as stratum. Yet perhaps this is a deceptive conjecture since while the strata appear relatively rigid they are also “extremely mobile” (Deleuze and Guattari 553). Foucault had already given an indication that what the archaeological method uncovers is not necessarily suspended, but rather that it suspends the notion of an absolute continuity (Archaeology 169). He suggests that “history is that which transforms documents into monuments” (7). The task of archaeology, it would seem, is to recover documents from monuments by demonstrating rather than reversing the process of sedimentation and without necessarily relying on a motionless past. While there is a relative, albeit interstratically tentative, stillness in the strata, absolute destratification proceeds towards deterritorialisation through incessant movement (Deleuze and Guattari 62-63).If A Thousand Plateaus is any indication, the imperative for the creative thinker today seems to be stirring in this direction: movement, motion, animation. Whatever forms of resistance are to be envisioned, it is motion, rather than stillness, that emerges as a radical form of action (Deleuze and Guattari 561). The question raised by these theoretical interventions is not so much whether such processes are indeed valuable forms of opposition, but rather, whether movement is always the only means, or the most effective means, of resistance? To imagine resistance as “staying in place” seems antithetical to nomadic thinking but is it not possible to imagine moments when the nomad resists not by travelling, but by dwelling? What of all those living a life of forced nomadism, or dying nomadic deaths, those for whom movement is merely displacement and loss? In Metamorphoses Rosi Braidotti reflects upon forced displacement and loss, yet her emphasis nonetheless remains on “figurations”, mappings of identity through time and space, mappings of movement (2-3). Braidotti certainly does not neglect the victims of motion, those who are forced to move, yet she remains committed to nomadism as a form of becoming. Braidotti’s notion of “figurations” finds a deeply poignant expression in Joseph Pugliese’s textual maps of some of these technically “nomadic” bodies and their movement from the North African littoral into the waters of the Mediterranean where they eventually surface on southern European shores as corpses (Pugliese 15). While Braidotti recognizes the tragedy of these involuntary nomads, it is in Pugliese’s work that this tragedy is starkly exposed and given concrete form in the figures of Europe’s refugees. This is movement as death, something akin to what Paul Virilio calls inertia, the product of excessive speed, the uncanny notion of running to stand still (Virilio 16).This tension between motion and stillness surfaces again in Laura Marks’ essay “Asphalt Nomadism.” Despite wanting to embrace the desert as a smooth space Marks retorts that “smooth space seems always to be elsewhere” (Marks 126). She notes the stability of the acacia trees and thorny shrubs in the desert and the way that nomadic people are constantly beset with invitations from the “civilising forces of religion and the soporific of a daily wage” (Marks 126). Emphatically she concludes that “the desert is never really ‘smooth’, for that is death” (Marks 126). On this deviation from Deleuze and Guattari’s notion of the desert as smooth space she concludes: “we who inherit their thinking need to stay on the ground: both in thought, moving close to the surface of concepts, and literally, remaining alert to signs of life in the sand and the scrub of the desert” (Marks 126). In Marks’ appeal for groundedness the tension between motion and stillness is maintained rather than being resolved through recourse to smoothness or in favour of perpetual movement. The sedentary and still structures that pervade the desert remain: the desert could not exist without them. In turn we might ask whether even the most rigorous abstraction can convince us that the ground between radical nomadism and perpetual displacement does not also need to be rethought. Perhaps this complexity is starkest when we begin to think about war, not only the potentiality of the war-machine to destabilize the state (Deleuze and Guattari 391), but war as the deterritorialisation of bodies, lives and livelihoods. Is the war of nomadism against the state not somehow akin to war as the violence that produces nomadic bodies through forced displacement? One of the questions that strikes me about the work of the Atlas Group, “an imaginary non-profit research foundation established in Beirut to research and document the contemporary history of Lebanon” (Raad 68) through the production and exhibition of “archival” material, is whether their propensity towards still forms in the creation of documentary evidence cannot be directly attributed to war as perpetual movement and territorial flexibility, as the flattening of structure and the creation of “smooth space” (Deleuze and Guattari 389). One need only think of the reigns of terror that begin with destratification – abolishing libraries, destroying documents, burning books. On the work of the Atlas Group, Andre Lepecki offers a very thorough introduction:The Atlas Group is an ongoing visual and performative archival project initiated by Walid Raad …whose main topic and driving force are the multiple and disparate events that history and habit have clustered into one singularity named “The Lebanese Civil Wars of 1975-1991”. (Lepecki 61).While the “inventedness” of the Atlas Group’s archive, its “post-event” status as manufactured evidence, raises a myriad of questions about how to document the trauma of war, its insistence on an “archival” existence, rather than say a purely artistic one, also challenges the presumption that the process of becoming, indeed of producing or even creating, is necessarily akin to movement or animation by insisting on the materiality of producing “documents” as opposed to the abstraction of producing “art”. The Atlas Group archive does not contribute directly to the transformation of visibilities into statements so much as statements into visibilities. Indeed, the “archival impulse” that seems to be present here works against the constitution of discursive formations precisely by making visible those aspects of culture which continue to circulate discursively while not necessarily existing. In other words, if one reads the sedimentary process of stratification as forming knowledge by allowing the relationships between “words” and “things” to settle or to solidify into historical strata, then the Atlas Group project seems to tap into the stillness of these stratified forms in order to reverse the signification of “things” and “words”. Hal Foster’s diagnosis of an “archival impulse” is located in a moment where, as he says, “almost anything goes and almost nothing sticks” in reference to the current obliviousness of contemporary artistic practices to political culture (Foster 2-3). Foster’s observation endows this paper with more than just an appropriate title since what Foster seems to identify are the limitations of the current obsession with speed. What one senses in the Atlas Group’s “archival impulse” and Foster’s detection of an “archival impulse” at play in contemporary cultural practices is a war against the war on form, a war against erasure through speed, and an inclination to dwell once more in the dusty matter of the past, rather than to pass through it. Yet the archive, in the view of nomadology, might simply be what Benjamin Hutchens terms “the dead-letter office of lived memory” (38). Indeed Hutchens’s critical review of the archive is both timely and relevant pointing out that “the preservation of cultural memories eradicated from culture itself” simply establishes the authority of the archive by erasing “the incessant historical violence” through which the archive establishes itself (Hutchens 38). In working his critique through Derrida’s Archive Fever, Hutchens revisits the concealed etymology of the word “archive” which “names at once the commencement and the commandment” (Derrida 1). Derrida’s suggestion that the concept of the archive shelters both the memory of this dual meaning while also sheltering itself from remembering that it shelters such a memory (Derrida 2) leads Hutchens to assert that “the archival ‘act’ opens history to the archive, but it closes politics to its own archivization” (Hutchens 44). The danger that “memory cultures”, archives among them, pose to memory itself has also been explored elsewhere by Andreas Huyssen. Although Huyssen does not necessary hold memory up as something to be protected from memory cultures, he is critical of the excessive saturation of contemporary societies with both (Huyssen 3). Huyssen refers to this as the “hypertrophy of memory” following Nietzsche’s “hypertrophy of history” (Huyssen 2-3). Although Hutchens and Huyssen differ radically in direction, they seem to concur nonetheless that what could be diagnosed as an “archival impulse” in contemporary societies might describe only the stagnation and stiltedness of the remainders of lived experience.To return once more to Foster’s notion of an “archival impulse” in contemporary art practices, rather than the reinstitution of the archive as the warehouse of tradition, what seems to be at stake is not necessarily the agglutination of forms, but the interrogation of formations (Foster 3). One could say that this is the archive interrogated through the eyes of art, art interrogated through the eyes of the archive. Perhaps this is precisely what the Atlas Group does by insisting on manufacturing documents in the form of documentary evidence. “Missing Lebanese Wars”, an Atlas Group project produced in 1998, takes as its point of departure the hypothesisthat the Lebanese civil war is not a self-evident episode, an inert fact of nature. The war is not constituted by unified and coherent objects situated in the world; on the contrary, the Lebanese civil war is constituted by and through various actions, situations, people, and accounts. (Raad 17-18)The project consists of a series of plates made up of pages taken from the notebook of a certain Dr Fadl Fakhouri, “the foremost historian of the civil war in Lebanon” until his death in 1993 (Raad 17). The story goes that Dr Fakhouri belonged to a gathering of “major historians” who were also “avid gamblers” that met at the race track every Sunday – the Marxists and the Islamists bet on the first seven races, while the Maronite nationalists and the socialists bet on the last eight (Raad 17). It was alleged that the historians would bribe the race photographer to take only one shot as the winning horse reached the post. Each historian would bet on exactly “how many fractions of a second before or after the horse crossed the line – the photographer would expose his frame” (Raad 17). The pages from Dr Fakhouri’s notebook are comprised of these precise exposures of film as the winning horse crossed the line – stills, as well as measurements of the distance between the horse and the finish line amid various other calculations, the bets that the historians wagered, and short descriptions of the winning historians given by Dr Fakhouri. The notebook pages, with photographs in the form of newspaper clippings, calculations and descriptions of the winning historians in English, are reproduced one per plate. In producing these documents as archival evidence, the Atlas Group is able to manufacture the “unified and coherent objects” that do not constitute the war as things that are at once irrelevant, incongruous and non-sensical. In other words, presenting material that is, while clearly fictitious, reflective of individual “actions, situations, people, and accounts” as archival material, the Atlas Group opens up discourses about the sanctity of historical evidence to interrogation by producing documentary evidence for circulating cultural discourses.While giving an ironic shape to this singular and complete picture of the war that continues to pervade popular cultural discourses in Lebanon through the media with politicians still calling for a “unified history”, the Atlas Group simultaneously constitute these historical materials as the work of a single person, Dr Fakhouri. Yet it seems that our trustworthy archivist also chooses not to write about the race, but about the winning historian – echoing the refusal to conceive of the war as a self-evident fact (to talk about the race as a race) and to see it rather as an interplay of individuals, actions and narratives (to view the race through the description of the winning historian). Indeed Dr Fakhouri’s descriptions of the winning historians are almost comical for their affinity with descriptions of Lebanon’s various past and present political leaders. A potent shadow, and a legend that has grown into an officially sanctioned cult (Plate 1).Avuncular rather than domineering, he was adept at the well-timed humorous aside to cut tension. (Plate 3).He is 71. But for 6 years he was in prison and for 10 years he was under house arrest and in exile, so those 16 years should be deducted – then he’s 55 (Plate 5). (Raad 20-29)Through these descriptions of the historians, Lebanon’s “missing” wars begin to play themselves out between one race and the next. While all we have are supposed “facts” with neither narrative, movement, nor anything else that could connect one fact to another that is not arbitrary, we are also in the midst of an archive that is as random as these “facts.” This is the archive of the “missing” wars, wars that are not documented and victims that are not known, wars that are “missing” for no good reason.What is different about this archive may not be the way in which order is manufactured and produced, but rather the background against which it is set. In his introduction to The Order of Things Michel Foucault makes reference to “a certain Chinese encyclopaedia” in a passage by Borges whereanimals are divided into: (a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) suckling pigs, (e) sirens, (f) fabulous, (g) stray dogs, (h) included in the present classification, (i) frenzied, (j) innumerable… (xvi)“The uneasiness that makes us laugh when we read Borges”, writes Foucault, is the sense of loss of a “common” name and place (Order, xx). Whereas in Eusethenes, (“I am no longer hungry. Until the morrow, safe from my saliva all the following shall be: Aspics, Acalephs, Acanathocephalates […]”) the randomness of the enumerated species is ordered by their non-location in Eusthenes’ mouth (Foucault, Order xvii), in Borges there is no means through which the enumerated species can belong in a common place except in language (Foucault, Order, xviii). In the same way, the work of the Atlas Group is filtered through the processes of archival classification without belonging to the archives of any real war. There is no common ground against which they can be read except the purported stillness of the archive itself, its ability to put things in place and to keep them there.If the Atlas Group’s archives of Lebanon’s wars are indeed to work against the fluidity of war and its ability to enter and reshape all spaces, then the archival impulse they evoke must be one in which the processes of sedimentation that create archival documents are worked through a radical stillness, tapping into the suspended motion of the singular moment – its stillness, in order to uncover stillness as presence, survival, endurance, to be there still. Indeed, if archives turn “documents into monuments” (Enwezor 23), then the “theatre of statements” that Foucault unearths (Deleuze 47) are not those recovered in the work of the Atlas Group since is not monuments, but documents, that the Atlas Group archive uncovers.It is true that Benjamin urges us to seize hold of memory at the moment of danger, but he does not instruct us as to what to do with it once we have it, yet, what if we were to read this statement in conjunction with another, “for every image of the past that is not recognized by the present as one of its own concerns threatens to disappear irretrievably” (Benjamin, “Theses” 255). By turning monuments into documents it is possible that the Atlas Group reconfigure the formations that make up the archive, indeed any archive, by recognizing images of the past as being still in the present. Not still as a past tense, motionless, but still as enduring, remaining. In the work of the Atlas Group the archival impulse is closely aligned to a radical stillness, letting the dust of things settle after its incitation by the madness of war, putting things in place that insist on having a place in language. Against such a background Benjamin’s “moment of danger” is more than the instant of sedimentation, it is the productivity of a radical stillness in which the past opens onto the present, it is this moment that makes possible a radical reconfiguration of the archival impulse.ReferencesBenjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard U Press, 2002.———. “Theses on the Philosophy of History.” Illuminations. Ed. Hannah Arendt. New York: Schocken Books, 2007.Braidotti, Rosi. Metamorphoses: Towards a Materialist Theory of Becoming. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.Deleuze, Gilles. Foucault. Trans. Seán Hand. New York: Continuum, 1999.Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus. 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