Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "New Zealand Political satire"

Commentary: The Port Arthur massacre of 28-29 April 1996 was a mass shooting in which 35 people were killed and 23 wounded in Port Arthur, Tasmania, Australia. The gunman pleaded guilty and was given 35 life sentences without possibility of parole. Fundamental gun control laws within Australia followed. The Christchurch mosque massacre of 15 March 2019 involved two inner city mosques in the South Island city when 50 people were killed (another victim died six weeks later taking the death toll to 51) were killed. The accused gunman, a white supremacist, has been charged with 51 murder and 40 attempted murder counts, and also with terrorism. The author, a leading cartoonist, reflects on the parallels and contrasts between Australia and New Zealand and writes of the vitriol directed at him because of his satire: ‘My effigy was hung in a tree in Ipswich, and we lived daily with the threat of a drive-by attack on the family home. This sort of stuff rattles you to the core, but it also fills you with the adrenaline and conviction to barge on regardless. Such is the power of the pen and satire.’

This paper aims to discuss and analyze political satire in Eka Kurniawan's short story titled Corat-coret di Toilet. By applying descriptive qualitative research as well as stylistics approach, researcher then reading the whole text of the short story, analyzing the political satire, and taking notes the sentence related to political satire inside. Found that there are nine sentences of satire in the short story that refer to political satire that was written by some students on the campus toilet's walls against the situation of the government in the year of 1990s where the freedom of conveying aspirations is tightly limited. The ubiquity of political satire in this short story builds critical thinking on the readers and also stimulates them intensely to be able to interpretatively understand what is meant by the political satire, the relation of those political satires with the political and social condition in Indonesia, specifically in the end of New Order and the beginning of reform era. Finally, the political satire in Corat-coret di Toilet reflects legal and social injustice in Indonesia. Nevertheless, Kurniawan's work able to persuade the readers with a sense of humor, sadness, anger and the truth of the Indonesian situation, to understand and care more about social and government phenomena in their own country.

The study observes that in the early twenty-first century different Pakistani comic televisual political satire shows started discussing current affairs and international relations. The United States of America remains one of the main targets of Pakistani televisual satire in the new century. The research finds that Pakistani televisual satire effectively exposes the flaws of the US foreign policy. Pakistani televisual satirists are very critical of America’s exploitative neocolonial enterprise. The satire among other things condemns America’s anti-Islam narrative and Islamophia; invasion of other nations and violation of their sovereignty; lust for oil and power; utilitarian foreign policy; and false pretexts for the war on terror. The research analyses the relevant satirical content of two of the representative shows. The study argues that the twenty-first century Pakistani televisual satire may be regarded as a counter-narrative. Additionally, the study uses Arthur Asa Berger’s classification of humour (1993) to explain the devices behind the satire making it effective. In this way, the study highlights the literary merit of Pakistani televisual satire. The research proposes that Pakistani televisual satire may be acknowledged as a subgenre of political satire.

This thesis examines the evolution of socio-political cartoon satire and how it came to be used as a weapon in the Pakeha media campaign to facilitate the total alienation of Maori land in New Zealand in the nineteenth century and the first three decades of the Twentieth century. The thesis begins by examining the role of key media controllers and relevant elements of their backgrounds. Outstanding from among these elements is the initial overlap of the business and political interests of the key players. Intrinsic to this overlap is the split which occurred from about the 1860s. This split saw certain media controllers divorce themselves from direct political involvement in order to pursue an agenda which necessarily included the unfettered and total alienation of Maori land and the resouces contained on, in and around them. In particular, the thesis focuses on Wilson and Horton, leading Auckland provincial as well as national media controllers who, by 1900, were pushing the message of total land alienation through two publications: the daily New Zealand Herald on the provincial level and the weekly Auckland Weekly News on both a provincial and national basis. The evolution and rise of socio-political cartoons and their use in the above and other publications will be discussed in depth - particularly the work of artist Trevor Lloyd over the period 1902 to 1930. Lloyd, who produced a prolific supply of cartoons, dramatically encapsulated Wilson and Horton's campaign to justify the total alienation of Maori land. Lloyd's work was used to drive home the message that Maori were, apparently, not able to manage their own affairs and that their lands would be better managed by the Pakeha. Trevor Lloyd's replacement by Gordon Minhinnick in 1930 will be shown to coincide with the shift in attention by Wilson and Horton, and the media generally, away from land alienation toward socialism and unions as virtual alienation of Maori land had been achieved by 1930. The core economic elite, therefore, turned to confront that more considerable threat to the fulfilment of the larger agenda which is identified within the thesis.

This thesis considers the ways in which the prints of Barry Cleavin utilise parody, satire and irony in a myriad of complex and inter-related ways. Cleavin understands the possibility of alternative interpretations, and by presenting this in his art he encourages his viewers to actively participate in the forming of questions. This can for reflection relates to our understanding of pictorial conventions and art historical traditions, as well as to contemporary society, our use of language and the incongruities ofthe human condition. In considering parody, satire and irony in Cleavin's prints, this thesis shows that they are not simply separate devices employed only occasionally, but rather that an three are inter-related and inextricably linked to Cleavin's search to provoke questions, disturb complacencies, and present alternative realities.

While self-­determination is often considered to mean political and sometimes territorial independence, for indigenous peoples that have been colonised self-­determination often manifests in a different way. For Māori, the concept of tino rangatiratanga encapsulates many of the issues associated with the desire for political equality and self-­determination. It includes the right for Māori to decide how they want to be governed, including having the ability to make decisions about their own futures, and it is contingent upon having a sense of political agency. To date there is little research that explores Māori political agency. The aim of this thesis is to address this research gap by examining what Māori aspire to as political agents, what some of the barriers to those aspirations might be, and whether Māori believe that they can make a difference in the political realm if they choose to do so. The thesis draws together several strands of literature, from empirical to theoretical, and examines Māori political agency in the context of self-­determination. Primary data is also gathered and analysed using Q-­methodology to better understand these questions. A further goal of this thesis is to analyse the effectiveness of traditional efficacy measures for studying political agency in indigenous groups. The results support the self-­determination literature that argues that Māori want to have the ability to make decisions about their own futures. It also finds, as is to be expected of a diverse peoples, that there is no single view or aspiration in regard to political agency, and that attitudes to politics are as diverse as the participants themselves. Accessibility to political networks was identified as being important, but such networks were also identified as a potential barrier to agency. Thus, the findings suggest that there must be a degree of individual effort in order to achieve a sense of agency. The research also found several limitations with traditional efficacy measures for studying agency within indigenous groups. This is primarily due to the focus of such methods on institutional forms of political participation such as voting, which is assumed to have similar outcomes for everyone – for minorities this is not the case. Moreover, the data reveals that it is difficult to draw a linear relationship between efficacy, and participation, and that there may be other reasons individuals choose to participate in politics or not.

The Labour Party is New Zealand’s oldest continuous political Party. Steeped in Social Democratic tradition the Party underwent major conflicts as three major factions emerged between 1978 and 1990. Using Frank Baumgartner’s Conflict and Rhetoric in French Policy Making (1989), this thesis investigates why the three factions inside the Labour Party during this period used conflict in order gain influence over the Labour Party and its political and legislative agenda. What was to emerge was a party struggling to maintain unity as the factions began to tear apart the very framework that was the Labour Party. This was to ultimately have an effect on both articulation of Labour policy and the aggregation of support at the polls. Using interviews with various former and current members of the Labour Party this thesis sets out to piece together how the factions inside the party used conflict to their advantage in order to gain influence in a fragmenting party. The emergence of splinter parties in the 1990s on both the left and right of the Labour Party in particular ACT and the Alliance shows just how fractured and divided the party was during the tenure of the fourth Labour Government.

Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.

Political parties in New Zealand are now affected by elements of ideological erosion - they are characterised by both a policy convergence and a general electoral pragmatism. This thesis attempts to characterise and explain this ideological erosion in New Zealand party politics. It also aims to show that the erosion of ideology is closely related to a host of other aspects of party transformation, such as weakened partisan ties (including the decline in party membership, decline in linkages with interest groups, and class dealignment), as well as an increased reliance on the state for resources, the professionalization of the party organisations, and an increased anti-party sentiment in society. The central argument of this thesis is that these phenomena relate closely to and reflect the shift away from the 'mass membership' type of political party to an 'electoral-professional' model. It is argued that this transition has been in motion since the 1950s, but accelerated in the 1970s and then again in the 1990s. This debate revolves around a paradox in which, on the one hand, political parties in advanced industrial countries remain central to the conduct of parliamentary democracy and, on the other, they often seem to be less connected to the constituencies they claim to represent and less able to provide voters with effective choices. This thesis engages with this debate by examining both ideological and organisational transformation in one particular democracy, New Zealand.

This thesis develops a comprehensive theoretical framework on which to analyse the political economy of health care. It brings together the major political, social and economic forces affecting health care in New Zealand. It also places the New Zealand health care system within a comparative context, and in particular examines the political economy of health care in Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan. The study examines the contemporary New Zealand health care system against a backdrop of socio-economic restructuring and the hegemony of neo-liberalism. It deals with major issues of power and control in relation to factors such as social class, wealth and income, ownership and business influence. Cutting across all these issues are gender, ethnic and resource inequalities. It is argued that the socio-economic determinants of health status are not receiving the attention they deserve. Economic changes over the past decade have served to increase rather than diminish disparities in the distribution of wealth and income in New Zealand society. There are no signs of this situation abating; indeed it is more likely to get worse. The findings show that many of the same business people and outside consultants who are dominant in shaping the New Zealand economy also dominate the health policy-making process. It is argued that the overriding presence of business people on the decision-making bodies of the health institutions serve to legitimise, reproduce and strengthen free market principles. In Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan, however, the free market has not been accepted unconditionally as a matter of dogma, and the state plays a major role in the economy. It is suggested that these countries may offer valuable policy alternatives or lessons for New Zealand as it enters the new political environment.

For in excess of 30 years climate change mitigation in New Zealand has stalled over the country’s chief source of emissions: biogenic methane emissions from livestock. This thesis argues that this stasis, and the international condemnation it has provoked, is a key for unlocking a critique of New Zealand’s political economy which extends New Zealand’s scholarship by situating the climate crisis as a crisis of capitalism. This form of crisis derives from the contradiction between capital’s requirement for ongoing expansion, and the ability of its conditions of production (and humanity’s conditions of reproduction) to absorb the corresponding increasing demands on regenerative capabilities. An associated theory of change for achieving meaningful action on climate change can thus be oriented around uniting labour, social and environmental movements in the struggle for democratic, collective control over the conditions of (re)production. The analysis presented here advances ecosocialist scholarship by centring a theorisation of the state as a, if not the, key terrain of struggle over the conditions of (re)production in this conjuncture. The thesis anchors this theoretical exploration in concrete historical analysis of New Zealand’s political economic development since colonisation to the contemporary moment, providing what Cindi Katz terms a ‘countertopography’ oriented around class struggle for socio-ecological reproduction in-against-and beyond the capital relation, as crystallised in the state form over time. In doing so, the thesis aims to fortify and extend a theoretical framework which is of use to the labour, environmental and social movements it considers. Meaningful action on climate change is here unable to be divorced from meaningful action addressing the root cause of social and environmental crisis tendencies in capitalism.

Originated from New Village Ideal in Japan, New Village was introduced to China in the early 1920s and became a byword for social reform program. Many residential designs or projects whose name includes the term “Village” or “New Village” had been completed in China since that time. This paper uses the Textual Criticism method to sort out the introduction and translation of New Village Ideal theory in China, and to compare the physical space, life organization and concepts of the New Village practices in ROC with in early PRC of Tianjin. It is found that the term “New Village” continued to be used across several historical periods, showing very similar spatial images. But the construction and usage of New Village and the meaning of collective life changed somewhat under different political positions and social circumstances: New Village gradually became an urban collective residential area which only bore the living function since it was introduced into modern China. The goal of its practice changed from building an equal autonomy to building a new field of power operation, a new discourse of social improvement and a new way for profit-seeking capital. With the change of state regime, the construction had entered a climax stage. New Village then became the symbol of the rising political and social status of the working class, and the link between the change of urban nature and spatial development. Socialism collective life and the temporal and spatial separation or combination between production and live constructed the collective conscience and identity of residents. The above findings highlight the independence of architecture history from general history, help to examine the complexity of China’s localization New Village practice and the uniqueness of Tianjin’s urban history, and provide new ideas for the study of China’s modern urban housing development from the perspective of changes in daily life organization.

Rosia Montana is a village located in the Apuseni Mountains, in the historical region of Transylvania in Romania. Its unique built environment has resulted from a series of contextual factors: the existence and exploitation of gold mines, the political and economic system that allowed private and state exploitation in different historical periods, the steep terrain and the spectacular landscape. From an architectural and planning point of view, the village is a traditional mining village frozen in time at the starting point of the urbanisation process. After state mining had been interrupted at the end of the 1990s, a new mining project that requires the use of cyanide has been proposed. The heritage buildings, concentrated within and around the centre of the village, were used in the discourse of both those supporting the project and those who opposed it. On one hand, the heritage was employed to strengthen the discourse on development by selecting individual valuable buildings to be saved and renovated. On the other hand, the heritage was part of a discourse where the whole existing built fabric is valuable and needs to be protected. These two attitudes are complicated by political tactics meant to curtail small interventions into the existing fabric in order to discourage an alternative development of the area. Through an analysis of visual material collected during fieldwork and of documents, maps and media publications, this paper navigates the complexities around heritage buildings and planning regulations that are supposed to protect valuable built environment while at the same time allow for development. In this case, tensions between heritage conservation and mining development supported by planning regulations become apparent.

This paper examines two high-profile commemorative spaces in Namibia’s national capital, Windhoek, designed and constructed by North Korean state-owned enterprise Mansudae Overseas Projects. These commemorative projects illustrate the complex and evolving intersections between public art, architecture and urban form in this post-colonial context. They show how sites designed around heritage and collective identity intersect with urban space’s physical development and everyday use. The projects also illustrate the intersecting histories of three aesthetic lineages: German, South African and North Korean. This paper will show how these commemorative spaces embody North Korean urban space ideas while also developing new national symbols, historical narratives and identities within Windhoek’s urban landscape as part of independent Namibia’s nation-building. The monument’s ‘Socialist Realist’ aesthetic signals a conscious departure from the colonial and apartheid eras by the now-independent Namibian government. This paper extends prior research focused on the symbolism of Mansudae’s monumental schemes by analysing these monuments’ design, placement, public reception and use within Windhoek as they relate to the city’s overall development since Namibia’s independence in 1990. By documenting the form, location and decision-making processes for the Mansudae-designed memorials in Windhoek and historical changes in their spatial and political context, the paper explores the interaction between North Korean political ideology and design approaches and Namibia’s democratic ambitions for city-making. The paper’s mapping analysis spatially compares the sculptural, architectural and urban design strategies of Mansudae’s additions to Windhoek’s City Crown (2010-14) to Pyongyang’s Mansu Hill Grand Monument (1972-2011), and Windhoek’s Heroes’ Acre (2002) to Mansudae’s earlier National Martyrs Cemetery outside Pyongyang (1975-85).

This paper seeks to ally the interdisciplinary frameworks offered by ‘Queer Ecology’ with an architectural inquiry to expand both fields. Queer theory alone offers scant discussions of material and architectural practices, while environmental discourse in architecture fails to address its role in ecological and social-political violence. A clothing-optional / cruising beach in rural Victoria, Sandy Beach also known as Somers Beach, exemplifies how the queer body’s navigation of space responds to complex ecological, urban, and social conditions. A queering of architectural definitions allows this site to be researched as a historically significant urban/architectural site of social and environmental value. It is suggested that the subtle yet complex practices of site transformations enacted through occupation are an architecture of environmental connective possibility. ‘Queered’ corporeality orientates the body and material practices towards assemblages where boundaries between humans and nature are transgressed, ultimately constituting a ‘queer ecological architecture’

In her book Decolonising Solidarity: Dilemmas and Directions for Supporters of Indigenous Struggles, Clare Land suggest how non-Indigenous people might develop new frameworks supporting Indigenous struggles. Land argues research is deeply implicated with processes of colonisation and the appropriation of indigenous knowledge. Given that architectural archives are central to the research of architectural history, how might these archives be decolonised? This paper employs two disparate archives to develop a framework of how architectural archivists might begin to decolonise these archives. Firstly, these archives are the Grounds Romberg and Boyd Archive (GRB) at the State Library of Victoria (SLV). Secondly, the Greg Burgess Archive is now located at Avington, Sidonia in Victoria. The materials from each of these archives will be discussed in relation to two frameworks. These are the Tandanya-Adelaide Declaration endorsed by The Australian Society of Archivists (ASA) and the Indigenous Cultural and Intellectual Property (ICIP) framework developed by Janke (2019). These archival frameworks suggest how interconnected architectural histories and historiographies might be read, reframed and restored. Decolonising architectural archives will require a continuous process of reflection and political engagement with collections and archives. In pursuing these actions, archivists and architectural historians can begin to participate in the indigenous Reworlding of the archive.

This paper examines a range of grassroots protest memorials erected over the past 60 years within public spaces in the capital cities of three ‘Asian Tigers’: Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea. These cities grew quickly as their polities rapidly democratized in the 1980s after long periods of foreign and local authoritarian rule. The paper explores the complex relationships between these memorials and their various urban settings, and how these reflect the wider evolution of political authority, social history and values in each host territory. Drawing on documentary research, interviews, discourse analysis and site analysis of over 20 projects, the paper examines two key aspects of the planning and design of grassroots memorials in Taipei, Hong Kong and Seoul. Firstly, it discusses how these memorials’ designs communicate and critique the struggles of civil society against the cities’ authoritarian rulers. Secondly, it analyses the kinds of sites where these grassroots memorials have been erected, which contrast with the cities’ more prominent, government-endorsed commemorative sites. The paper identifies key formal types, commonalities and differences, and historical changes in the ways that citizens in each capital city have developed a post-colonial, post-authoritarian representation of local history through protest memorials in urban spaces.

The Indonesian government has recently adopted the term ‘Nusantaran Architecture’ as an alternative representation of Indonesia’s architectural identity. This term is employed to capture the locality of the country, whose narration is developed around the idea of bringing back the indigenous culture as part of preserving the ‘authentic’ identity of the country. The term is incorporated in the national tourism plan, and is literally adopted in the Nusantaran Architecture Design Competition, a platform from which the government obtains design translations of the perceived identity. However, this design competition leads to ‘traditionalising’ architecture, depicted in how the winning designs incorporate the traditional design elements to ‘localise’ the buildings. This design competition is problematic not only for its top-down Javacentric method employed, but also for its direction in appropriating traditionalism in contemporary built form based on the architects’ and the juries’ arbitrary approaches. Since economic motive through ‘romantic tourist gaze’ dominates the translation of identity, it portrays not only the hegemony of capitalism in the way the country imagines its own identity, but also the presence of an Orientalist view as a legacy of colonialism. This paper investigates the problematic implementation of the Nusantaran Architecture Design Competition as an attempt to concretise the authorised version of the perceived identity. It also scrutinises the strong political influence that governs the whole identity construction process in adopting what is regarded as ‘given’ traditional architecture.

The book Community: Building Modern Australia (2010) is a key reference for understanding the programmes and initiatives aimed at enhancing community life within Australia across the twentieth century. It accounts for the relevant authorities and groups that were responsible for driving and supporting the creation of places for community use and enjoyment. One authority not mentioned in the book is the Joint Coal Board – a combined Federal and New South Wales State government-established body that was formed in February 1947 with powers to control the production and distribution of NSW coal. Tied to its powers was a directive to improve the health and welfare of mining communities in the Illawarra, Lithgow and Hunter regions. One branch of this was to financially support the construction of new community amenities in mining townships. This work began with a focus on the improvement of recreational grounds and facilities before moving onto housing and general community projects including baby health centres, ambulance stations, swimming pools and community halls. This paper describes the political background to the creation of the Board, its formation and membership, and the community amenities grant scheme it managed. It then focuses on the building projects the Board became involved with in the first ten years of its operation, including the £156,000 Cessnock Municipal Town Hall. The paper concludes by considering the reception of these buildings as symbols of civic achievement.

The 1970s in Melbourne was a period of political, social and cultural flux. In the midst of this period of change, three figures loom large: Andrew McCutcheon (1931-2017), Evan Walker (1935-2015) and David Yencken (1931-2019). Each had strong allegiances to architecture, as well as commitments to politics and diverse social causes, including heritage, planning and religion. This paper argues that these three are representative of how a cross-disciplinary understanding of architecture can nurture community values and embed these within the built fabric through heritage. The paper draws on McCutcheon’s, Walker’s and Yencken’s own recollections of this time and uses their memories and reflections to develop a narrative-based understanding of social concerns to broaden architectural conceptions. It examines overlaps between the figures themselves, their work and connection to design, politics and society, mapping the confluences of understandings and outcomes that emerged from the intersections of this knowledge. The research highlights the importance of reading architecture as a discipline connected to, and crossing, both time and place. The fundamental raison d’etre of architecture was explored and questioned by each of the three protagonists – architecture is not simply designing bespoke buildings, but rather contributing to society (through better housing, protecting heritage, urban design), responding to this place (country, landscape and climate), understanding who we are (identity) and thus influencing policy and legislation. The paper teases out how new understandings and narratives of community values emerged through their cross-disciplinary interests and works.

In the 1970s, rapid modernisation fuelled population displacement and increased the number of workers in the large cities of Iran, in particular Tehran. In response, the Imperial Government initiated several housing programs focusing on the provision of megastructures on a large scale. Consequently, a new opposition formed among some sectors of society, regarding the dissemination of gigantic buildings in the International or Brutalist styles. Critics and clerics argued that the radical government interventions not only polarised the image of Islamic identity in cities, but also affected the behaviour of people towards, and their opinions concerning, the Islamic lifestyle. Additionally, some claimed the state aimed to normalise its project of modernity and rapid westernisation for the mid- and lower classes using housing. In this regard, this article investigates the 1970s imperial government social housing programs to verify these claims. Using an extensive literature review, documentary research, observation, and descriptive data analysis, this article argues that, despite the government politics and modernisation tendencies in the 1970s, consumerism, political competition, the state of Cold War, and the emergence of new construction techniques, all resulted in the emergence of mass-produced megastructures offering a new luxurious lifestyle to residents. While the life and hygiene of the different classes were improved, these instant products inevitably facilitated the normalisation of Western lifestyle among the mid- and low-income groups of the society. Eventually, this visible social transition was utilised by opposition leaders as another excuse to topple the Pahlavi regime under the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

Due to the lack of political consensus at the previous General Agreement on Trade on Services (GATS), negotiations on the temporary movement of natural persons (Mode 4) have stagnated. However the recent labour shortages in several labour intensive sectors, particularly agriculture, in Australia and New Zealand has recently provoked a serious debate over the implementation of policies that would facilitate the supply and employment of guest workers. This paper implements a CGE model of bilateral migration flows (GMig2) to quantify the benefits of liberalizing GATS Mode 4 in the Pacific region. The results indicate that an increase in the labour forces of Australia and New Zealand from elsewhere within the Pacific region would raise welfare in Australia and New Zealand. However, the results also demonstrate that while the Pacific Islands economies could gain substantially from the movement of unskilled workers, the loss of scarce skilled workers could lead to significant declines in the welfare of those remaining, which could offset the gains from the movement of unskilled labour. Agreements regarding the movement of unskilled labour could therefore potentially constitute significant development policies which warrant further attention from policy makers. Keywords: Applied general equilibrium modeling, Pacific, GATS Mode 4, labour mobility, skill, and welfare.

This article examines how contemporary women’s advocates working in New Zealand with women experiencing intimate partner violence regard their work and how these experiences both connect with and depart from a feminist movement to end violence against women. Ten women’s advocates from ten different organisations were interviewed two times. The first interviews involved participants commenting on vignettes about hypothetical cases of intimate partner violence. The second interviews weresemi-structured and involved discussions about participants’ work and wider thoughts on the phenomenon of intimate partner violence. Interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis to identify key themes within participants’ interviews. Analysis indicated an alignment with international research illustrating an erosion of feminist perspectives in advocacy work. At the same time, it revealed areas of enduring feminist influence. Findings, therefore, suggest that the relationship between advocacy and the feminist movement to end violence against women is complicated and contradictory. Implications for further research directions are considered.

This article examines how contemporary women’s advocates working in New Zealand with women experiencing intimate partner violence regard their work and how these experiences both connect with and depart from a feminist movement to end violence against women. Ten women’s advocates from ten different organisations were interviewed two times. The first interviews involved participants commenting on vignettes about hypothetical cases of intimate partner violence. The second interviews weresemi-structured and involved discussions about participants’ work and wider thoughts on the phenomenon of intimate partner violence. Interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis to identify key themes within participants’ interviews. Analysis indicated an alignment with international research illustrating an erosion of feminist perspectives in advocacy work. At the same time, it revealed areas of enduring feminist influence. Findings, therefore, suggest that the relationship between advocacy and the feminist movement to end violence against women is complicated and contradictory. Implications for further research directions are considered.

This article examines how contemporary women’s advocates working in New Zealand with women experiencing intimate partner violence regard their work and how these experiences both connect with and depart from a feminist movement to end violence against women. Ten women’s advocates from ten different organisations were interviewed two times. The first interviews involved participants commenting on vignettes about hypothetical cases of intimate partner violence. The second interviews weresemi-structured and involved discussions about participants’ work and wider thoughts on the phenomenon of intimate partner violence. Interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis to identify key themes within participants’ interviews. Analysis indicated an alignment with international research illustrating an erosion of feminist perspectives in advocacy work. At the same time, it revealed areas of enduring feminist influence. Findings, therefore, suggest that the relationship between advocacy and the feminist movement to end violence against women is complicated and contradictory. Implications for further research directions are considered.

How can education in Aotearoa New Zealand respond to climate change? This report, part of our wider education and climate change project, outlines findings from 17 in-depth interviews with individuals with a range of viewpoints about climate change and the role of education. Five priority perspectives are covered: youth (aged 16–25); educators; Māori; Pacific New Zealanders; and people with an academic, education system, or policy perspective. Key findings are: Education offers an important opportunity for diverse children and young people to engage in positive, solutions-focused climate learning and action. Interviewees shared local examples of effective climate change educational practice, but said it was often down to individual teachers, students, and schools choosing to make it a focus. Most interviewees said that climate change needs to be a more visible priority across the education system. The perspectives and examples shared suggest there is scope for growth and development in the way that schools and the wider education system in Aotearoa New Zealand respond to climate change. Interviewees’ experiences suggest that localised innovation and change is possible, particularly when young people and communities are informed about the causes and consequences of climate change, and are engaged with what they can do to make a difference. However, effective responses to climate change are affected by wider systems, societal and political structures, norms, and mindsets. Interviewee recommendations for schools, kura, and other learning settings include: Supporting diverse children and young people to develop their ideas and visions for a sustainable future, and to identify actions they can take to realise that future. Involving children and young people in collective and local approaches, and community-wide responses to climate change. Scaffolding learners to ensure that they were building key knowledge, as well as developing ethical thinking, systems thinking, and critical thinking. Focusing on new career opportunities and pathways in an economic transition to a low-carbon, changed climate future. Getting children and young people engaged and excited about what they can do, rather than disengaged, depressed, or feeling like they have no control of their future.

Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.

Banco de la República is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2023. This is a very significant anniversary and one that provides an opportunity to highlight the contribution the Bank has made to the country’s development. Its track record as guarantor of monetary stability has established it as the one independent state institution that generates the greatest confidence among Colombians due to its transparency, management capabilities, and effective compliance with the central banking and cultural responsibilities entrusted to it by the Constitution and the Law. On a date as important as this, the Board of Directors of Banco de la República (BDBR) pays tribute to the generations of governors and officers whose commitment and dedication have contributed to the growth of this institution.1 Banco de la República’s mandate was confirmed in the National Constitutional Assembly of 1991 where the citizens had the opportunity to elect the seventy people who would have the task of drafting a new constitution. The leaders of the three political movements with the most votes were elected as chairs to the Assembly, and this tripartite presidency reflected the plurality and the need for consensus among the different political groups to move the reform forward. Among the issues considered, the National Constitutional Assembly gave special importance to monetary stability. That is why they decided to include central banking and to provide Banco de la República with the necessary autonomy to use the instruments for which they are responsible without interference from other authorities. The constituent members understood that ensuring price stability is a state duty and that the entity responsible for this task must be enshrined in the Constitution and have the technical capability and institutional autonomy necessary to adopt the decisions they deem appropriate to achieve this fundamental objective in coordination with the general economic policy. In particular, Article 373 established that “the State, through Banco de la República, shall ensure the maintenance of the purchasing power of the currency,” a provision that coincided with the central banking system adopted by countries that have been successful in controlling inflation. In 1999, in Ruling 481, the Constitutional Court stated that “the duty to maintain the purchasing power of the currency applies to not only the monetary, credit, and exchange authority, i.e., the Board of Banco de la República, but also those who have responsibilities in the formulation and implementation of the general economic policy of the country” and that “the basic constitutional purpose of Banco de la República is the protection of a sound currency. However, this authority must take the other economic objectives of state intervention such as full employment into consideration in their decisions since these functions must be coordinated with the general economic policy.” The reforms to Banco de la República agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly of 1991 and in Act 31/1992 can be summarized in the following aspects: i) the Bank was assigned a specific mandate: to maintain the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy; ii) the BDBR was designatedas the monetary, foreign exchange, and credit authority; iii) the Bank and its Board of Directors were granted a significant degree of independence from the government; iv) the Bank was prohibited from granting credit to the private sector except in the case of the financial sector; v) established that in order to grant credit to the government, the unanimous vote of its Board of Directors was required except in the case of open market transactions; vi) determined that the legislature may, in no case, order credit quotas in favor of the State or individuals; vii) Congress was appointed, on behalf of society, as the main addressee of the Bank’s reporting exercise; and viii) the responsibility for inspection, surveillance, and control over Banco de la República was delegated to the President of the Republic. The members of the National Constitutional Assembly clearly understood that the benefits of low and stable inflation extend to the whole of society and contribute mto the smooth functioning of the economic system. Among the most important of these is that low inflation promotes the efficient use of productive resources by allowing relative prices to better guide the allocation of resources since this promotes economic growth and increases the welfare of the population. Likewise, low inflation reduces uncertainty about the expected return on investment and future asset prices. This increases the confidence of economic agents, facilitates long-term financing, and stimulates investment. Since the low-income population is unable to protect itself from inflation by diversifying its assets, and a high proportion of its income is concentrated in the purchase of food and other basic goods that are generally the most affected by inflationary shocks, low inflation avoids arbitrary redistribution of income and wealth.2 Moreover, low inflation facilitates wage negotiations, creates a good labor climate, and reduces the volatility of employment levels. Finally, low inflation helps to make the tax system more transparent and equitable by avoiding the distortions that inflation introduces into the value of assets and income that make up the tax base. From the monetary authority’s point of view, one of the most relevant benefits of low inflation is the credibility that economic agents acquire in inflation targeting, which turns it into an effective nominal anchor on price levels. Upon receiving its mandate, and using its autonomy, Banco de la República began to announce specific annual inflation targets as of 1992. Although the proposed inflation targets were not met precisely during this first stage, a downward trend in inflation was achieved that took it from 32.4% in 1990 to 16.7% in 1998. At that time, the exchange rate was kept within a band. This limited the effectiveness of monetary policy, which simultaneously sought to meet an inflation target and an exchange rate target. The Asian crisis spread to emerging economies and significantly affected the Colombian economy. The exchange rate came under strong pressure to depreciate as access to foreign financing was cut off under conditions of a high foreign imbalance. This, together with the lack of exchange rate flexibility, prevented a countercyclical monetary policy and led to a 4.2% contraction in GDP that year. In this context of economic slowdown, annual inflation fell to 9.2% at the end of 1999, thus falling below the 15% target set for that year. This episode fully revealed how costly it could be, in terms of economic activity, to have inflation and exchange rate targets simultaneously. Towards the end of 1999, Banco de la República announced the adoption of a new monetary policy regime called the Inflation Targeting Plan. This regime, known internationally as ‘Inflation Targeting,’ has been gaining increasing acceptance in developed countries, having been adopted in 1991 by New Zealand, Canada, and England, among others, and has achieved significant advances in the management of inflation without incurring costs in terms of economic activity. In Latin America, Brazil and Chile also adopted it in 1999. In the case of Colombia, the last remaining requirement to be fulfilled in order to adopt said policy was exchange rate flexibility. This was realized around September 1999, when the BDBR decided to abandon the exchange-rate bands to allow the exchange rate to be freely determined in the market.Consistent with the constitutional mandate, the fundamental objective of this new policy approach was “the achievement of an inflation target that contributes to maintaining output growth around its potential.”3 This potential capacity was understood as the GDP growth that the economy can obtain if it fully utilizes its productive resources. To meet this objective, monetary policy must of necessity play a countercyclical role in the economy. This is because when economic activity is below its potential and there are idle resources, the monetary authority can reduce the interest rate in the absence of inflationary pressure to stimulate the economy and, when output exceeds its potential capacity, raise it. This policy principle, which is immersed in the models for guiding the monetary policy stance, makes the following two objectives fully compatible in the medium term: meeting the inflation target and achieving a level of economic activity that is consistent with its productive capacity. To achieve this purpose, the inflation targeting system uses the money market interest rate (at which the central bank supplies primary liquidity to commercial banks) as the primary policy instrument. This replaced the quantity of money as an intermediate monetary policy target that Banco de la República, like several other central banks, had used for a long time. In the case of Colombia, the objective of the new monetary policy approach implied, in practical terms, that the recovery of the economy after the 1999 contraction should be achieved while complying with the decreasing inflation targets established by the BDBR. The accomplishment of this purpose was remarkable. In the first half of the first decade of the 2000s, economic activity recovered significantly and reached a growth rate of 6.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, inflation gradually declined in line with inflation targets. That was how the inflation rate went from 9.2% in 1999 to 4.5% in 2006, thus meeting the inflation target established for that year while GDP reached its potential level. After this balance was achieved in 2006, inflation rebounded to 5.7% in 2007, above the 4.0% target for that year due to the fact that the 7.5% GDP growth exceeded the potential capacity of the economy.4 After proving the effectiveness of the inflation targeting system in its first years of operation, this policy regime continued to consolidate as the BDBR and the technical staff gained experience in its management and state-of-the-art economic models were incorporated to diagnose the present and future state of the economy and to assess the persistence of inflation deviations and expectations with respect to the inflation target. Beginning in 2010, the BDBR established the long-term 3.0% annual inflation target, which remains in effect today. Lower inflation has contributed to making the macroeconomic environment more stable, and this has favored sustained economic growth, financial stability, capital market development, and the functioning of payment systems. As a result, reductions in the inflationary risk premia and lower TES and credit interest rates were achieved. At the same time, the duration of public domestic debt increased significantly going from 2.27 years in December 2002 to 5.86 years in December 2022, and financial deepening, measured as the level of the portfolio as a percentage of GDP, went from around 20% in the mid-1990s to values above 45% in recent years in a healthy context for credit institutions.Having been granted autonomy by the Constitution to fulfill the mandate of preserving the purchasing power of the currency, the tangible achievements made by Banco de la República in managing inflation together with the significant benefits derived from the process of bringing inflation to its long-term target, make the BDBR’s current challenge to return inflation to the 3.0% target even more demanding and pressing. As is well known, starting in 2021, and especially in 2022, inflation in Colombia once again became a serious economic problem with high welfare costs. The inflationary phenomenon has not been exclusive to Colombia and many other developed and emerging countries have seen their inflation rates move away from the targets proposed by their central banks.5 The reasons for this phenomenon have been analyzed in recent Reports to Congress, and this new edition delves deeper into the subject with updated information. The solid institutional and technical base that supports the inflation targeting approach under which the monetary policy strategy operates gives the BDBR the necessary elements to face this difficult challenge with confidence. In this regard, the BDBR reiterated its commitment to the 3.0% inflation target in its November 25 communiqué and expects it to be reached by the end of 2024.6 Monetary policy will continue to focus on meeting this objective while ensuring the sustainability of economic activity, as mandated by the Constitution. Analyst surveys done in March showed a significant increase (from 32.3% in January to 48.5% in March) in the percentage of responses placing inflation expectations two years or more ahead in a range between 3.0% and 4.0%. This is a clear indication of the recovery of credibility in the medium-term inflation target and is consistent with the BDBR’s announcement made in November 2022. The moderation of the upward trend in inflation seen in January, and especially in February, will help to reinforce this revision of inflation expectations and will help to meet the proposed targets. After reaching 5.6% at the end of 2021, inflation maintained an upward trend throughout 2022 due to inflationary pressures from both external sources, associated with the aftermath of the pandemic and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and domestic sources, resulting from: strengthening of local demand; price indexation processes stimulated by the increase in inflation expectations; the impact on food production caused by the mid-2021 strike; and the pass-through of depreciation to prices. The 10% increase in the minimum wage in 2021 and the 16% increase in 2022, both of which exceeded the actual inflation and the increase in productivity, accentuated the indexation processes by establishing a high nominal adjustment benchmark. Thus, total inflation went to 13.1% by the end of 2022. The annual change in food prices, which went from 17.2% to 27.8% between those two years, was the most influential factor in the surge in the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Another segment that contributed significantly to price increases was regulated products, which saw the annual change go from 7.1% in December 2021 to 11.8% by the end of 2022. The measure of core inflation excluding food and regulated items, in turn, went from 2.5% to 9.5% between the end of 2021 and the end of 2022. The substantial increase in core inflation shows that inflationary pressure has spread to most of the items in the household basket, which is characteristic of inflationary processes with generalized price indexation as is the case in Colombia. Monetary policy began to react early to this inflationary pressure. Thus, starting with its September 2021 session, the BDBR began a progressive change in the monetary policy stance moving away from the historical low of a 1.75% policy rate that had intended to stimulate the recovery of the economy. This adjustment process continued without interruption throughout 2022 and into the beginning of 2023 when the monetary policy rate reached 12.75% last January, thus accumulating an increase of 11 percentage points (pp). The public and the markets have been surprised that inflation continued to rise despite significant interest rate increases. However, as the BDBR has explained in its various communiqués, monetary policy works with a lag. Just as in 2022 economic activity recovered to a level above the pre-pandemic level, driven, along with other factors, by the monetary stimulus granted during the pandemic period and subsequent months, so too the effects of the current restrictive monetary policy will gradually take effect. This will allow us to expect the inflation rate to converge to 3.0% by the end of 2024 as is the BDBR’s purpose.Inflation results for January and February of this year showed declining marginal increases (13 bp and 3 bp respectively) compared to the change seen in December (59 bp). This suggests that a turning point in the inflation trend is approaching. In other Latin American countries such as Chile, Brazil, Perú, and Mexico, inflation has peaked and has begun to decline slowly, albeit with some ups and downs. It is to be expected that a similar process will take place in Colombia in the coming months. The expected decline in inflation in 2023 will be due, along with other factors, to lower cost pressure from abroad as a result of the gradual normalization of supply chains, the overcoming of supply shocks caused by the weather, and road blockades in previous years. This will be reflected in lower adjustments in food prices, as has already been seen in the first two months of the year and, of course, the lagged effect of monetary policy. The process of inflation convergence to the target will be gradual and will extend beyond 2023. This process will be facilitated if devaluation pressure is reversed. To this end, it is essential to continue consolidating fiscal sustainability and avoid messages on different public policy fronts that generate uncertainty and distrust. 1 This Report to Congress includes Box 1, which summarizes the trajectory of Banco de la República over the past 100 years. In addition, under the Bank’s auspices, several books that delve into various aspects of the history of this institution have been published in recent years. See, for example: Historia del Banco de la República 1923-2015; Tres banqueros centrales; Junta Directiva del Banco de la República: grandes episodios en 30 años de historia; Banco de la República: 90 años de la banca central en Colombia. 2 This is why lower inflation has been reflected in a reduction of income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient that went from 58.7 in 1998 to 51.3 in the year prior to the pandemic. 3 See Gómez Javier, Uribe José Darío, Vargas Hernando (2002). “The Implementation of Inflation Targeting in Colombia”. Borradores de Economía, No. 202, March, available at: https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/5220 4 See López-Enciso Enrique A.; Vargas-Herrera Hernando and Rodríguez-Niño Norberto (2016). “The inflation targeting strategy in Colombia. An historical view.” Borradores de Economía, No. 952. https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/6263 5 According to the IMF, the percentage change in consumer prices between 2021 and 2022 went from 3.1% to 7.3% for advanced economies, and from 5.9% to 9.9% for emerging market and developing economies. 6 https://www.banrep.gov.co/es/noticias/junta-directiva-banco-republica-reitera-meta-inflacion-3