Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "National pledges"
Siga este link para ver outros tipos de publicações sobre o tema: National pledges.
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores artigos de revistas para estudos sobre o assunto "National pledges".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja os artigos de revistas das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
1
Praprotnik, Katrin. "Jurisdiction, time, and money". Party Politics 23, n.º 6 (29 de abril de 2016): 848–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816642805.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The present article examines the fulfillment of election pledges. More specifically, it focuses on the effect of resources (jurisdiction, time, and money) on the parties’ abilities to fulfill their promises. Based on the case of Austria (1990–2013), the analyses cover almost 1700 pledges made in the run-up to six national elections. The multivariate models show that resources have an impact on a government’s policy outcome. The chances of pledge fulfillment decrease if the Austrian Länder is involved in the policy-making process. Furthermore, while higher levels of pledge fulfillment are associated with regularly ended legislative periods, snap elections reduce the amount of fulfilled pledges. Finally, the likelihood of pledge fulfillment increases in times of stronger economic growth. Especially pledges to expand government spending are more likely to be acted upon when the economy performs well.
2
Won Kim, Jeong. "Who Pledges Net Zero: Pioneers and Laggards". 14th GCBSS Proceeding 2022 14, n.º 2 (28 de dezembro de 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gcbssproceeding.2022.2(71).
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The world has agreed on the necessity for urgent and more aggressive actions to combat climate change and set various climate targets and policies. Achieving net zero carbon emissions or carbon neutrality by a specific target year emerged as a new form of climate target. As of September 2022, 136 countries, including the European Union (EU), approximately 70% of 197 parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), have announced or are discussing net zero targets. Although the number of governments pledging net zero has sharply increased since the late 2010s, the announcement of net zero targets at the national level dates back to 2007. However, despite the recent popularity, not all countries are supportive of setting their net zero targets. While eight countries announced net zero targets before the adoption of the Paris Agreement in December 2015, 119 countries have not yet officially pledged net zero targets. Considering that all countries' participation is required to meet the global climate target, it needs to look at which countries are lagging in the global climate efforts and why they are so. With this background, this study examines 1) the global diffusion trends and status of net zero pledges; and 2) factors that might impact the county's net zero pledge. Keywords: Net zero, Carbon neutrality, Greenhouse gas reduction, Climate Change
3
Lee, Younghwan, e Yongki Kim. "Analysis on Educational Pledges and Issues of the 20th Presidential Candidates". Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, n.º 9 (30 de setembro de 2022): 513–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.9.44.9.513.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The objective of this study is to examine the educational pledges of the 20th presidential candidates of three major parties such as Lee Jae-Myung of Minjoo Party of Korea, Yoon Suk-Yeol of People Power Party, and Sim Sang-Jung of jungui , Ahn Cheol-Soo of People’s Party, and also to analyze the meanings inherent in the pledges. This study used total four kinds of research methods such as first, the analysis on preceding researches, second, the analysis on the pledge information packages, third, the analysis on pledge brochures uploaded to the National Election Commission, and fourth, the analysis on press release. The educational pledges were analyzed by categorizing them into the college admission system, reorganization of the high school system & school system, teacher policy, kindergarten policy, and abolition of the Ministry of Education. Regarding the similarities, first, it is the integration of kindergarten and daycare center that used to be divided into the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health and Welfare. Second, it is the expansion of basic scholastic ability and care. Third, it is the college admission system for the expansion of regular admission based on the College Scholastic Ability Test, and the securement of fairness. Regarding the differentiations, first, it is the diversity system of high school. Second, it is the expansion of internal open recruitment of principals originated from regular teachers as a teacher policy. Third, it is the abolition of the Ministry of Education. Also, the major issues were analyzed as kindergarten/elementary policies, restoration of basic scholastic ability diagnostic assessment, and college admission policies.
4
Lee, Chung Joo. "A Study on the Implementation Evaluation of the Moon Jae-in Administration's Anti-corruption and Integrity Policy : Focusing on Presidential Election Pledge". Korea Association for Corruption Studies 29, n.º 1 (30 de março de 2024): 29–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52663/kcsr.2024.29.1.29.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The purpose of this study is to identify the tasks that need to be implemented to advance a clean society by deriving the achievements and limitations of the anti-corruption and integrity policies through the evaluation of policy implementation centered on anti-corruption and integrity-related matters among the Moon Jae-in government's presidential election promises. The policy evaluation targets are 44 anti-corruption and integrity-related tasks (26 eliminating deep-rooted evils, 7 reforming power institutions, 3 reforming political and electoral systems, and 8 economic democratization) among the 19th presidential election pledges of the Democratic Party of Korea. Whether the presidential election promises are linked to actual national policy tasks was examined through matching with the Moon Jae-in government's five-year plan for national affairs. In addition, the verification of the fulfillment of the pledge was made using the information system of the National Assembly, the data of the National Legal Information Center of the Ministry of Legislation, and the press releases and media materials of the relevant ministries. As a result of the analysis, it was found that about 7 out of 10 presidential election pledges related to anti-corruption and integrity were reflected in national tasks, and about 5 to 6 were actually implemented. By field, “pledges related to the eradication of deep-rooted evils and economic democratization” were largely reflected in national affairs tasks and many tasks were implemented, but “pledges related to political election reform and reform of power institutions” were evaluated as relatively less so. The main achievements of the Moon Jae-in administration’s anti-corruption and integrity policy are “establishment of a system of checks and control over institutions of power,” “attempts to restore public-private governance,” “wide-of-government measures that break away from partition administration,” and “Improvement of integrity in the public service community.” Major limitations include “over-immersion in reducing the power of the prosecution, including the complete deprivation of the prosecution’s right to investigate, resulting in a backlog of priorities for other anti-corruption and integrity reform tasks,” “problems with the political independence of power institutions such as the prosecution and the Board of Audit and Inspection,” “failure to reorganize independent anti-corruption organizations,”“non-compliance with the principle of zero tolerance for corruption,” “insufficient personnel control system for social leaders,” “failure to strengthen management of public interest corporations,” “insufficient legal and institutional infrastructure to ensure sustainability of public-private governance,” and “practice of enacting allopathic legislation according to specific issues with large social impact.” In particular, given that the issues presented as limitations are immediate tasks that must be resolved in order for our society to move towards a society of integrity, either the conservative or progressive governments should focus more on the relevant issues and exercise their policy capabilities.
5
Naurin, Elin, e Henrik Ekengren Oscarsson. "When and Why Are Voters Correct in Their Evaluations of Specific Government Performance?" Political Studies 65, n.º 4 (6 de julho de 2017): 860–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716688359.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Democratic theories expect citizens to be able to accurately evaluate fulfilment of parties’ election pledges. We use specifically designed survey items from the Swedish National Election Study to compare citizens’ perceptions of the fulfilment of specific party pledges with actual fulfilment and assess circumstances that lead to correct evaluations. We find that political knowledge triumphs partisan attachments to incumbent parties when it comes to explaining why voters are correct. The results are interesting in light of common knowledge about the importance of partisan attachment in evaluations of general government performance: We argue that when specific election pledges are being evaluated, personal heuristics, such as attachments to incumbent parties, play a lesser role for judgements. Instead, the specificity embedded in the evaluation encourages citizens to engage in a more knowledge-based evaluation of whether pledges are fulfilled or not.
6
Albrecht, Julia N., e Eliza Raymond. "National destination pledges: Visitor management through emotional engagement, commitment and interpretation". Tourism Management Perspectives 40 (outubro de 2021): 100894. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tmp.2021.100894.
Texto completo da fonte
7
Höhne, Niklas, Christopher Taylor, Ramzi Elias, Michel Den Elzen, Keywan Riahi, Claudine Chen, Joeri Rogelj et al. "National GHG emissions reduction pledges and 2°C: comparison of studies". Climate Policy 12, n.º 3 (maio de 2012): 356–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14693062.2011.637818.
Texto completo da fonte
8
Wang, Fang, e Jintao Zhang. "Heat Stress Response to National-Committed Emission Reductions under the Paris Agreement". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, n.º 12 (21 de junho de 2019): 2202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16122202.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
With the changes in global temperature and humidity, heat stress is expected to intensify in the coming decades. Under the scenario that greenhouse gas emissions keep increasing until the end of this century, there is the possibility of extensive global exposure to high heat stress. While under new mitigation efforts (as part of the Paris Agreement, signatory nations pledged to implement the Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) for emission reductions), the regional response of heat stress to pledged emission reductions remains unclear. In this study, we analyze the heat stress response in global hotspot regions, targeting emission scenarios resulting from the INDCs pledges. Our study revealed that under the INDCs-continuous mitigation, the heat stress effect in global hotspot regions (North China, South Asia, and the Amazon) is estimated to be lower than 29 °C in the next three decades and to be from >33 °C to less than 30 °C to this century end. The heat stress effect indicates a great reduction at the continuous mitigation compared with the delayed mitigation, and the population exposed to dangerous heat stress would also decrease approximately one order of magnitude. If limiting warming to a lesser amount (1.5/2 °C targets), significantly further reduction of the population exposed to heat stress in the middle and low latitudes can be achieved, thus avoiding the adverse effects associated with heat stress. Therefore, the national intended mitigation actions under the Paris Agreement will play a crucial role in reducing the heat stress risk in these hot and humid regions. These findings will help to improve the understanding of the future risks of heat stress and are crucial for mitigation and adaptation actions in hotspot areas (approximately 1/3 of the world’s population).
9
Lawler, A. "National Academy of Sciences: NRC Pledges Faster Delivery on Reports to Government". Science 270, n.º 5233 (6 de outubro de 1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.270.5233.22.
Texto completo da fonte
10
de Silva, Tiloka, e Silvana Tenreyro. "Presidential Address 2021 Climate-Change Pledges, Actions, and Outcomes". Journal of the European Economic Association 19, n.º 6 (14 de outubro de 2021): 2958–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeea/jvab046.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract We study countries’ compliance with the targets pledged in international climate-change agreements and the impact of those agreements and specific climate laws and policies on greenhouse-gas emissions and economic outcomes. To do so, we compile and codify data on international agreements and measures enacted at the national and sub-national levels. We find that compliance with targets has been mixed. Still, countries that signed the Kyoto Protocol or the Copenhagen Accord experienced significant reductions in emissions when compared to non-signatories. Having quantifiable targets led to further reductions. Effects from the Paris Agreement are not yet evident in the data. Carbon taxes and the introduction of emission-trading schemes led to material reductions in emissions. Other climate laws or policies do not appear to have had, individually, a material effect on emissions. The impact on GDP growth or inflation from most measures was largely insignificant. Overall, much more ambitious targets would be needed to offset the impact of economic and population growth on emissions and contain the expansion of the stock of gases.
11
de Silva, Tiloka, e Silvana Tenreyro. "Presidential Address 2021 Climate-Change Pledges, Actions, and Outcomes". Journal of the European Economic Association 19, n.º 6 (14 de outubro de 2021): 2958–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeea/jvab046.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract We study countries’ compliance with the targets pledged in international climate-change agreements and the impact of those agreements and specific climate laws and policies on greenhouse-gas emissions and economic outcomes. To do so, we compile and codify data on international agreements and measures enacted at the national and sub-national levels. We find that compliance with targets has been mixed. Still, countries that signed the Kyoto Protocol or the Copenhagen Accord experienced significant reductions in emissions when compared to non-signatories. Having quantifiable targets led to further reductions. Effects from the Paris Agreement are not yet evident in the data. Carbon taxes and the introduction of emission-trading schemes led to material reductions in emissions. Other climate laws or policies do not appear to have had, individually, a material effect on emissions. The impact on GDP growth or inflation from most measures was largely insignificant. Overall, much more ambitious targets would be needed to offset the impact of economic and population growth on emissions and contain the expansion of the stock of gases.
12
Shechter, Relli. "A Social Contract Moment: Egypt's National Action Charter and Saudi Arabia's Ten-Point Program Compared". Middle East Journal 75, n.º 4 (1 de fevereiro de 2021): 574–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.4.14.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Egypt's National Action Charter and Saudi Arabia's Ten-Point Program were issued in 1962 amid a context of domestic and regional insecurity for both regimes. This article reviews the context that shaped each regime's pledges for both political and (rather similar) socioeconomic reforms, challenging the common analysis of the so-called authoritarian bargain as a simplistic exchange of economic benefits for the political rights of citizens. Both documents also simultaneously embedded their proposed reforms in their country's respective legacies, ushering in a new era of state-led development.
13
Young, Oran R. "The Paris Agreement: Destined to Succeed or Doomed to Fail?" Politics and Governance 4, n.º 3 (8 de setembro de 2016): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i3.635.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Is the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change destined to succeed or doomed to fail? If all the pledges embedded in the intended nationally determined contributions (INDCs) are implemented fully, temperatures at the Earth’s surface are predicted to rise by 3–4 °C, far above the agreement’s goal of limiting increases to 1.5 °C. This means that the fate of the agreement will be determined by the success of efforts to strengthen or ratchet up the commitments contained in the national pledges over time. The first substantive section of this essay provides a general account of mechanisms for ratcheting up commitments and conditions determining the use of these mechanisms in international environmental agreements. The second section applies this analysis to the specific case of the Paris Agreement. The conclusion is mixed. There are plenty of reasons to doubt whether the Paris Agreement will succeed in moving from strength to strength in a fashion resembling experience with the Montreal Protocol on ozone depleting substances. Nevertheless, there is more room for hope in this regard than those who see the climate problem as unusually malign, wicked, or even diabolical are willing to acknowledge.
14
Shin, Hyunki, e Changbin Woo. "How the President Responds to the Public: Focusing on the Relationship between the Presidential Campaign Pledges, National Agendas, and National Budgets". KOREAN SOCIETY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRACTION 29, n.º 3 (30 de novembro de 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53865/kspa.2018.11.29.3.1.
Texto completo da fonte
15
Nauels, Alexander, Johannes Gütschow, Matthias Mengel, Malte Meinshausen, Peter U. Clark e Carl-Friedrich Schleussner. "Attributing long-term sea-level rise to Paris Agreement emission pledges". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, n.º 47 (4 de novembro de 2019): 23487–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1907461116.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The main contributors to sea-level rise (oceans, glaciers, and ice sheets) respond to climate change on timescales ranging from decades to millennia. A focus on the 21st century thus fails to provide a complete picture of the consequences of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions on future sea-level rise and its long-term impacts. Here we identify the committed global mean sea-level rise until 2300 from historical emissions since 1750 and the currently pledged National Determined Contributions (NDC) under the Paris Agreement until 2030. Our results indicate that greenhouse gas emissions over this 280-y period result in about 1 m of committed global mean sea-level rise by 2300, with the NDC emissions from 2016 to 2030 corresponding to around 20 cm or 1/5 of that commitment. We also find that 26 cm (12 cm) of the projected sea-level-rise commitment in 2300 can be attributed to emissions from the top 5 emitting countries (China, United States of America, European Union, India, and Russia) over the 1991–2030 (2016–2030) period. Our findings demonstrate that global and individual country emissions over the first decades of the 21st century alone will cause substantial long-term sea-level rise.
16
Zhang, Yuningjing. "An Analysis of Policy Change in Multicultural Education using Kingdon's Multiple Stream Framework Model: Based on the Policy Change from 2013 to 2022". Global Association of Applied Liberal Arts Studies 2, n.º 1 (28 de fevereiro de 2024): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.58990/galas.2024.2.1.63.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The study applied Kingdon's multiple stream framework model to analyze the process of change in multicultural education support policies promoted from the Park Geun Hyen government to the Moon Jae Inn government, clarifying policy issues, policy alternatives, the flow of politics, the opportunity to open the window of politics, and the identity of policy leaders in the process of change. To achieve this research purpose, 2013-2022 was set as a timely range, and various data such as statistical data, press releases from the Ministry of Education, presidential election pledges, and government press releases were collected and analyzed. The main analysis results are as follows, the flow of policy problems consisted of statistical indicators such as the ratio of multicultural students and the enrollment rate, holding multicultural education forums, prejudice against multicultural children, and collective feedback through forums. Also, the flow of policy alternatives mainly consisted of presidential election pledges and proposals from lawmakers. In the flow of politics, the national atmosphere of the need for support for multicultural students and the changes of the administration were included. The window of multicultural education support policy opened twice, while the Park Geun Hyen government and the Moon Jae Inn government were playing the role of policy leaders who led the policy change.
17
Smith, Jane, e Mary Morley. "Making Supervision and Ongoing Development Review a Productive Experience: An Integrated Approach". British Journal of Occupational Therapy 76, n.º 5 (maio de 2013): 246–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4276/030802213x13679275042843.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In a climate of financial constraint the National Health Service (NHS) faces the challenge of simultaneously improving productivity and enhancing quality. The pledges to staff within the NHS Constitution and the launch of a Simplified Knowledge and Skills Framework recognise that an appropriately trained workforce, that feels engaged with and valued by its employers, is pivotal to success. This opinion piece proposes that these policy developments have provided opportunities to develop integrated approaches to appraisal, continuing professional development and supervision that may balance the competing demands faced by therapists working in busy health and social care environments.
18
CODREANU, Aura, e Cezar VASILESCU. "Formarea profesională a liderilor militari din perspectiva rezilienței naționale". Gândirea Militară Românească 2022, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2022): 230–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2022.1.13.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
"Leadership, along with discipline, ethics, organisational culture and specific socialisation practices, is one of the most important pillars (Brown, Treviño, 2006) of the military profession. As such, professional military leadership is one of the key aspects emphasised at strategic level. One prominent example in this respect is the Romanian Military Strategy of 2021 (2021, pp. 3-4) which views it as one of the means of securing organisational and national resilience in a volatile, complex, and uncertain environment. Furthermore, as the 2020-2024 Romanian National Defence Strategy states (2020, p. 32), resilience is one of the key areas targeted by the NATO-EU cooperation agenda where Romania pledges to contribute. Following the strategic acknowledgment that professional military leadership is needed in order to meet future challenges in the defence and security field, the current article discusses the ways and means by which professional military leadership development can further the end of securing organisational resilience in the defence and security field, and hence that of consolidating national resilience."
19
Heck, Daniel J., James E. Tarr, Karen F. Hollebrands, Erica N. Walker, Robert Q. Berry III, Patricia C. Baltzley, Chris L. Rasmussen e Karen D. King. "Reporting Research for Practitioners: Proposed Guidelines". Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 43, n.º 2 (março de 2012): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/jresematheduc.43.2.0126.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) espouses priorities to foster stronger linkages between mathematics education research and teaching practice. Of the five foundational priorities, one is directly focused on research, indicating NCTM's commitment to “ensure that sound research is integrated into all activities of the Council” (NCTM, n.d.). Another priority specifically references the relationship between research and mathematics teaching; the priority on curriculum, instruction, and assessment states that NCTM pledges to “Provide guidance and resources for developing and implementing mathematics curriculum, instruction, and assessment that are coherent, focused, well-articulated, and consistent with research in the field [emphasis added], and focused on increasing student learning” (NCTM, n.d.).
20
Suma, Nasobi Niki. "Implementasi Percepatan Sertifikasi Tanah Wakaf Dalam Mengurai Konflik Agraria di Kecamatan Siliragung Kabupaten Banyuwangi". Jurnal Al-Tatwir 9, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2022): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35719/altatwir.v9i1.56.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The implementation of waqf is still mostly done in a way of mutual trust. This phenomenon makes waqf land not have strong agrarian legal legality and is prone to conflict. This condition also occurs in the District of Siliragung, Banyuwangi Regency. So that strategic steps related to accelerating waqf land certification need to be synergized with several parties to prevent agrarian conflicts. This study aims to explain the process of accelerating waqf land certification in Siliragung District, Banyuwangi Regency. In addition, this study also aims to analyze actions to resolve agrarian conflicts in Siliragung District, Banyuwangi Regency. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. The results showed that the process of accelerating waqf land certification in Siliragung District was by forming a task force team for accelerating waqf certificates, measuring and recording waqf land, making mass waqf pledges at Baiturrohman Mosque and inputting data to SIWAK (Waqf Information System). Actions to prevent agrarian conflicts are synergizing and collaborating with the Banyuwangi National Land Agency (BPN), the Banyuwangi Nahdlatul Ulama (PCNU) Branch Manager and the Nahdlatul Ulama Branch Council (MWCNU) and the Siliragung Religious Affairs Office (KUA). These Islamic institutions and organizations work together to speed up the process of issuing waqf certificates and making mass waqf pledges. Another action is by socializing waqf and applicable regulations related to waqf to the Islamic community in Siliragung District.
21
Pajtić, Bojan. "Animals as a subject of registered stocks". Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, n.º 2 (2020): 573–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-25584.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The adoption of the law that has introduced non-possessory lien securing the movable property and rights (colloquially called Act on registered pledge), allowed the commitment of animals, through registration in the register of stocks in the Business Registers Agency. The topic has been chosen, both because of the practical reasons (more and more domestic animals are being registered as collaterals in the Register), and because there are no articles on this topic in our legal science. In the article the emphasis is placed on the regulation of the legal status of animals, especially in the Act on registered bets, the Law on Obligations and Preliminary Draft of Serbian Civil Code. Special attention was devoted to the Animal Welfare Act, because of the provisions of this legal regulation that follow a series of obligations for the sides in the contract of registered pledge, as well as certain restrictions with regard to the animal as an object of inventory. Although our legislature is obliged, in accordance with the obligation of harmonizing national legal regulations with EU regulations, to implement higher standards in the treatment of animals as beings who have feelings, it is only partially done in our law. Draft Civil Code retains an approach that had the Law of Obligations Act 1978, treating animals as classical chattel. Such an approach has been abandoned in all the most important civil codification. The paper presents the proposals relating to the improvement of the existing legislation in this area. Proposals for amending the Law on registered pledges are defined in relation to issues not resolved by this piece of legislation, such as the question of the legal status of unborn offspring. It points to the practices of the Agency for Business Registers that is not based on law, which involves entering the maximum amount of credit to pledge any security. Despite the Act did not define the registered pledge restrictions in the case of animal advocacy, the paper, by applying provisions of the Animal Welfare Act, indicates which species should be excluded from the circle of potential subjects of pledge security, but also indicates the species that have not been registered ever, without obvious practical reasons, or formal ban.
22
Isnaini, Dani Mochtar. "Indonesia’s Climate Change Policies: Under the Tug of Domestic and International Influences". JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 1, n.º 2 (15 de julho de 2021): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.111-141.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Paris Agreement with its ‘bottom-up’ approach is an attempt to address climate change problem. The Parties of the Paris Agreement decide their own policies in the national scope and present it as pledges in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). I explore the evidence to the shaping of the climate change policies in Indonesia, mainly regarding NDCs and the engagement of actors behind the shaping of that pledge. The main question is which actor or combination of actors in terms of domestic and international interests actually influenced and shaped Indonesia’s NDCs? This article aims to give practical evidence regarding the influences of different positions among competing interests through negotiation. In terms of Indonesia’s policymaking, this study is hoped to foster a viewpoint for the sake of acceptable practices to intensify policymaking preferences. In this literature review Liberal Intergovernmentalism propositions were used in examining the dynamics at the domestic level as well as transnational/regional negotiation and interdependence. I also used multiple sources from other studies and governmental documents in the analysis of this qualitative research. As a result, some evidence were found, showing the influence of domestic actors such as Local and Environmental NGOs, CSOs, public perceptions to certain extent, and insignificant influence of business groups. I also found that the transnational institutions and developed countries have impacts on Indonesia’s CC policy framework, funding provision and the balance between mitigation and adaptation.
23
Levrinc, Miloš. "Assignments of Receivables in Civil and Commercial Matters Under the Laws of the Slovak Republic". Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 6, n.º 2 (14 de maio de 2023): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-6.2-a000223.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Background: Receivables play an increasingly important role in the financing of particularly small and medium-sized businesses. This importance has been recognised by many international organisations, including UNIDROIT, which is slated to adopt a Model Law on Factoring in 2023. The purpose of the Model Law is to encourage States to modernise their legal frameworks for absolute and security assignments, as well as pledges of receivables. The EU has been struggling to find common ground with respect to a regulation on the law applicable to assignments that would build on the Rome I Regulation. A modern receivables regime rests on several key foundation blocks that include the ability to describe receivables generically, achievement of third-party effectiveness by registration, and predictable priority rules. Much of the law of assignments is of contractual nature, which is suitable to party autonomy. Party autonomy in the field of contractual obligations is a recognised institution under the national substantive law of the legal order of the Slovak Republic. In some respects, the Slovak legal regime would benefit from modernisation, such as in requiring all types of assignments and pledges to be registered, which facilitates the determination of priorities. This article examines the law governing assignments of receivables in civil and commercial matters in the Slovak Republic. It not only analyses the statutory law but also surveys the relevant case law that fills gaps in the legislation. Methods: The author uses traditional scientific methods: logical methods - the method of analysis, the method of synthesis, the method of analogy, the descriptive method, as well as comparative method. First, the descriptive method was used to familiarise the reader with the applicable statutory provisions governing assignments of receivables in civil and commercial matters in the Slovak Republic. Second, the author analyses specific provisions with regard to current developments and practical applications. Third, the author uses a comparative method in highlighting the practical needs that incentivise the modernisation of the current legislation in light of recent developments, especially the upcoming adoption of the UNIDROIT Model Law on Factoring. Results and Conclusions: The Slovak regime for absolute assignments of receivables is governed by the Civil Code, which also applies to assignments in commercial transactions. The Code also recognises a security assignment of receivable. The pledge law reform in 2002 introduced a registration system for pledges of receivables. Special laws continue to govern specific types of receivables. Case law has addressed several aspects of transfers of receivables, particularly in insolvency. However, no statutory provision provides a priority rule among the statutorily-recognised types of transfers. Several other aspects have been clarified in case law. For instance, the Supreme Court of Slovakia defined a description standard for future receivables, which must be identified by the name of the transferor, debtor, and a category, such as a receivable arising from the following contract. The degree of specificity is driven by doctrinal considerations rather than the needs of practice. Several important practical aspects are neither grounded in a statutory foundation nor case law. One example is the lack of recognition of transfers of partial interests in a receivable, a practice that is common in the Slovak market. The law recognises and enforces an anti-assignment clause that would make a transfer ineffective. However, such a clause would be ineffective in the insolvency of the transferor, so the insolvency estate would include the receivable. In this aspect, Slovak law falls short of the international standards that override the effect of anti-assignment clauses. Since the pledge law reform over two decades ago, no statutory changes concerning transfers of receivables have been introduced. The interpretation of the existing framework by the courts exacerbates uncertainty. The lack of certainty and predictability embedded in the statutory framework that falls short of international standards are good reasons to consider reforming the framework.
24
Yu, Hongyuan, e Yunjie Zhu. "Kunming Summit on the Convention on Biological Diversity and China’s Environmental Diplomacy". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, n.º 04 (janeiro de 2020): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500232.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Beijing’s environmental diplomacy has gained growing momentum in recent years, reflecting China’s activism in a shifting global political and economic landscape. The upcoming 15th Conference of Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity in Kunming in southwestern China will be the first biodiversity-themed event Beijing will host since it signed up for global biodiversity governance in the early 1990s, offering another opportunity for Beijing to contribute its proposals and perspective to the global response to another slow-moving but deepening crisis. Despite the raised international expectations about the conference and the strategic action plan it is expected to produce, the focus of global biodiversity governance should be on delivering real results on existing pledges by addressing the major institutional shortcomings and building up national capabilities.
25
Rathny, Suy, Rashmi Chatterjee, Yen Yat, Md Amjad Hossain Reyad e Chhay Leaksmy. "An Overview of the Social Protection Policy on Well-being of the Elderly in Cambodia". Research on Ageing and Social Policy 6, n.º 2 (30 de julho de 2018): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/rasp.2018.3280.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The elderly people in Cambodia are confronting multiple sources of vulnerability; these include living with poorness, health functional disabilities, health issues, social isolation, and limited opportunities to get involved. The government of Cambodia is concerning about the welfare of the elderly, as expressed in the National Development Strategy where government pledges its commitment to promoting the welfare of the elderly by protecting and ensuring that the elderly people are provided with basic needs. On the other hand, social protection in Cambodia has been largely neglected or addressed with inadequate tools and insufficient funds, which leads Cambodia to vulnerability. The principal purpose of this review is to produce a summary of overall social protection system and government associated with the elderly in Cambodia.
26
Pranoto, Budi Eko. "News Reports on Indonesia’s Post-election 2024 from Selected National and International Newspaper: A Pragmatic Analysis". Journal of Pragmatics Research 6, n.º 1 (9 de abril de 2024): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/jopr.v6i1.89-112.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Indonesia’s presidential election 2024, as one of the largest democratic nations, gained wide attention from both national and international media. This research carries out a pragmatic analysis of news report on the post-presidential election of Indonesia 2024 from selected national and international newspapers using Austin (1962) and Searle’s (1969) Speech Act Theory. 30 utterances were purposively taken from three newspapers (The Jakarta Post, The Guardian, and The New York Times). By implementing qualitative research method, this research analysis discussed three aspects of Speech Acts: locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary. The result of the analysis showed that there was obvious finding on the reporting style of newspapers on the election outcome. Based on the analysis, assertive statements were dominantly found as it is in line with the nature of newspaper style; present factual information impartially, aiding in neutral and concise reporting. Directive statements wielded figures’ influence and attitudes toward ongoing issues. Commissive speech acts conveyed promises, pledges, and accusations persuasively, while declarative ones declared figures’ initiatives and actions on issues. Expressive speech acts reflected collective societal feelings, particularly regarding election outcomes.
27
Ntsoane, Lefa Sebolaisi. "The Registration of Special Notarial Bonds under the Security by Means of Movable Property Act and the Publicity Principle: Lessons from Developments in Belgium". Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 21 (19 de janeiro de 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2018/v21i0a2389.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Many people do not own immovable property to offer as security but do have movable property which can be offered as security for the repayment of a debt. In today’s world where the costs of a motor car can exceed that of a house, the increasing value of movable things makes it a popular and appropriate security object. Under the common law pledge, delivery of the movable property from the pledgor (debtor) to the pledgee (creditor) has to take place in order for the pledgee to acquire a real security right in the property. Delivery of the property is aimed at ensuring compliance with the publicity principle. The principle of publicity entails that the existence of a real security must be known to the public. With the aim to promote commerce, certain countries have taken the initiative in reforming their laws on pledge to allow the debtor to retain possession of the movable property that serves as security. Furthermore, technology has advanced to a level where national registration systems which can be accessed easily and at minimal costs can be established. The South African legislature enacted the Security by Means of Movable Property Act 57 of 1993 which makes provision for a pledge without possession. This Act deemed a duly registered notarial bond over specified movable property to have been delivered as if delivery has in fact taken place thereby substituted the common law delivery requirement with registration in the Deeds Office. On 30 May 2013, the Belgian House of Representatives adopted a Belgian Pledge Act which allows for a non-possessory pledge on movable property subject to registration in a newly created public register called the Electronic Pledge Register. This article therefore examines the efficacy of the registration system of special notarial bonds in South African law and whether this form of registration complies with the publicity principle looking at the developments of a computerised registration system taking place in Belgium.
28
Sarangi, Prakash. "Parties and policy: Convergence of pledges by Congress and the BJP in India 2009–2019". Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 6, n.º 4 (12 de outubro de 2021): 375–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20578911211050128.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article is an attempt to assess the extent of convergence in the policies of two major national political parties in India – Congress and the BJP – by examining their electoral pledges as expressed in their manifestoes during the last three general elections. We assumed that political parties take a stand on various policies to influence the opinion of the electorate. We arrive at the following conclusions. (1) Both the parties tend to respond to the needs of the marginalized – most of whom happen to be located at the median points of electorally salient policies. (2) Many of their promises in the areas of welfare policy are almost identical. The two parties hardly contradict each other on any of the major policies. (3) The beneficiaries of welfare policies tend to vote for a party that is formulating a favourable policy and is providing good governance. There is new trend in political representation in India. The needs and expectations of citizens are emerging as the primary determinants in the policy formulation of political parties.
29
Rogelj, Joeri, William Hare, Claudine Chen e Malte Meinshausen. "Discrepancies in historical emissions point to a wider 2020 gap between 2 °C benchmarks and aggregated national mitigation pledges". Environmental Research Letters 6, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2011): 024002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/6/2/024002.
Texto completo da fonte
30
DHARSANA, I. Made Pria, Indrasari KRESNADJAJA e I. Gusti Agung Jordika PRAMANDITYA. "Land Tenure of Small Islands and Coastal Areas in Economic and Defense Aspects". PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 5, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2021): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v5i2.220.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The question of the purpose of statehood hovers again to collect the pledges of the development actors. The goal to become a nation-state that provides a place and humane and proper way of life is still harassing residents of coastal areas and small islands as part of the natural resources bestowed by The One Almighty God to the Indonesian people. Coastal areas and outer small islands are national assets controlled by the state and need to be preserved and utilized as much as possible for the prosperity of the people, both for present and future generations and for the interests of defense and security. related to the threat of remote island tenure which by certain elements were transferred to the land tenure rights that should belong to the village customary land, but there was a process of transferring rights which were then held by foreigners with the argument related to economic issues that were less supportive in the area by nominee or by road rent that threatens the stability of national defense.
31
Lipson, Charles. "Why are some international agreements informal?" International Organization 45, n.º 4 (1991): 495–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033191.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Informal agreements are the most common form of international cooperation and the least studied. Ranging from simple oral deals to detailed executive agreements, they permit states to conclude profitable bargains without the formality of treaties. They differ from treaties in more than just a procedural sense. Treaties are designed, by long-standing convention, to raise the credibility of promises by staking national reputation on their adherence. Informal agreements have a more ambiguous status and are useful for precisely that reason. They are chosen to avoid formal and visible national pledges, to avoid the political obstacles of ratification, to reach agreements quickly and quietly, and to provide flexibility for subsequent modification or even renunciation. They differ from formal agreements not because their substance is less important (the Cuban missile crisis was solved by informal agreement) but because the underlying promises are less visible and more equivocal. The prevalence of such informal devices thus reveals not only the possibilities of international cooperation but also the practical obstacles and the institutional limits to endogenous enforcement.
32
Dutta, Akhil Ranjan. "The Naga National Struggle, ‘Framework Agreement’ and the Peace Prospects". Space and Culture, India 3, n.º 2 (1 de novembro de 2015): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i2.151.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The signing of the ‘Framework Agreement’ between the Government of India (GOI) and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) on 3 August 2015 that pledges to restore ‘pride and prestige’ of the Nagas takes place after more than six-and-a-half-decades of violence and militarisation of the Naga society. The Agreement has been signed at a moment when the Naga society is marked by enormous fragmentation from within. While, the GOI through the creation of the state of Nagaland in 1963 and other initiatives created a local ruling class opposed to long-cherished Nagas’ demand for sovereignty; on the other hand, the tribes-centric proliferation of various insurgent outfits has created hostilities within the Naga society. The continuance of security apparatuses like Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), 1958 and that of the top-down development paradigm has been in contrast to the social and cultural dynamics of the Naga society. The recent Accord, which has remained silent on those issues, however, has shifted the Naga national discourse from exclusive sovereignty of the Nagas in Nagaland to that of shared sovereignty of the Nagas within the Union of India. While, there have been celebrations of the Accord among the civil society forces in Nagaland spearheaded by Naga Hoho who for long have endeavoured to sustain ceasefires between GOI and the insurgent outfits in the state, there have, however, been serious reservations in regard to the efficacy of the Accord to restore peace, harmony and national pride among the Nagas.
33
Mustofa, Hasyim. "THE ROLE OF NOTARY IN DEED OF SALE AND PURCHACE AGREEMENT TO SUPPORT NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT". Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 4, n.º 2 (15 de agosto de 2017): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v4i2.1977.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Notary's duty is as a legal profession carrier in the making of Land sale and purchase Deed as a perfect proof. However, the Notary in carrying out his duties and authorities must pay attention to the formal and material aspects. In this case, there are some constraints such as the status of land and the Notary is not authorized to run a Position outside his/her position. Method approach used in this study was normative juridical, where the data source comes from secondary data, consisting of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The results of the research found that the role of notary in making the deed of land purchase agreement to support the national development rests with the legal relationship to bind the parties' engagement in the form of the PPJB (Sale and Purchase Binding Agreement) deed which can be used as the perfect evidence when one of the parties pledges through the lawsuit in the court. As well as obstacles in making the Deed PPJB include land status, such the status of customary land, State land and land letter C so as to violate the object of agreement as regulated in Article 1320 Civil Code. Furthermore, the unauthorized acts are as referred to in Article 85 of the Notary Position Law.
34
Kim, Dong-hwan, Do-hun Kim, Hyun Seok Kim, Seong-il Kim e Dong-Ho Lee. "Determinants of Bilateral REDD+ Cooperation Recipients in Kyoto Protocol Regime and Their Implications in Paris Agreement Regime". Forests 11, n.º 7 (12 de julho de 2020): 751. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/f11070751.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
A cooperative approach for REDD+ between developing and developed countries can be a sound means to achieve national and global mitigation targets. To accomplish the Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) of countries and the global 2 °C climate target more effectively, it is necessary to explore the coordination options, based on the understanding of bilateral REDD+ cooperation. This study explains the current status of bilateral REDD+ cooperation and investigates determinants affecting REDD+ recipient decisions of donor countries, by analyzing bilateral REDD+ arrangements, which has been promoted for 10 years under the the Kyoto Protocol regime from 2006 until 2015. The results show that Norway and Japan supported more than half of the total financial pledges for bilateral REDD+ projects for 10 years. Out of 87 REDD+ recipients, four countries—Brazil, India, Indonesia, and China—accounted for more than half of the 10-year financial pledges. Approximately 78% of total financing was found to be concentrated in the top 10 recipients. The aid darlings and orphans problem, the concentration of bilateral supports in a few developing countries and the exclusion of several developing countries from the recipient selection process, which has been discussed in ODA researches, was also observed. Applying a shared frailty model, recipient need, recipient merit, and donor interest was found to be the main determinants of donors’ REDD+ recipient decision. Donor interest and recipient merit were found to have more significant effects on the decision than recipient need. A balanced two-track approach is further required, in which, along with the bilateral REDD+ cooperation in the REDD+ darling countries, international organizations and multilateral funds for REDD+ need to increase financial accessibility, including the result-based compensation system for the REDD+ orphan countries.
35
Pickering, Jonathan, Frank Jotzo e Peter J. Wood. "Sharing the Global Climate Finance Effort Fairly with Limited Coordination". Global Environmental Politics 15, n.º 4 (novembro de 2015): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00325.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Mobilizing climate finance for developing countries is crucial for achieving a fair and effective global climate regime. To date, developed countries retain wide discretion over their national contributions. We explore how different degrees of international coordination may influence the fairness of the global financing effort, and we present quantitative scenarios, for both the metrics used to distribute the collective effort among countries contributing funding, and the number of contributing countries. We find that an intermediate degree of coordination—combining nationally determined financing pledges with a robust international review mechanism—may reduce distortions in relative efforts as well as shortfalls in overall funding, while reflecting reasonable differences over what constitutes a fair share. A broader group of contributors may do little to improve adequacy or equity unless it can converge on credible measures of responsibility and capacity. Our analysis highlights the importance of building common understandings about effort sharing.
36
Beswick, Danielle, e Mattias Hjort. "A missing link in understanding Party policy change? Conservative Party international volunteering projects and UK development policy (2007–2017)". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, n.º 3 (28 de março de 2019): 559–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119830041.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article analyses the rationale for and impacts of Conservative Party overseas volunteering projects from 2007 to 2017. Using interview data and participant observation, we uncover aims of project founders and explore impacts of volunteering on Party members and policy. We make three substantial contributions. The first focuses on the survival of Conservative Party modernisation strategies launched under David Cameron. Support for development, particularly Party pledges to spend 0.7% of UK gross national income on aid, are poorly explained by existing research. We argue that a focus on volunteering helps explain the survival of this commitment. Second, we argue that volunteering experience may support sustained Party policy change by enhancing ‘issue ownership’. Our final contribution is providing the first analysis of political parties as development-volunteer sending communities. Through new data and distinctive contributions, we demonstrate that understanding Party-supported volunteering promotes improved explanations of Party modernisation persistence and policy change.
37
Anderson, Danaë, Erling Rasmussen e Barry Foster. "The Major Parties: National's and Labour's Employment Relations Policies". New Zealand Journal of Employment Relations 45, n.º 1 (8 de outubro de 2020): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/nzjer.v45i1.13.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The 2020 election campaign has been divisive and extended, with the election date delayed in August by a month (from 19th September) to 17th October. The Covid-19 pandemic has influenced public policies to an unprecedented degree as well as playing havoc with the political parties’ voter support. While there, initially, did not seem to be many major policy differences between the two main parties, a clear choice has been established during the election campaign. Aside from National’s crucial choice of promising tax cuts and stronger debt reduction targets, a clear distinction in employment relations policies has also been established. Labour continues its policy priorities, which include new employment relations initiatives and large employment support policies, while National pledges more employer-determined flexibility and employee choice in respect of statutory minima and educational opportunities. However, although there have already been many election promises, there appears to be no comprehensive plan from either party of how to establish a sustainable, high skill and highly productive economy along with associated workplace relationships.
38
Ruiz, Mabell, e Fabian Diaz. "Life Cycle Sustainability Evaluation of Potential Bioenergy Development for Landfills in Colombia". Environmental and Climate Technologies 26, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 454–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rtuect-2022-0035.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract The Colombian energy matrix faces significant changes toward meeting its energy needs while fulfilling its pledges in the Intended National Determined Contributions linked to the Paris Agreement. The country has developed a plan for energy transition with a 2050 horizon, a strategy reflected and supported by new legislative packages. Within its design, biomass and biomass waste play a vital role in bioenergy production; however, the benefits of deploying new bioenergy production facilities have not been fully accounted for, including only an economic and climate change perspective. In this work, a Life Cycle Sustainability Assessment of a potential bioenergy plant for industrial symbiosis with the largest landfill in the country is undertaken, avoiding environmental burden shifting between environmental damage categories and exposing the social potential of such projects. The results show how these types of projects are economically feasible and have the potential to boost the sustainable development of local communities, which under the Colombian context, have been structurally relegated from conventional economic growth for decades.
39
Sullivan, Jonathan, e Eliyahu V. Sapir. "Ma Ying-jeou's Presidential Discourse". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, n.º 3 (setembro de 2012): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100303.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Despite the substantial advances made in cross-Strait relations during Ma Ying-jeou's (Ma Yingjiu) first term, the ROC president's rhetoric varied considerably as he grappled with the difficult reality of implementing campaign and inauguration pledges to establish better relations with China while striving to maintain national respect and sovereignty. In this article, we put forward a framework for measuring, analysing and explaining this variation in President Ma's first-term discourse. Analysing a very large number of Ma's speeches, addresses, etc., we provide empirical assessments of how the content of Ma's public pronouncements has developed over time, how his rhetoric varies according to the strategic context and timing of a speech, and how his discourse compares to that of his predecessor, Chen Shui-bian (Chen Shuibian). In addressing these questions, the article contributes a quantitative perspective to existing work on political discourse in Taiwan and to the growing methodological and applied literature on how to systematically analyse Chinese political text.
40
Benjamin, Lisa. "The Responsibilities of Carbon Major Companies: Are They (and Is the Law) Doing Enough?" Transnational Environmental Law 5, n.º 2 (outubro de 2016): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102516000194.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractTransnational carbon major companies are responsible for over 30% of global industrial greenhouse gas emissions and exert tremendous influence over future global climate trajectories. Yet, they are not governed through top-down, stringent emissions limits, but are instead regulated largely by disclosure-only domestic requirements and market-based or voluntary corporate social responsibility mechanisms. Through an examination of the requirements of domestic laws such as the United Kingdom (UK) Climate Change Act 2008 and the UK Energy Act 2013, as well as the environmental and sustainability reports produced under the UK Companies Act 2006 (Strategic Report and Directors’ Report) Regulations 2013, this article analyzes the regulatory requirements placed on carbon majors, and the climate change pledges and emissions of five UK-based carbon majors: BP, Royal Dutch Shell, BG Group, National Grid, and Centrica. The article concludes that the efforts to curb emissions in these carbon major entities are being subverted by company law, company theory and commercial norms such as shareholder wealth maximization.
41
Aganaba-Jeanty, Timiebi, e Anna Huggins. "Satellite Measurement of GHG Emissions: Prospects for Enhancing Transparency and Answerability under International Law". Transnational Environmental Law 8, n.º 02 (15 de maio de 2019): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102519000104.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractRecent technological advancements are facilitating the use of satellite remote-sensing techniques for the measurement of atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gas emissions. This article evaluates the potential for these satellite-enabled measurements to contribute to transparency and answerability for state emissions, with a focus on international space law and policy, and the Paris Agreement to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We show that in the context of the international space governance framework, the dissemination of integrated emissions data sets has the potential to enhance public answerability for the mitigation performance of states. Under the Paris Agreement, there is scope for space-based measurement techniques to provide an independent data source to support verification activities for national emissions inventories, and for aggregated data to be utilized as part of the global stocktake under Article 14. There are, however, a number of impediments to translating these transparency gains into enhanced answerability for states’ emissions reduction pledges.
42
Smith Jr., Fred. "On Time, (In)equality, and Death". Michigan Law Review, n.º 120.2 (2021): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.120.2.time.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In recent years, American institutions have inadvertently encountered the bodies of former slaves with increasing frequency. Pledges of respect are common features of these discoveries, accompanied by cultural debates about what “respect” means. Often embedded in these debates is an intuition that there is something special about respecting the dead bodies, burial sites, and images of victims of mass, systemic horrors. This Article employs legal doctrine, philosophical insights, and American history to both interrogate and anchor this intuition. Law can inform these debates because we regularly turn to legal settings to resolve disputes about the dead. Yet the passage of time, systemic dehumanization, and changing egalitarian norms all complicate efforts to apply traditional legal considerations to disputes about victims of subordination. While, for example, courts usually consult decedents’ expressed intentions to resolve disputes, how do we divine the wishes of people who died centuries ago, under a legal system designed to negate and dishonor their intentions? How do we honor relationships like kinship for people who were routinely and forcibly separated from their kin? And how do we assess the motives or culpability of institutions that, in prior generations, were complicit in profound horrors, but now pledge honor and respect? This Article offers a theory of time and equality to help guide cultural and legal debates about the treatment of dead victims of mass horror. On this account, we can become complicit in past, systemic subordination by dishonoring the memories of victims. Systemic neglect and exploitation of a group’s bodies and images can diminish the role of that group in shaping our national memory. And if it is wrong to deny a person the ability to leave a legacy on account of race under contemporary egalitarian norms, then we ought not engage in posthumous acts against the enslaved and other systemically debased persons that perpetually rob them of such a legacy.
43
Bates, Paul D., James Savage, Oliver Wing, Niall Quinn, Christopher Sampson, Jeffrey Neal e Andrew Smith. "A climate-conditioned catastrophe risk model for UK flooding". Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences 23, n.º 2 (7 de março de 2023): 891–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhess-23-891-2023.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract. We present a transparent and validated climate-conditioned catastrophe flood model for the UK, that simulates pluvial, fluvial and coastal flood risks at 1 arcsec spatial resolution (∼ 20–25 m). Hazard layers for 10 different return periods are produced over the whole UK for historic, 2020, 2030, 2050 and 2070 conditions using the UK Climate Projections 2018 (UKCP18) climate simulations. From these, monetary losses are computed for five specific global warming levels above pre-industrial values (0.6, 1.1, 1.8, 2.5 and 3.3 ∘C). The analysis contains a greater level of detail and nuance compared to previous work, and represents our current best understanding of the UK's changing flood risk landscape. Validation against historical national return period flood maps yielded critical success index values of 0.65 and 0.76 for England and Wales, respectively, and maximum water levels for the Carlisle 2005 flood were replicated to a root mean square error (RMSE) of 0.41 m without calibration. This level of skill is similar to local modelling with site-specific data. Expected annual damage in 2020 was GBP 730 million, which compares favourably to the observed value of GBP 714 million reported by the Association of British Insurers. Previous UK flood loss estimates based on government data are ∼ 3× higher, and lie well outside our modelled loss distribution, which is plausibly centred on the observations. We estimate that UK 1 % annual probability flood losses were ∼ 6 % greater for the average climate conditions of 2020 (∼ 1.1 ∘C of warming) compared to those of 1990 (∼ 0.6 ∘C of warming), and this increase can be kept to around ∼ 8 % if all countries' COP26 2030 carbon emission reduction pledges and “net zero” commitments are implemented in full. Implementing only the COP26 pledges increases UK 1 % annual probability flood losses by 23 % above average 1990 values, and potentially 37 % in a “worst case” scenario where carbon reduction targets are missed and climate sensitivity is high.
44
Resch, E., M. K. Wiik, L. G. Tellnes, I. Andresen, E. Selvig e S. Stoknes. "FutureBuilt Zero - A simplified dynamic LCA method with requirements for low carbon emissions from buildings". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1078, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 2022): 012047. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1078/1/012047.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract FutureBuilt is a voluntary program for ambitious low-carbon construction projects. To incentivize measures that lead to the lowest climate change impact from all aspects of buildings and according to national Paris agreement pledges, FutureBuilt Zero introduces an ambition level and a novel calculation methodology for net climate change impacts over the life of a building. The ambition level is tightened over time to help Norway achieve its climate goals. A comprehensive simplified calculation method is introduced, which considers how the timing of emissions during the building life affects the contribution to global warming. Both direct and indirect emissions throughout the lifetime are included; energy use in operation and at the construction site, material production and transport of materials to the construction site, and waste management (incineration). In addition, the climate-positive effects of biogenic carbon uptake, carbonation of cement, potential for future reusability, and exported energy are included. This paper presents the criteria, describes the method and the scientific basis as well as the principles and logic behind the choices made.
45
Goutam Singh, Khwairakpam. "Borderland Realities: Decoding the Socioeconomic and Political Complexities of the Indo-Myanmar Border". Aug-Sep 2023, n.º 35 (18 de setembro de 2023): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.35.8.18.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This paper examines the complex dynamics of the Indo-Myanmar border regions through an array of lenses, including historical ties, economic interdependence, political relations, security concerns, and social impacts. A recent geopolitical event, the military coup in Myanmar in 2021, and the COVID-19 pandemic's impact on the economic survival of the borderland populace have been integrated into the study in a novel way. This study employs a multi-disciplinary approach to examine the transformation of historical and cultural connections into intricate economic and social systems. These systems are influenced by the interplay of local communities and national policies, such as India's "Look East Policy" and "Act East Policy" initiatives. It critiques these policies for failing to deliver on their economic pledges and highlights security vulnerabilities. It contends that the region's complexity necessitates multidimensional interventions and argues that any resolution must be collaboratively orchestrated at both the local and international levels. It persuasively argues for a nuanced approach that respects the distinctive attributes of cultural coexistence while addressing the geopolitical exigencies that compromise the stability and livelihood of border communities.
46
Hickmann, Thomas, Christoph Bertram, Frank Biermann, Elina Brutschin, Elmar Kriegler, Jasmine E. Livingston, Silvia Pianta, Keywan Riahi, Bas Van Ruijven e Detlef Van Vuuren. "Exploring Global Climate Policy Futures and Their Representation in Integrated Assessment Models". Politics and Governance 10, n.º 3 (21 de setembro de 2022): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i3.5328.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, paved the way for a new hybrid global climate governance architecture with both bottom-up and top-down elements. While governments can choose individual climate goals and actions, a global stocktake and a ratcheting-up mechanism have been put in place with the overall aim to ensure that collective efforts will prevent increasing adverse impacts of climate change. Integrated assessment models show that current combined climate commitments and policies of national governments fall short of keeping global warming to 1.5 °C or 2 °C above preindustrial levels. Although major greenhouse gas emitters, such as China, the European Union, India, the United States under the Biden administration, and several other countries, have made new pledges to take more ambitious climate action, it is highly uncertain where global climate policy is heading. Scenarios in line with long-term temperature targets typically assume a simplistic and hardly realistic level of harmonization of climate policies across countries. Against this backdrop, this article develops four archetypes for the further evolution of the global climate governance architecture and matches them with existing sets of scenarios developed by integrated assessment models. By these means, the article identifies knowledge gaps in the current scenario literature and discusses possible research avenues to explore the pre-conditions for successful coordination of national policies towards achieving the long-term target stipulated in the Paris Agreement.
47
Park, Oi Byung. "A Study on the Establishment of Performance Evaluation Guidelines for Local Police". Korean Association of Public Safety and Criminal Justice 31, n.º 4 (30 de dezembro de 2022): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21181/kjpc.2022.31.4.55.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
With the introduction of the local police system, it is divided into national police affairs and local police affairs, raising the need to revise the previously implemented national police performance evaluation system to suit the circumstances of each region. Accordingly, the municipal police committees stipulate the evaluation of autonomous police affairs as their jurisdiction, but there are still no specific guidelines for evaluating the performance of autonomous police. Therefore, this study aims to establish guidelines for the performance evaluation of autonomous police by the municipal police committees. Accordingly, three out of six performance indicators have significantly improved the current indicators, two quantitative performance indicators have been maintained, and new traffic indicators have been developed so that the municipal police committees can actually play a role in evaluating the performance of the autonomous police. In addition, it proposes a performance evaluation system to motivate evaluators to pay attention and passion by proposing various incentives such as special pledges for excellent performance, on-site inspections of overseas autonomous police, individual commendations, group commendations, and prize money. As a result, the qualitative performance indicators proposed in this study are expected to increase local residents' trust in local police by autonomously preparing plans for local police affairs, continuously executing them regardless of personnel changes or accidents, and raising appropriate policing performance.
48
Chan, Nicholas. "Climate Contributions and the Paris Agreement: Fairness and Equity in a Bottom-Up Architecture". Ethics & International Affairs 30, n.º 3 (2016): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679416000228.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
One of the chief aspects of last December's landmark Paris Agreement on climate change was the acceptance of the notion that all states would make a “contribution” to the global effort to address climate change. These voluntary, nationally determined, non-binding pledges are the most visible feature of the reorientation of the international climate regime away from its previous emphasis on “top-down” international coordination, and toward a “bottom-up” architecture that provides greater national flexibility in order to induce broader participation. At the same time, however, the agreement to keep the rise in average global temperatures to below 2 degrees Celsius indicates that there is a limit to the quantity of carbon that can be emitted to meet this temperature goal, raising the challenge of how to apportion this carbon “budget” among states. Can a fair distribution of the carbon budget be achieved amid voluntary contributions? This paper first discusses the tension between the top-down distribution that a carbon budget approach generally implies, and the bottom-up institutional elements of the new climate architecture. Second, it reviews the alternative ways in which considerations of fairness have been integrated into the design of the Paris Agreement, and the rise of “national circumstances” as the context for fairness. Finally, this paper points to the increased role for normative argumentation in this bottom-up world, where new norms embedded in the Paris Agreement, especially relating to increases in national ambition, take on greater importance in efforts to achieve an equitable response to climate change.
49
SHIM, Sung-Eun. "Why does France turn to be far-rightist?: Reconquête as a niche party faced with RN". Korean Society for European Integration 13, n.º 3 (30 de novembro de 2022): 149–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.149.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
It is remarkable that, during the French presidential election in 2022, there are two far-right parties: Reconquête and Rassemblée nationale(RN). After creation at the end of 2021, approval rating for Reconquête rose from 13% to 16% and then fell, winning 7.1% of the votes at the first round of 2022 presidential election. Approval rating for Marine Le Pen was in inverse proportion to that of Reconquête. This paper aims to analyze the rise of Reconquête with a niche party theory, trying to confirm it through parties leaders’ declarations, on the one hand, and election pledges of the Reconquête, Front national(FN) and RN party of 2002 and 2022, on the other hand. Analysis shows that the emergence of Reconquête was a consequence of Marine Le Pen’s “dédiabolisation” strategy. In order to keep distance from Jean-Marie Le Pen who caused several scandals by his radical remarks, Marine Le Pen changed the Party’s name from FN to RN, and tried to correct the excessively far-righted path, similar to fascist one. RN succeeded in becoming less extreme far-right party, and was finally criticized for being “too normal”, leaving an extreme far-right party’s place vacant. Reconquête took over the position of an extreme far-right party that had been vacant, and therefore became more politically similar to that of Jean-Marie Le Pen. Common points of two leaders are found in radical remarks which led them sometimes to be sentenced to be guilty, and in the similar campaign pledges of Jean-Marie Le Pen in 2002 and Zemmour in 2022. For these aspects, Reconquête can be seen as a niche party, given that it does not depend on a specific ideology, and keeps strong policy rigidity. In addition, Zemmour’s policy follows extreme far-right tendencies of Jean-Marie Le Pen, which contributes to maintain a consistent minority support in the sense that existing parties are reluctant to deal with it. Moreover, the niche party strategy of Reconquête expanded the support base of the far-right parties. RN’s maximum approval rating was just over 26% before the rise of Reconquête, but, when the latter was included in the polls since September 2021, and during the first round of the 2022 presidential election, the total approval rating for the two far-right parties increased further to 30.3%, which is much more than 26% of RN. Yet, it is possible that the political position of far-rights parties in France would be depend on whether Reconquête will keep its stance as a niche party in the next elections, or its niche party position will be weakened.
50
Ban, Sang Jin. "A Political Analysis of the Yoon Government’s Higher Education Reform Policy Process". Korea Society Of The Politics Of Education 30, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52183/kspe.2023.30.4.1.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The purpose of this study was to analyze of the characteristics and issues of the current government’s higher education policy design and implementation process, and the contents of major higher education policies. As the results of it, first, the current government’s education reform design and implementation process tends to independently pursue Ministry of Education-led policies that the ruling power wants to do with less than 20% of the presidential election pledges, national tasks, to launch in the image of an unprepared government, and to implement the policies that lacks consistency and reliability in the presidential election process, since the beginning of the administration.
Second, among the current government’s higher education policies, major contents and issues were discussed, focusing on deregulation policies for higher education, establishment of the Regional Innovation System & Education (RISE), fostering Glocal universities, and special accounts for higher and lifelong education support.
Currently, the main issues of higher education are to amplify confrontation and conflict with the education community, so the government needs to change its perception of designing and operating predictable and sympathetic higher education policies through transparent and democratic procedures in the future.