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Teo, Terri-Anne. "Multiculturalism beyond citizenship: The inclusion of non-citizens". Ethnicities 21, n.º 1 (7 de janeiro de 2021): 165–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796820984939.
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This article questions multiculturalism’s reliance on citizenship as a default condition of inclusion. While agreeing with multiculturalists that there are groups within the citizenry who are excluded from citizenship rights on the basis of their cultural background, this article highlights the misrecognition of non-citizens that is yet unaccounted for by Anglophone theories of multiculturalism where eligibility to multicultural rights-claiming hinges on the condition of formal citizenship. The status of non-citizenship affects conceptions of ‘difference’ where representations of cultural ‘otherness’ are compounded by the ‘foreignness’ of non-citizens. Frameworks of multicultural citizenship entail recognition through group-specific rights, but only for citizens, in so doing excluding the needs and rights of non-citizens. The assumption made by multiculturalists is that citizenship is a condition of multicultural rights and/or recognition despite scenarios where non-citizens may not desire the citizenship of their host country, or the idea of ‘belonging’ it is attached to. Appealing to multiculturalist principles and the neo-republican notion of non-domination, I argue that multiculturalism as a theory can challenge the limitations of citizenship by expanding its compass to include non-citizens as multicultural subjects.
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Uberoi, Varun, e Tariq Modood. "The emergence of the Bristol School of Multiculturalism". Ethnicities 19, n.º 6 (3 de maio de 2019): 955–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796819840728.
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Geoffrey Brahm Levey plausibly describes how a group of scholars who he calls the ‘Bristol School of Multiculturalism’ (BSM) differ from scholars who are often called Liberal Multiculturalists (LMs). We expand Levey's analysis by showing what in the history of the BSM's thought made the liberalism and the multiculturalism of LMs unconvincing for BSM scholars. Hence, we show how certain thinkers influenced BSM scholars in ways that made them unwilling to offer liberal theories and how BSM scholars began their work with multiculturalist ideas that differ from the multiculturalist ideas of LMs.
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Kymlicka, Will. "Testing the Liberal Multiculturalist Hypothesis: Normative Theories and Social Science Evidence". Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, n.º 2 (28 de maio de 2010): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000041.
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Abstract. For much of the 1990s, the academic literature on multiculturalism was heavily normative, dominated by political philosophers who developed idealized theories of a distinctly liberal–democratic form of multicultural citizenship. This “liberal multiculturalism hypothesis”—the notion that multiculturalism policies can be adopted without jeopardizing core liberal–democratic values—has been quite influential, shaping debates not just within the field of philosophy, but more widely in academia and indeed in public life. Many social scientists, however, question whether multiculturalism in the real world has been so benign. This paper considers the available evidence, empirically testing the liberal multiculturalism hypothesis, both in Canada and cross-nationally. What does this evidence tell us about the prospects for liberal–democratic multiculturalism and about the impact of multicultural policies on liberal–democratic values?Résumé. Au cours des années 1990, la littérature académique sur le multiculturalisme était décidément normative, dominée par des philosophes politiques qui ont développé des théories idéalisées d'une forme de citoyenneté multiculturelle nettement libérale-démocrate. Cette «hypothèse du multiculturalisme libéral» – la notion que des politiques de multiculturalisme peuvent être adoptées sans compromettre les valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie libérale – s'est avérée très influente, structurant les débats non seulement dans l'enceinte de la philosophie, mais aussi dans l'arène plus vaste du milieu académique et même dans la vie publique. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines, cependant, se demandent si le multiculturalisme dans le monde réel a été si bénin. Cet article examine la preuve disponible tout en évaluant empiriquement l'hypothèse du multiculturalisme libéral, tant au Canada qu'ailleurs. Que nous indique cette preuve concernant l'avenir du multiculturalisme libéral démocratique et l'impact des politiques multiculturelles sur les valeurs de la démocratie libérale?
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Villegas Giraldo, Pablo Andrés. "Dignidad de la mujer y multiculturalismo = Dignitiy of women and multiculturalism". FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 3, n.º 1 (5 de fevereiro de 2018): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2018.4081.
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Resumen. Este trabajo se centra en la discusión entre multiculturalismo y feminismo, orientando la atención a las sociedades multiculturales que están llenas de prácticas y tradiciones basadas en las ideologías de género, hecho claramente destacado por investigadores sociales como María Dolors Molas Font y Susan Moller Okin, entre otros. En culturas patriarcales como la nuestra es común permitir e incluso facilitar que los hombres controlen a las mujeres, anulando así su reconocimiento de la dignidad. Según la perspectiva hegeliana del reconocimiento y entendiendo la dignidad con un matiz kantiano, se propone resolver la antinomia entre el multiculturalismo y el feminismo desde un plano educativo. Para ello, la experiencia de la maestra y etnoeducadora Laura Montoya se expone groso modo en la última parte de este trabajo.Palabras clave: multiculturalismo, dignidad de la mujer, reconocimiento, educación, Laura Montoya.Abstract. This work is about the discussion between multiculturalism and feminism, orienting the attention to the multicultural societies are packed with practices and traditions base of gender ideology, a fact that is clearly emphasized by social investigators like Maria Dolors Molas Font and Susan Moller Okin, between others. In patriarchal cultures like ours it is common to allow men to control women, annulling in this way their dignity recognition. According to the perspective hegelian of the recognition and understanding dignity with a Kantian shade, the idea is contributed of that the antinomy between the multiculturalismo and the feminism can solve from an educational plane. For it, the experience of the teacher and etnia educator Laura Montoya is exposed in the last part of this work.Keywords: multiculturalism, dignity of women, recognition, education, Laura Montoya
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Lutovac, Zoran. "Multiculturality and multiculturalism in “Western Balkans”". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n.º 175 (2020): 345–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2075345l.
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When researching multiculturalism and the process of Europeanisation in Serbia and countries of the region, one must first examine the status of multiculturality and multiculturalism, from the normative framework to states? policies which decidedly determine the nature and functioning of a political community. Starting from the fact that the context, nature and structure of a political community determines the essence of rights and freedoms stipulated by the constitution and laws, as well as that a synergy of good laws and sound policies enables an effective policy of multiculturality, integration and interlacing of cultures of diverse national communities in a society, the proclaimed multiculturalism was studied in this paper, with a view to ascertain whether such constitutional and legislative framework and policies exist, and if they did, whether there was concerted action between them. The key finding was that the states of the region support a civil state in principle, that they are exclusively or predominantly nationally legitimised by the highest legislative acts and that the factual state is marked by various national cultural identities that are not integrated into the model of plural citizenship. The paper shows that there is a lack of political will to transform the declared support for a pluralistic civil state into public policies affirming the values of multiculturalism, as well as that there is a lack of strong institutions to support such policy. Creating civil awareness, strengthening civil values and virtues are not priorities for state institutions or media controlled by governments. Rather than that, their priority is to strengthen national identities. Hence, based on the above, we can affirm that civil states, civil values and civil identities are only at initial stages, i.e. that they are still, only occasionally, at the level of general programme orientation and set aims. The necessary ingredient for their firm establishment is a consolidated democracy and acceptance of universal values of developed democracies, such as the rule of law and protection of human rights and freedoms.
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Makariev, Plamen. "Liberal Democracy And Cultural Diversity – Between Norms And Facts". Balkan Journal of Philosophy 11, n.º 2 (2019): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bjp201911218.
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This article has been written in response to the texts by Richard Robson (“In What Sense is Multiculturalism a Form of Communitarianism”), and Slobodan Divjak (“Communitarianism, Multiculturalism and Liberalism”) with which the Balkan Journal of Philosophy (vol. 10, no 2, 2018) started a discussion on the theme Liberal Democracy and Cultural Diversity. I try to contest the position of these two authors–that multiculturalism and communitarianism belong to one and the same paradigm in political philosophy–by pointing out essential liberal normative elements in multiculturalist theory. My main thesis is that in order to clarify the relation between multiculturalism and communitarianism, we have to differentiate between descriptive and normative communitarianism. The latter is guided, in my opinion, by values, which stand in stark contrast with the liberal ones, whilst this is not the case with multiculturalism.
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Siegel, Harvey. "Multiculturalism and rationality". Theory and Research in Education 5, n.º 2 (julho de 2007): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477878507077735.
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Do cultures differ with respect to judgments of rationality? If so, does it follow that rationality is culturally specific, or that cultures have their own `rationalities'? If so, does it further follow that the philosophical status or worthiness of multiculturalism as a social value or ideal varies from culture to culture? In this article I consider the relationship between rationality and multiculturalism; offer a characterization of the latter that enables it to survive Stanley Fish$quoteright$s claim that `no one could possibly be a multiculturalist in any interesting and coherent sense'; criticize Richard Shweder$quoteright$s case for `divergent rationality'; and argue for a `universalistic', culture-independent understanding of rationality.
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Osuri, Goldie. "Transnational Bio/Necropolitics: Hindutva and its Avatars (Australia/India)". Somatechnics 1, n.º 1 (março de 2011): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2011.0011.
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In the US diasporic context, Kamat and Matthews (2003) have traced how Hindu nationalists draw on multiculturalist discourse for their presence while simultaneously funding cultural and political projects in India that incite hate and conduct violence against Muslim and Christian communities. In the Australian context, Hindu nationalist organisations have legitimised and consolidate themselves through the rhetoric of liberal multiculturalism. Such strategies which draw on state rhetoric of multiculturalism while simultaneously engaging in hate campaigns against Muslim and Christian others demonstrates Hindutva's ability to operate through a transnational necropolitics. This paper explores how a state biopolitics of multiculturalism enables the violence of Hindutva's necropolitics in the transnational routes between Australia and India.
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Divjak, Slobodan. "Communitarianism, Multiculturalism and Liberalism". Balkan Journal of Philosophy 10, n.º 2 (2018): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bjp201810218.
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In the first part of this text, the author exposes the main features of the liberal or civic state, because both communitarians and multiculturalists tend to criticize that type of state. Their critique of the liberal state and the liberal self as an unencumbered self is “culturalist” by its character. However, it is an expression of conceptual confusion, i.e. of their incomprehension of an essential difference between two conceptual levels: one that belongs to the purely normative rights-justifying perspective and the other that refers to the ontological perspective. Consequently, both of them reject the central liberal thesis according to which the right is prior to the good.The author agrees with an assessment of Richard Robson that multiculturalism is only a form of communitarianism. Contrary to communitarians and multiculturalists, he additionally argues that collective rights are incompatible with the civic state in its pure form because there are structural differences between civic and specific minority rights.Further, the author attempts to show that communitarianism and multiculturalism are forms of postmodernism. Namely, brought to their ultimate logical consequences, the mentioned orientations can be connected to the postmodern notion of radical, irreducible difference.In the conclusive part of the text, he summarizes the common points of communitarianism and multiculturalism and emphasizes the importance of these contemporary theoretical tendencies.
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Kwon, Ronald, e Elizabeth Hughes. "Multiculturalist policies in an age of immigration: Do multiculturalist policies influence negative immigrant attitudes toward homosexuality?" Ethnicities 18, n.º 5 (11 de janeiro de 2018): 655–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817752013.
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In this article, we provide an empirical analysis of the relationship between multiculturalist policies and immigrant attitudes toward homosexuality. Normative discourses implicate multiculturalism as a key obstacle to the sociocultural integration between immigrants and natives within affluent democracies. At the core of this controversial debate are differences over the extent to which multiculturalism impedes or promotes the adoption of sexual norms from host societies to immigrants. However, a dearth of empirical studies has allowed political actors to levy broad, but largely speculative, claims that multiculturalist policies aggravate cultural conflicts between incoming immigrants and the values of host societies. We begin to address this issue by examining whether immigrants’ attitudes toward homosexuality vary in any direction across multicultural contexts. We find no evidence that multicultural policies exacerbate negative attitudes toward homosexuality, or facilitate the greater acceptance of sociocultural norms surrounding homosexuality for immigrants and Muslim immigrants. The findings are consistent across alternative measures of multiculturalism and two large cross-national samples: The European Social Survey and the World Values Survey. Interestingly, we find some support that multiculturalist policies may be correlated with greater acceptance of homosexuality among natives rather than immigrant respondents. However, further research is necessary to develop and unpack this potential relationship.
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Regus, Maksimus. "Multiculturalism under Threat and Strategies in Constructing Inclusive Spaces in Europe and Southeast Asia Regions". Global Focus 3, n.º 2 (31 de outubro de 2023): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.02.2.
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Multiculturalism is among the best solutions to social groups' clashes, tensions, and conflicts. It provides an open, fair, and equal political and social policy to all elements in one society. However, multiculturalism strengthens radicalism and terrorism when the attention and respect for social identity are unequal. This article examines multiculturalism's situation, trends, and challenges in the European and Southeast Asian regions. Additionally, the paper elaborates on the challenges of building inclusive spaces in multicultural societies. Data were analyzed using a systematic-critical qualitative review method. Information was sourced from previous studies, reports from international websites, news, and analyses on the condition of multiculturalism in these two regions.
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Parvin, Phil. "Integration and Identity in an International Context: Problems and Ambiguities in the New Politics of Multiculturalism". Political Studies Review 7, n.º 3 (setembro de 2009): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2009.00187.x.
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Debates about multiculturalism, minority rights, and identity dominated Anglo-American political theory during the majority of the 1990s, and continue to raise important questions concerning the nature of citizenship, community, and the responsibilities of liberal states. They were popular, too, among policy makers, politicians, and journalists: many academics and practitioners were, for a time, united in their support for multiculturalism. Just as the philosophical literature at that time became more ‘multiculturalist’, so many European states increasingly adopted multiculturalist policies as a way of including historically marginalised groups into mainstream liberal culture or, in some cases, as a way of protecting minority groups from unfair pressures from the majority culture. However, as time has gone on, the multiculturalist turn in liberal political theory, and among many European governments, has waned. In the wake of terrorist atrocities around the world, growing concerns about the erosion of civic and national identity, and fears that cultural recognition can permit illiberal practices, many academics and practitioners have sought to distance themselves from the idea that it is a role of the state to afford special treatment to cultural minorities, and have sought once again to emphasise those common bonds which unite citizens of liberal democratic states, rather than those cultural identities which may serve to divide them. This article evaluates some of the recent philosophical literature on multiculturalism against the changing political landscape in Britain and Europe and suggests that the multiculturalist position remains weakened by a number of crucial ambiguities.
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Durante, Chris. "Bioethics and multiculturalism: nuancing the discussion". Journal of Medical Ethics 44, n.º 2 (11 de agosto de 2017): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2015-103334.
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In his recent analysis of multiculturalism, Tom Beauchamp has argued that those who implement multicultural reasoning in their arguments against common morality theories, such as his own, have failed to understand that multiculturalism is neither a form of moral pluralism nor ethical relativism but is rather a universalistic moral theory in its own right. Beauchamp’s position is indeed on the right track in that multiculturalists do not consider themselves ethical relativists. Yet, Beauchamp tends to miss the mark when he argues that multiculturalism is in effect a school of thought that endorses a form of moral universalism that is akin to his own vision of a common morality. As a supporter of multiculturalism, I would like to discuss some aspects of Beauchamp’s comments on multiculturalism and clarify what a multicultural account of public bioethics might look like. Ultimately, multiculturalism is purported as a means of managing diversity in the public arena and should not be thought of as endorsing either a version of moral relativism or a universal morality. By simultaneously refraining from the promotion of a comprehensive common moral system while it attempts to avoid a collapse into relativism, multiculturalism can serve as the ethico-political framework in which diverse moralities can be managed and in which opportunities for ethical dialogue, debate and deliberation on the prospects of common bioethical norms are made possible.
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Fozia, Qurat ul Aein. "Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship: A Thereotical Debate". ICR Journal 12, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2021): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v12i1.812.
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Over the last few decades, the term ‘multiculturalism’ has been in debate. This is not only because of issues surrounding cultural diversity, racism, or ‘the minority versus the majority’, but also because of religious differences, especially regarding Muslims in the West. Many queries have been raised about the inclusion of Muslims in European society as they seem to be barbaric and alien, especially after the events of 9/11 in the USA and 7/7 in London. This paper discusses the various complex debates surrounding the term ‘multiculturalism’ in the work of political philosophers like Tariq Modood, Bhikhu Parekh, Will Kymlicka, and others. It first introduces the term ‘multiculturalism’ as interpreted by different scholars and discusses the reasons for its current retreat. Multiculturalism is said to be challenging for religious groups, especially Muslims, because of its incompatibility with liberalism, considered to be the key element of Western civilisation. Therefore, this paper attempts to describe multiculturalism’s relationship with citizenship and the long-term effect of national identity on civil society. It also discusses some basic concepts, like equality and dialogue, in relation to multiculturalism and tries to bring out the differences between liberal equality and the equality experienced under multiculturalism. This paper concludes with some policy recommendations for the adjustment of illiberal minorities (Muslims) within liberal societies (Europe) in the present world of super-diversity.
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FATIMA, Mobassera Jahan. "Essays on Secularism and Multiculturalism". Turkish Journal of Diaspora Studies 1, n.º 2 (30 de setembro de 2021): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52241/tjds.2021.0031.
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Since the post-war period, the Western European demand for labor and shifts in populace flows in the post-colonial era have created a multicultural challenge for secularism, which has been an earnest political issue for a long time (p. 165). In recent years, several debates on multiculturalism and the viability of the multiculturalist approach have been ongoing, particularly in Western Europe (p. 97).
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Saharso, Sawitri. "Culture, Tolerance and Gender". European Journal of Women's Studies 10, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2003): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506803010001786.
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Defenders of multiculturalism have been recently criticized for failing to address gender inequality in minority cultures. Multiculturalism would seem incompatible with a commitment to feminism. This article discusses two empirical cases that pose a problem for public policy in the Netherlands: a conflict over wearing headscarves (hijab) and requests for surgical hymen repair. These cases evoke widespread public controversy, in part because they are presumed to express or accommodate traditions in violation of women's rights and thus raise the question of tolerance. While recognizing the potential discrepancies between feminism and multiculturalism, the author argues that committed feminists can be multiculturalists as well, and that good feminism might well require acts of multiculturalism. In addition, she advocates a contextual approach to tolerance. Her argument is that general justice arguments are too indeterminate to make for good judgement in concrete cases. The national political culture and institutional setting in which multicultural conflicts take place should be considered as morally relevant factors and co-determine our moral considerations. The dispute over feminism and multiculturalism cannot be settled in abstracto. Using a contextual approach, the author argues that wearing a headscarf and hymen repair are justifiable and consonant with feminist concerns in the Dutch educational and medical contexts.
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Schuster, Anke. "Does Liberalism Need Multiculturalism?" Essays in Philosophy 7, n.º 1 (2006): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eip20067119.
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In this paper I will argue that liberal multiculturalism is neither a necessary nor a convincing extension of liberalism. In evaluating the two main strands of liberal multiculturalism, I will first analyse the approaches of Charles Taylor and Bhikhu Parekh as the main proponents of the version that focuses on the cultures themselves and raises the issue of the value of cultures in connection with public discourse. I will then turn to Amy Gutmann and Will Kymlicka as liberal multiculturalists who use the liberal norm of individual equality as a starting point. I will show that the arguments adduced in favour of liberal multiculturalism fail, due to the following shortcomings. Taylor’s approach is underspecified with respect to the relationship between the process of evaluating cultures and its outcome. Gutmann’s theory fails to bridge the gaps between the individual, cultural belonging and positive duties of the state. Parekh’s and Kymlicka’s theories lead back to liberalism. I conclude that the idea of cultural difference has little of substance to add to the liberal view of social justice.
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Tawat, Mahama. "The Arc of Nordic Multiculturalism Policies (1974–2006). A Divergent Convergence". Journal of Migration History 10, n.º 2 (24 de maio de 2024): 247–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-10020004.
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Abstract Nordic countries are similar when it comes to migratory trends. However, when the ‘multicultural question’ erupted in the 1970s, they opted for different policies. In the early 2000s, some scholars analysed a retreat from multiculturalism policies and a civic integrationist turn. Yet, our knowledge of the processes of convergence or divergence per se of these policies is still limited. Using the comparative method, this article shows that, during that period of time, the five Nordic countries were divided into two camps, with little mixing in terms of policy content: multiculturalist (Sweden and Norway) and assimilationist (Denmark and Iceland). Finland shifted its policy from assimilation to multiculturalism in the 1990s, when it became a country of immigration. It adopted the same range of multicultural policies as Sweden and Norway; Sweden was the leader on this and Denmark was the least multiculturalist. Negative feedback was the most recurrent mechanism of policy reproduction.
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Thornton, Mark. "Uneasy Partners: Multiculturalism and Rights in Canada by Janice Gross Stein, David Robertson Cameron, John Ibbitson, Will Kymlicka, John Meisel, Haroon Siddiqui, and Michael Valpy, (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2007); xiii + 165 pp. Paper ISBN: 1-55458-012-9, ISBN 13: 978-1-55458-012-5. Numbers in parentheses are page references to this work, except where indicated." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 21, n.º 2 (julho de 2008): 485–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004525.
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This collection of essays originated in an article for the Literary Review of Canada by Janice Gross Stein, which prompted replies from two journalists, John Ibbitson and Haroon Siddiqui. The present volume contains essays by three political scientists, Stein, David Robertson Cameron, and John Meisel, three journalists, Ibbitson, Siddiqui, and Michael Valpy, and a philosopher, Will Kymlicka, with an introduction by Frank Iacobucci, former Justice of the Supreme Court. Since the volume has no editor, it is unclear who is responsible for the title, which holds out the promise of an in-depth exploration of problems in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The Charter embraces both multiculturalism and rights. Are these really uneasy partners? In fact all the contributors are both pro-Charter and pro-multiculturalism. The uneasy partners turn out to be religion and equality, hardly a novel thesis. Uneasy Partners would have been much improved by the presence of anti-multiculturalists and non-liberal pro-multiculturalists. The three journalists do as much as could be expected of them; but the three political scientists do a mediocre job. When one considers how many political theorists have written on Canadian multiculturalism, surely a university press could have done a better job than this.
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Lim, Ly Ly. "A Multicultural Act for Australia". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, n.º 2 (27 de julho de 2018): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5981.
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Multiculturalism as a public policy framework depends on states identifying cultural differences among their citizens as salient for resource allocation, political participation and human rights. The adoption of multiculturalism as a term and a framework signifies the recognition of a politics of difference within a liberal democratic framework of identities and aspirations. Yet the national government in Australia unlike any other country with espoused policies of multiculturalism has chosen to have neither human rights nor multicultural, legislation. This paper argues that multicultural societies require either or both sets of legislation to ensure both symbolic affirmation and practical implementation. Taking inspirations from international, Australian State and Territory based multicultural and diversity legislations, and modelling on the Australian Workplace Gender Equality Act of 2012, this paper explores what should be included in a national multicultural legislation and how it could pragmatically operationalise in Australia to express multiculturalism’s emancipatory agenda.
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Hussain, Zulfkar. "Multiculturalism". Nursing Standard 22, n.º 4 (3 de outubro de 2007): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.22.4.31.s39.
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Evans, Fred J. "Multiculturalism". Radical Philosophy Review of Books 11, n.º 11 (1995): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrevbooks199511/1211.
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Webster, Yehudi. "Multiculturalism". Inquiry: Critical Thinking Across the Disciplines 16, n.º 1 (1996): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/inquiryctnews199616112.
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Kushner, Gilbert. "Multiculturalism". Anthropology News 37, n.º 8 (novembro de 1996): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.1996.37.8.2.3.
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MISHRA, V. "Multiculturalism". Year's Work in Critical and Cultural Theory 7, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1997): 344–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ywcct/7.1.344.
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MISHRA, V. "Multiculturalism". Year's Work in Critical and Cultural Theory 8, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2001): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ywcct/8.1.227.
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Hewitt, Roger. "Multiculturalism". Acta Sociologica 55, n.º 3 (30 de julho de 2012): 289–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699312444985.
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De La Torre, William. "Multiculturalism". Urban Education 31, n.º 3 (setembro de 1996): 314–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085996031003005.
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Clarke, George Elliott. "Multiculturalism". ESC: English Studies in Canada 41, n.º 4 (2015): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esc.2015.0071.
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Raz, Joseph. "Multiculturalism". Ratio Juris 11, n.º 3 (setembro de 1998): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9337.00086.
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Šutović, Milojica. ""Multiculturalism" before multiculturalism: Or split identity". Socioloski godisnjak, n.º 15 (2020): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod2015007q.
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Multiculturalism as a phenomenon emerged before the very concept, which with great delay became an integral part of the vocabulary of social sciences. For many communities, especially cities, and small states, were a historical mosaic of the population and centuries examples of multiculturalism, and not the identities of a culturally uniform community, who searches for identity for his origin in phantom historical roots. Even today, the multiethnic nations, confronted with the mythologized "national race" that nowhere exists, there is no other way of coexistence, except for mutual recognition and support of otherness, which is not assimilation. This makes it impossible for multiculturalism to slip into a simple collection of identity, without creative charge. People learn to respect differences and lives, which is multiethnic everywhere. His virtue is tolerance, which in the other man recognizes man and accepts diversity and otherness as the basic value, resisting hatred and destruction. Therefore, insisting on a "pure" national identity, behind which is economic interests and a tendency for domination, leads to a divided identity, a torn society, and its cultural schizophrenia endangers the very foundations of the state. Multicultural "hybrid" societies, are still the most developed societies guiding in the global world. Multiculturalism is much older than nationalism. Is by no means dead. On the contrary.
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김성수 e PARK Tchi Wan. "Multiculturality and Multiculturalism : the case of the United Kingdom". Journal of European Union Studies ll, n.º 23 (agosto de 2008): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18109/jeus.2008..23.65.
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Suzanne, Rinat, e Liana Nathalie. "MULTICULTURALISM AS AN ALTERNATIVE A CULTURAL ORIENTATION TO EDUCATION IN THE ASPECT OF CULTURE AS THE AXIOLOGICAL FOCUS". Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 4, n.º 3 (28 de setembro de 2016): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v4i3.111.
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Multiculturalism occurs naturally when a society is willing to accept the culture of immigrants. Multiculturalism has been defined as a method whereby culturally diverse groups are accorded status and recognition, not just at the individual level, but in the institutional structures of the society. Multiculturalists’ perspectives have had a deep influence in the social sciences, and particularly in the field of education. Although it aims to improve society, multiculturalism has been criticized for adopting an essentialist approach to culture, because the calling for the appreciation and recognition of cultural variety. To achieve a situation in which culture has no exclusive value requires reevaluation of the concepts of culture and identity as accepted in the West over the past few centuries, examining epistemological and ontological conceptions and how they shape political and social organizations reflected in the nation-state. Just as culture is soft, permeable and dynamic, so too is the cultural self and its identity. If multiculturalism seeks a solution to distinctions that engender problems in a modern world in which many cultures are situated in one social space, we maintain that such distinctions are problematic and even erroneous. Modernity did not give rise to a multiplicity of cultures but rather to extensive cultural and social variation.
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Warminska, Katarzyna. "Multiculturalism in Poland". Migration und Soziale Arbeit, n.º 1 (9 de abril de 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3262/mig2101053.
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The main idea of the article is to present the multiculturality of Polish society. The problem is analysed from three angles. First concerns the cultural differences within societies from the perspective of so called “old” and “new” diversities. Second shows social awareness and attitudes to diversity among Poles. Third touches upon the problems of state ideologies and discourses about multiculturalism (Mucha 1999). Some of the phenomena observed in Poland are similar to those seen in other European countries, including the problem of Islamophobia. However, certain aspects result from the specific cultural composition of Polish society, determined by its specific distant and recent history, which compared with other societies, can be called culturally homogenous.
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Valencia, Inge Helena. "Conflictos interétnicos en el Caribe Insular Colombiano". REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, n.º 205 (23 de outubro de 2015): 173–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi205.395.
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En el archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina, ubicado en el corazón del Caribe occidental, se encuentran, en un pequeño territorio insular de cincuenta kilómetros cuadrados, el mundo anglófono con el hispanófono, y el católico con el protestante. El multiculturalismo etnizado propuesto por la Constitución Política de 1991 en Colombia permitió que la población nativa del archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina, la isleña-raizal, recibiera el reconocimiento jurídico como grupo étnico. Esto generó que dicho lugar se rigiera por normas especiales respecto al control de la migración y la economía, además de significar un avance alrededor del otorgamiento de derechos para esta población, hecho que profundizó el conflicto existente entre los pobladores raizales nativos y aquellos emigrados provenientes del Caribe continental colombiano. El presente artículo pretende dar a conocer cómo la implementación de políticas multiculturalistas ha fracturado el proceso de convivencia histórico entre ambas poblaciones.Palabras Clave: Multiculturalismo, Etnicidad, Conflicto social, Relaciones interétnicas, Caribe insular colombiano, Isleños-raizales, Pañas-continentales, Archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina. ABSTRACTINTER-ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN THE COLOMBIAN INSULAR CARIBBEAN In the San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina Archipelago, located at the heart of the western Caribbean, in a small, 50 square kilometer insular territory, the Anglophone world meets the Spanish speaking, and the Catholic world meets the Protestant. The ethnicized multiculturalism proposed by the Political Constitution of 1991in Colombia allowed the native population of San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina, the Raizal-islander, to be legally recognized as an ethnic group. As a result, this place started to be governed by special norms regarding the migration and economy control, something which deepened the existing conflict between local Raizals and those from the Colombian Continental Caribbean. This article sets out to disclose how implementing multiculturalist polices have disrupted the historical process of coexistence between both communities.Key Words: Multiculturalism, Ethnicity, Social conflict, Interethnic relations, Colombian insular Caribbean, Raizal-islanders, Continental settlers (pañas), San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina Archipelago.
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Rondon de Oliveira, Felipe Augusto, Luciani Coimbra de Carvalho e Antonio Hilário Aguilera Urquiza. "Multiculturalismo e o direito fundamental à educação dos povos indígenas no Brasil". Revista Interdisciplinar de Direitos Humanos 11, n.º 2 (4 de dezembro de 2023): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5016/ridh.v11i2.224.
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m um país onde mais de um milhão de indígenas ainda resistem ao assimilacionismo e integracionismo que remontam ao início da colonização, é fundamental que se observe, especialmente no que se refere aos mais relevantes direitos fundamentais, como o direito à educação, uma concepção multiculturalista de direitos humanos, que eleva a diversidade ao centro das atenções, trazendo para a conjuntura nacional novos sujeitos das políticas sociais, para a formação de uma sociedade multicultural, que busca preservar, respeitar e incentivar uma convivência harmoniosa, valorizando suas próprias diferenças culturais. A Constituição Federal brasileira de 1988, em poucas e sintéticas normas, criou um norte multiculturalista, de respeito à alteridade, no que se refere aos direitos dos povos indígenas, inclusive à uma educação especial. Mais fértil nesse sentido, foi a Declaração das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos dos Povos Indígenas, que embora não tenha a natureza vinculante de um tratado internacional, serve de baliza interpretativa e referencial jurídico para a formulação de políticas públicas para esses povos tradicionais. O problema do presente estudo é a compatibilidade das normas brasileiras sobre o direito fundamental à educação com os importantes princípios daquela declaração, na medida em que devem prever tratamento especial aos Povos Indígenas, observando-se os fundamentos do multiculturalismo. Trata-se de uma pesquisa descritiva, de natureza bibliográfica, produzida pelo método dedutivo, na qual, a partir desta problemática, analisaremos inicialmente o direito fundamental à educação dos Povos Indígenas na Constituição Federal de 1988, e em seguida esse norte interpretativo e os importantes princípios da mencionada Declaração das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos dos Povos Indígenas no que se refere à educação, para ao final confrontarmos as normas constitucionais brasileiras com esses princípios, discorrendo sobre suas bases multiculturais, bem como sobre a efetiva existência e a concretização de uma educação multicultural no Brasil. Multiculturalismo y el derecho fundamental a la educación de los pueblos indígenas en Brasil Resumen: En un país donde más de un millón de indígenas aún resisten al asimilacionismo y al integracionismo que se remontan al comienzo de la colonización, es fundamental que se observe, especialmente en lo que respecta a los derechos fundamentales más relevantes, como el derecho a la educación, una concepción multicultural de los derechos humanos, que coloca la diversidad en el centro de atención, incorporando nuevos sujetos de políticas sociales en la coyuntura nacional, para la formación de una sociedad multicultural que busca preservar, respetar e incentivar una convivencia armoniosa, valorando sus propias diferencias culturales. La Constitución Federal brasileña de 1988, en pocas y concisas normas, estableció una dirección multiculturalista de respeto a la alteridad en lo que respecta a los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, incluyendo la educación especial. Más fértil en este sentido fue la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, que, aunque no tiene la naturaleza vinculante de un tratado internacional, sirve como guía interpretativa y referencial jurídico para la formulación de políticas públicas para estos pueblos tradicionales. El problema de este estudio es la compatibilidad de las normas brasileñas sobre el derecho fundamental a la educación con los importantes principios de esa declaración, en la medida en que deben prever un trato especial para los Pueblos Indígenas, observando los fundamentos del multiculturalismo. Se trata de una investigación descriptiva, de naturaleza bibliográfica, producida mediante el método deductivo, en la cual, a partir de esta problemática, analizaremos en primer lugar el derecho fundamental a la educación de los Pueblos Indígenas en la Constitución Federal de 1988, y a continuación esta orientación interpretativa y los importantes principios de la mencionada Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas en lo que respecta a la educación, para finalmente confrontar las normas constitucionales brasileñas con estos principios, discutiendo sus bases multiculturales, así como la efectiva existencia y concreción de una educación multicultural en Brasil. Palabras clave: Derechos humanos. Derechos fundamentales. Multiculturalismo. Derecho a la educación. Pueblos indígenas. Multiculturalism and the fundamental right to education of indigenous peoples in Brazil Abstract: In a country where more than one million indigenous people still resist assimilation and integration dating back to the early days of colonization, it is crucial to observe, especially concerning the most relevant fundamental rights such as the right to education, a multiculturalist conception of human rights that places diversity at the center of attention. This brings new subjects of social policies into the national context to shape a multicultural society that seeks to preserve, respect, and encourage harmonious coexistence while valuing their own cultural differences. The Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, in a few concise provisions, established a multicultural direction, emphasizing respect for alterity in relation to the rights of indigenous peoples, including special education. Even more fertile in this regard was the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which, although not binding as an international treaty, serves as an interpretative guide and legal reference for the formulation of public policies for these traditional peoples. The issue in this study concerns the compatibility of Brazilian norms regarding the fundamental right to education with the important principles of that declaration, as they should provide special treatment for Indigenous Peoples while adhering to the foundations of multiculturalism. This is a descriptive research of a bibliographic nature, produced using the deductive method, in which, based on this issue, we will initially analyze the fundamental right to education of Indigenous Peoples in the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution. Subsequently, we will explore this interpretive direction and the significant principles of the mentioned United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples regarding education. Finally, we will compare Brazilian constitutional norms with these principles, discussing their multicultural foundations, as well as the actual existence and realization of multicultural education in Brazil. Keywords: Human rights. Fundamental rights. Multiculturalism. Right to education. Indigenous people.
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Hancock, Charles R., e Jaime S. Wurzel. "Toward Multiculturalism: A Reader in Multiculturalism Education". Modern Language Journal 74, n.º 3 (1990): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/327637.
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Riley-Hiscox, Anna. "Critical Multiculturalism: A Response to "Questioning Multiculturalism"". Art Therapy 16, n.º 3 (janeiro de 1999): 145–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07421656.1999.10129651.
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Lentin, Ronit. "Responding to the Racialisation of Irishness: Disavowed Multiculturalism and its Discontents". Sociological Research Online 5, n.º 4 (fevereiro de 2001): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.554.
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This article begins by discussing the specificities of racism in the Republic of Ireland. Critiquing multiculturalist and top-down antiracism policies, it argues that Irish multiculturalist initiatives are anchored in a liberal politics of recognition of difference, which do not depart from western cultural imperialism and are therefore inadequate for deconstructing inter-ethnic power relations. Multiculturalist approaches to antiracism result in the top-down ethnicisation of Irish society, and are failing to intervene in the uneasy interface of minority and majority relations in Ireland. Instead of a ‘politics of recognition’ guiding multiculturalist initiatives, I conclude the article by developing Hesse's (1999) idea of a ‘politics of interrogation’ of the Irish ‘we’ and propose disavowed multiculturalism as a way of theorising Irish responses to ethnic diversity. Interrogating the Irish ‘we’ cannot evade interrogating the painful past of emigration, a wound still festering because it was never tended, and which, I would suggest, is returning to haunt Irish people through the presence of the immigrant ‘other’.
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Haj Yahya, Athar. "Multiculturalism as Reflected in the Linguistic and Semiotic Landscape of Arab Museums in Israel". Israel Studies Review 36, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2021): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360106.
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Multiculturalism is respectful of diversity among individuals and communities in a society, allowing them to retain and express their particular identities and engage in egalitarian dialogue. This article examines how the multiculturalist approach is reflected in the linguistic and semiotic landscape of Arab museums in Israel. It focuses on a case study of the Umm al-Fahm Art Gallery as a window onto the sociocultural realities of Israel. The article’s findings are based on an analysis of the linguistic and semiotic landscape elements of the museum space and a semi-structured in-depth interview with its founder. They attest to deficiencies in the process of retaining and designing the particular cultural elements for the Palestinian-Arab population in Israel, affecting the realization of multiculturalism and compromising egalitarian dialogue between the various communities.
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Tahir, Masnun. "Menjadi Muslim di Negara Multikultural: Dinamika, Tantangan dan Strategi dalam Perspektif Fikih Multikultural". AL-'ADALAH 14, n.º 2 (30 de dezembro de 2018): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/adalah.v14i2.2138.
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Indonesian Islam is a unique one, pluralist and multiculturalist as Nahdlatul Ulama Islam, Muhammadiyah Islam, Shiah Islam, Sunni Islam and much more which has diverse consequences for its followers. As matter of fact, the diversity continues to face challenges. An Accusation against moderate and multiculturalism through violence is perpetrated by individual actors, mass organization and the most authoritatve institution that should be the guarantor of religious moderatism within the framework of Indonesian-ness. At the extreme level, the resistance is manifested in a series of intolerant actions such as expulsion.This paper aimed to present how life strategy in the nuances of multicultural from the perspective of Islamic law. The idea of fiqh that is sensitive to multiculturalism becomes important for Muslims in Indonesia to have a diversity of perspectives in the daily basis.
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Vink, Maarten P. "Dutch ‘Multiculturalism’ Beyond the Pillarisation Myth". Political Studies Review 5, n.º 3 (setembro de 2007): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9299.2007.00134.x.
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This article is about the state of multiculturalist politics in the Netherlands. It assesses the popular claim that a paradigmatic change has occurred in the Netherlands due to events such as 9/11 and the murders of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh. The article argues that although changes are significant, both in discourse and in practice, they must be viewed as part of a process of rethinking the relation between newcomers and the state that goes back as far as the end of the 1980s. Long-standing claims about the exemplary form of multiculturalism in the Netherlands were always ambiguous at least, or even hard to sustain. The article criticises the persistent idea that Dutch accommodating integration policies since the end of the 1970s are an extension of the historical tradition of ‘pillarisation’. Only by going beyond this myth can we understand why recent changes are much less of a break with the past, and why multiculturalism was never accepted or practised as fully as has often been suggested in more stereotypical depictions of Dutch integration policy.
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Halim, Abdul. "Strategy for Strengthening Multicultural Competence of Islamic Religious Education Teachers". EDU-RELIGIA : Jurnal Keagamaan dan Pembelajarannya 7, n.º 1 (28 de junho de 2024): 90–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/edu-religia.v7i1.6956.
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Teachers have a central position in education. This is inseparable from their role as the frontline in developing human resources. In the context of disruptive life and interaction patterns that lead to a borderless world order, humans who are socially capable and oriented towards world peace are needed. In this aspect, teachers who have multicultural competence and strategies to form multiculturalist educators are needed. This research is qualitative and uses a literature review approach. The data is taken from expert concepts related to the study of multiculturalism and Islamic religious education teachers. The result of the research is that multiculturalist Islamic religious education teachers are educators who have pedagogical competence, pedagogical competence, personality, professional and social as well as multicultural competence, namely competence that leads to the mastery of teachers in understanding ethnic issues, national and global values; diversity and culture. And strengthened by pedagogical skills where Islamic religious education teachers are able to sow multicultural values to their students. In the realm of strategy, a political approach to education is needed; a curriculum with multiculturalism insights and empowerment of Islamic religious education teachers
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Cox, Pat. "Migration, Multiculturalism and Social Work Education in England: New Directions?" Migration und Soziale Arbeit, n.º 1 (9 de abril de 2021): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3262/mig2101046.
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In this paper the author revisits some determinative events in the history of social work education in England. She then briefly describes the development and diminution of multiculturalism in England, and multiculturalism’s possible contribution to a re-invigorated form of social work education, in which the subject of migration becomes a core endeavour for social work practice.
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Hale, Charles R. "Neoliberal Multiculturalism". PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 28, n.º 1 (maio de 2005): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.2005.28.1.10.
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Waite, Mike. "Multiculturalism reloaded?" Soundings 53, n.º 53 (9 de abril de 2013): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/136266213806045647.
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Neuhold, Petra, e Paul Scheibelhofer. "Provincialising Multiculturalism". PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, n.º 158 (1 de março de 2010): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i158.402.
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This article builds on a postcolonial critique of contemporary discourses and politics of diversity management in Germany. It traces the colonial legacy of this form of governing migration and analyses it as a new articulation of racism. Upon critically discussing liberal theories of multiculturalism as well as concrete discourses and policies in Germany the article ends with claims to alternative academic as well as political practices that build on a postcolonial critique.
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Haddock, Mable, e Chiquita Mullins Lee. "Whose Multiculturalism?" Afterimage 21, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1993): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aft.1993.21.1.17.
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Spear, Bruce. "Multiculturalism, Inc." Transition, n.º 61 (1993): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2935223.
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Latour, Vincent. "Multiculturalism Upheld?" Observatoire de la société britannique, n.º 7 (1 de março de 2009): 219–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/osb.804.
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