Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Monarchs of Europe"
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d'Oliveira, Hans Ulrich Jessurun. "The EU and Its Monarchies: Influences and Frictions". European Constitutional Law Review 8, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2012): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612000041.
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Monarchies in Europe — Monarchs as embodiments of sovereignty — Implications for monarchy of the EU as a limitation of sovereignty — Effects of Union law on the prerogatives of monarchs — Monarchs as heads of state in the Union
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Kokkonen, Andrej, e Anders Sundell. "Leader Succession and Civil War". Comparative Political Studies 53, n.º 3-4 (11 de junho de 2019): 434–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019852712.
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Leadership succession is a perennial source of instability in autocratic regimes. Despite this, it has remained a curiously understudied phenomenon in political science. In this article, we compile a novel and comprehensive dataset on civil war in Europe and combine it with data on the fate of monarchs in 28 states over 800 years to investigate how autocratic succession affected the risk of civil war. Exploiting the natural deaths of monarchs to identify exogenous variation in successions, we find that successions substantially increased the risk of civil war. The risk of succession wars could, however, be mitigated by hereditary succession arrangements (i.e., primogeniture—the principle of letting the oldest son inherit the throne). When hereditary monarchies replaced elective monarchies in Europe, succession wars declined drastically. Our results point to the importance of the succession, and the institutions governing it, for political stability in autocratic regimes.
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Nowak, Mariusz. "Konceptualizacja „powinnego” ładu socjo-politycznego w państwach zachodnich w dobie XIX-wiecznych przemian w myśli krakowskiego konserwatysty Henryka Lisickiego". UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 23, n.º 2 (2022): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2022.2.2.
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The article presents the views of the representative of Krakow conservative – Henryk Lisicki on the subject of nineteenth-century socio-political changes in Western Europe. His reflections focused on the search for stability of the internal order of those countries, conducted from a moderately conservative position. This meant criticizing the extreme models of socio-political orders that he believed the experience of personal monarchs, an egalitarian republic or authoritarian military dictatorships had brought. In the context of his reflections, the "should" political model was the constitutional monarchy, ensuring the balance of society (even within a strongly diversified one, under the influence of contemporary economic changes), guarantees of civil rights as well as centers of power: the monarch and the representation of the general public, i.e. parliament.
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Warnicke, Retha M. "Henry VIII's Greeting of Anne of Cleves and Early Modern Court Protocol". Albion 28, n.º 4 (1996): 565–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052029.
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The elaborate pageantry and festivities of grand public processions have proven to be of great interest to historians writing on late medieval and early modern Europe. The more limited ceremonies and protocol at court have attracted somewhat less attention, although on occasion they have been adopted as evidence of a monarch's personal feelings about his attendants and family members. A study of royal protocol and the social and political framework in which rulers fulfilled their roles as sovereigns is timely, for it will surely lead to a new and fuller understanding of how monarchs's public roles, such as those of the Tudors, related to their private motivations.Greeting ceremonies, which were one aspect of the “law of hospitality,” require special attention, because they offer insights into the interactions of people of varying status who were of fundamental importance to the hierarchical communities of Europe. As Esther Goody points out, “Greeting becomes a mode of entering upon or manipulating a relationship in order to achieve a specific result.” How monarchs privately greeted their brides, the topic of this essay, not only offers insights into the complexity of the relationship of individuals who were wed by proxy before they had become acquainted, but also offers evidence of how the greeting ritual performed by monarchs differed from that enacted by their royal and noble relatives.
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McAllister, Charles. "Mcgurk, The Tudor Monarchies 1485-1603". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 28, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2003): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.28.2.98-99.
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John McGurk takes the monarchy, "the most important institution in political and constitutional change" in western Europe in the 1400s and 1500s, as his starting point for a succinct survey of British history during the Tudor age. Change is the key term here, as McGurk seeks to address the controversy on how much the Tudors transformed English medieval government. His fine book's traditional structure is largely chronological, with two introductory chapters on the monarchy (with a detailed tree for the York, Lancastrian, and Tudor families) and historical background followed by six more devoted to the monarchs.
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Benzell, Seth G., e Kevin Cooke. "A Network of Thrones: Kinship and Conflict in Europe, 1495–1918". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2021): 102–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20180521.
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We construct a database linking European royal kinship networks, monarchies, and wars to study the effect of family ties on conflict. To establish causality, we exploit decreases in connection caused by apolitical deaths of rulers’ mutual relatives. These deaths are associated with substantial increases in the frequency and duration of war. We provide evidence that these deaths affect conflict only through changing the kinship network. Over our period of interest, the percentage of European monarchs with kinship ties increased threefold. Together, these findings help explain the well-documented decrease in European war frequency. (JEL D74, N33, N34, N43, N44, Z12, Z13)
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Kaps, Klemens. "Orientalism and the geoculture of the World System: Discursive othering, political economy and the cameralist division of labor in Habsburg Central Europe (1713-1815)". Journal of World-Systems Research 22, n.º 2 (16 de agosto de 2016): 315–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.619.
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This article addresses the question of to what degree the concept of geoculture can be brought in line with research on Orientalist stereotypes and imaginary. Following Said’s original definition of orientalism discourses of the 18th-century political economy are reassessed by focusing on their perception of spatial hierarchies in Eastern Europe. This article reconsiders these discourses as an active factor in the struggle for power and a tool in the hands of the geopolitical interests of absolutist monarchs in Prussia, the Habsburg Monarchy, and Russia in the age of mercantilism, as demonstrated by the Partitions of Poland-Lithuania. By focusing on the Habsburg Monarchy between the Spanish War of Succession and the Congress of Vienna, it is demonstrated here that, territorial landlocked empires within Europe used a similar language as colonial maritime empires in order to justify their geopolitical expansion and territorial domination of Eastern Europe. In a second step, it is shown that this discourse was part of the geopolitical culture of the World System and was instrumental in setting ideological conditions for cameralist-driven institutional transformations in favor of the core regions within the Habsburg dominions in Central Europe.
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Ragozin, German S. "Hungarian Late Medieval Sovereigns in the “Austrian Plutarch” by Joseph von Hormayr. Images and their Place in the Historical Discourse of the Habsburg Monarchy (1807–1812)". Central-European Studies 2021, n.º 4(13) (2021): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.1.
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This paper deals with the early attempts of historical discourse construction in the Habsburg Monarchy. They have found an embodiment in creation of narratives aimed to consolidate the peoples of various legal status and identity development level. The author of this article attempts to reveal the images of late medieval Hungarian monarchs in the Habsburg historical discourse of the early nineteenth century. The material chosen for this analysis was the twenty-volume Austrian Plutarch by Joseph von Hormayr. The work was intended to be a history of all Habsburg possessions. To achieve this, Hormayr chronicled those he considered to be the most significant historical characters of the empire: monarchs, ministers, warlords, scientists, and artists. Besides Habsburg sovereigns and Austrian German celebrities, representatives of the non-Germanic peoples of the Empire received significant attention as well. Hormayr had a special view of Hungary; the political situation in Europe and the Empire caused the whole identity policy and relations between the Crown and Hungarian estates to be reviewed. Hormayr did not produce a separate chapter for Hungarian monarchs, but he presented the Austro-Hungarian neighbourhood as dynamic and justified the inclusion of Hungary in the Habsburg Monarchy. Narratives devoted to the late Middle Ages in the Austrian Plutarch were written to prove this thesis. Furthermore, Hormayr used the general threat image to justify the unification of Austria and Hungary into single empire. According to Hormayr, it was intended to protect each ethnic community and identity from the “Turkish threat” on the European stage. Hormayr used the images of János Hunyadi, Ladislaus Posthumus, Matthias Corvinus, Vladislav II, and Louis II to demonstrate the role of Hungary in repelling the Ottoman threat and to justify the integration of Austria and Hungary as a sensible political and historical decision. The material was at the top of the agenda during the Napoleonic wars and was used to mobilize all the ethnic groups living in the empire against the French threat.
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Monter, William. "Gendered Sovereignty: Numismatics and Female Monarchs in Europe, 1300–1800". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, n.º 4 (março de 2011): 533–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00155.
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Coins have provided specific and concrete markers of official, legitimate political sovereignty since the time of the Roman Empire. Europe's female monarchs of the old regime, a group that has not been much studied, used numismatics in effective ways to enhance their official sovereignty. Throughout the entire period, most royal heiresses were married, and despite a persistent and widely circulated literature that preached wifely subservience, their coins (and, later, their medals) suggest their full political autonomy.
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BLAYDES, LISA, e ERIC CHANEY. "The Feudal Revolution and Europe's Rise: Political Divergence of the Christian West and the Muslim World before 1500 CE". American Political Science Review 107, n.º 1 (28 de janeiro de 2013): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000561.
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We document a divergence in the duration of rule for monarchs in Western Europe and the Islamic world beginning in the medieval period. While leadership tenures in the two regions were similar in the 8th century, Christian kings became increasingly long lived compared to Muslim sultans. We argue that forms of executive constraint that emerged under feudal institutions in Western Europe were associated with increased political stability and find empirical support for this argument. While feudal institutions served as the basis for military recruitment by European monarchs, Muslim sultans relied on mamlukism—or the use of military slaves imported from non-Muslim lands. Dependence on mamluk armies limited the bargaining strength of local notablesvis-à-visthe sultan, hindering the development of a productively adversarial relationship between ruler and local elites. We argue that Muslim societies’ reliance on mamluks, rather than local elites, as the basis for military leadership, may explain why the Glorious Revolution occurred in England, not Egypt.
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Yücel, Naz. "On Ottoman, British, and Belgian Monarchs' Ownership of Private Property in the Late Nineteenth Century". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 43, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2023): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-10615674.
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Abstract This article investigates the transformation of three coeval monarchs—Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876–1909), Queen Victoria (r. 1837–1901), and King Leopold II (r. 1865–1909)—into private landed property owners in the late nineteenth century. In its comparisons, the article centers Sultan Abdülhamid II's transformation into a private landed property owner with the separation of his privy purse from the state treasury in the early 1880s, to show that despite the distinctive specificities of Ottoman law, institutions, and imperial finances, all three monarchs used private ownership of landed property as private individuals. This article not only joins the extended scholarly literature criticizing characterizations of an unproblematic capitalist “West” or “Europe” whose market society is underpinned by development of “private property” against a stagnant and undifferentiated “East” but also complicates the liberal distinction of “state” and “society” by focusing on the private property ownership of the pinnacle of “state actors,” the monarchs.
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Aktürk, Şener. "Not So Innocent: Clerics, Monarchs, and the Ethnoreligious Cleansing of Western Europe". International Security 48, n.º 4 (2024): 87–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00484.
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Abstract Sizeable Jewish and Muslim communities lived across large swathes of medieval Western Europe. But all the Muslim communities and almost all the Jewish communities in polities that correspond to present-day England, France, Hungary, Italy, Portugal, and Spain were eradicated between 1064 and 1526. Most studies of ethnoreligious violence in Europe focus on communal, regional, and national political dynamics to explain its outbreak and variation. Recent scholarship shows how the Catholic Church in medieval Europe contributed to the long-term political development and the “rise of the West.” But the Church was also responsible for eradicating non-Christian minorities. Three factors explain ethnoreligious cleansing of non-Christians in medieval Western Europe: (1) the papacy as a supranational religious authority with increasing powers; (2) the dehumanization of non-Christians and their classification as monarchical property; and (3) fierce geopolitical competition among Catholic Western European monarchs that made them particularly vulnerable to papal-clerical demands to eradicate non-Christians. The extant scholarship maintains that ethnoreligious cleansing is a modern phenomenon that is often committed by nationalist actors for secular purposes. In contrast, a novel explanation highlights the central role that the supranational hierocratic actors played in ethnoreligious cleansing. These findings also contribute to understanding recent and current ethnic cleansing in places like Cambodia, Iraq, Myanmar, the Soviet Union, and Syria.
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Darensky, V. Yu. "«Dictatorship of Conscience»: Religious and Moral Foundations of the Russian Statehood According to Ivan Solonevich". Orthodoxia, n.º 4 (26 de dezembro de 2022): 238–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-4-238-263.
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The article examines religious and moral foundations of the Russian statehood as presented by the philosopher and public figure Ivan Solonevich (1891–1953), who, following Vladimir Solovyov, defined his concept as “the dictatorship of conscience”. From Solonevich’s perspective, the specifics of the Russian political tradition consists in its fundamental difference from European feudalism. In Muscovy, the ruling class was selected according to its moral qualities, and the people’s life was based on the self-government (“the people’s monarchy”). Peter the Great ended this tradition by replacing the moral selection criterion with a pragmatic one, which led to the actual destruction of the autocracy and established the dictatorship of the nobility, substituting the people’s monarchy with European absolutism. Due to the unity of the tsar and the people based on the Orthodox faith and the Orthodox Church as the highest authority in worldly affairs, the Russian monarchy was primarily the people’s power and was never established by violence against the people’s will, while its opponents always employed the violence, i.e. murders, uprisings and conspiracies. The foundation of the Russian Orthodox monarchy was the moral feat of the people, its resignation for the sake of fulfilling the will of God. This was possible only in Russia, where the founders of the state themselves were saints. Thus, the Moscow Orthodox Tsardom had no problem with the people’s “control” over the government, which was so pressing in Europe, where outright criminals often became monarchs. In Russia, the principle of absolute trust in the authorities has always been present and has always proven its worth. Only thanks to this trust a small Duchy of Moscow could grow into a great empire. As shown by Ivan Solonevich, the obvious pragmatic effectiveness of the pre-Petrine people’s monarchy was also ensured by a very effective system of the people’s self-government, unparalleled in feudal absolutist Europe.
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Savelyev, Victor S. "TO THE HISTORY OF CAPITAL LETTERS USAGE WHILE WRITING THE MONARCHS’ NAMES (BASED ON THE ARTICLES OF N.M. KARAMZIN in 1802-1803)". Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 28, n.º 2 (23 de junho de 2024): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2024-2-10-20.
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The article compares the rules of using capital letters while writing the names of Russian monarchs, fixed in grammar books of the second half of the 18th century and their actual usage in three articles written by N.M. Karamzin, published in the journal “Messenger of Europe” in 1802-1803. It was established, that the norm described in these grammar books let variability in the usage of capital letters. Through N.M. Karamzin’s texts we can find adherence to various norm options, associated with the implementation of the author’s intention to semantize the use of graphic means. Writing exclusively in capital letters particularly concerned with the names of the three monarchs, who played the most significant role in the history of Russia. Moreover, in the editions of the same articles in the “Collected Works” of 1814 and 1820 N.M. Karamzin implements another acceptable option of the norm, offered by grammar books, and replaces writing in capital letters with writing in discharge (a graphic technique in Russian typography associated with the use of increasing space between letters in a word), while expanding the range of names of monarchs to persons belonging to the Romanov family starting with Princess Sophia.
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Borisov, Denis A., e Tatiana A. Chernoverskaya. "The Idea of “Perpetual Peace” in the Foreign Policy Practice of European Monarchs". Russia in Global Affairs 21, n.º 3 (2023): 62–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2023-21-3-62-83.
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The article offers a comparative analysis of projects for building sustainable peaceful relations in Europe, which at different times were proposed by European monarchs to ensure peaceful relations between countries: Treaty on the Establishment of Peace throughout Christendom by Bohemian King George of Poděbrady, the Grand Design by Henry IV, and the Holy Alliance by Alexander I. The Anglo-Austro-Russian team diplomacy, with the active peacemaking role of the Russian emperor, succeeded in creating the first working pan-European order, and the proposed institutions and principles ensured governable and peaceful relations in Europe for almost a hundred years within the framework of the Vienna system of international relations.
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YOUNG, ANDREW T. "Hospitalitas: Barbarian settlements and constitutional foundations of medieval Europe". Journal of Institutional Economics 14, n.º 4 (29 de agosto de 2017): 715–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413741700039x.
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AbstractA rough balance of political power between monarchs and a militarized landed aristocracy characterized medieval Western Europe. Scholars have argued that this balance of power contributed to a tradition of limited government and constitutional bargaining. I argue that 5th- and 6th-century barbarian settlements created a foundation for this balance of power. The settlements provided barbarians with allotments of lands or taxes due from the lands. The allotments served to align the incentives of barbarian warriors and Roman landowners, and realign the incentives of barbarian warriors and their leadership elite. Barbarian military forces became decentralized and the warriors became political powerful shareholders of the realm.
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Sivasundaram, Sujit. "MONARCHS, TRAVELLERS AND EMPIRE IN THE PACIFIC'S AGE OF REVOLUTIONS". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 30 (11 de novembro de 2020): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440120000043.
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AbstractThe Pacific has often been invisible in global histories written in the UK. Yet it has consistently been a site for contemplating the past and the future, even among Britons cast on its shores. In this lecture, I reconsider a critical moment of globalisation and empire, the ‘age of revolutions’ at the end of the eighteenth century and the start of the nineteenth century, by journeying with European voyagers to the Pacific Ocean. The lecture will point to what this age meant for Pacific islanders, in social, political and cultural terms. It works with a definition of the Pacific's age of revolutions as a surge of indigeneity met by a counter-revolutionary imperialism. What was involved in undertaking a European voyage changed in this era, even as one important expedition was interrupted by news from revolutionary Europe. Yet more fundamentally vocabularies and practices of monarchy were consolidated by islanders across the Pacific. This was followed by the outworkings of counter-revolutionary imperialism through agreements of alliance and alleged cessation. Such an argument allows me, for instance, to place the 1806 wreck of the Port-au-Prince within the Pacific's age of revolutions. This was an English ship used to raid French and Spanish targets in the Pacific, but which was stripped of its guns, iron, gunpowder and carronades by Tongans. To chart the trajectory from revolution and islander agency on to violence and empire is to appreciate the unsettled paths that gave rise to our modern world. This view foregrounds people who inhabited and travelled through the earth's oceanic frontiers. It is a global history from a specific place in the oceanic south, on the opposite side of the planet to Europe.
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Olsen, John W. "The practice of archaeology in China today". Antiquity 61, n.º 232 (julho de 1987): 282–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00052145.
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In the new opening-up of China to the outside world that has taken place in the last decade, archaeology and history has a major role. A walk on the Great Wall seems obligatory for visiting monarchs and presidents, while the jade princesses have themselves come to Europe. The excavation of the ‘terracotta army’ exemplifies the scale of active archaeological research, and its exposure to public view. But why is there such concern for the past, and its artefacts, in China today?
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Kreklau, Claudia. "When “Germany” became the new “France”? Royal Dining at the Bavarian Court of Maximilian II and the Political Gastronomy of Johann Rottenhöfer in Transnational European Perspective, 1830–1870". International Review of Social Research 7, n.º 1 (24 de maio de 2017): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2017-0006.
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Abstract While France defined European hâute cuisine (royal dining for the purpose of expressing rankdistinction) around 1800, by the mid-nineteenth century the French court failed to hold the best chefs of Europe. Other European courts were rising in power and asserting their absolutist ideals in the century of revolution and socio-political change using meals. Within this context, the culinary art of Johann Rottenhofer in service of Maximilian II of Bavaria synthesized Antonin Careme’s hâute cuisine and Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin’s “political gastronomy” to communicate peace, foster international bonds, and establish equality among sovereigns. The works of Levi-Strauss and Norbert Elias find resonance in these culinary practices, wherein monarchs were represented at the table in the form of food. Mid-nineteenth century European monarchs not only appreciated the cultural symbolism and the political significance of food, but actively exploited it as a form of communication. I rely on the typologies provided by Ken Albala and Sara Peterson to decode food meanings in the cookbooks written by royals’ chefs after retirement.
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KOSMAN, Marceli. "Na tronie i obok tronu. O kobietach w życiu publicznym Polski przedrozbiorowej". Przegląd Politologiczny, n.º 2 (2 de novembro de 2018): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.2.20.
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The royal throne was a permanent element of feudal political culture, and the institution of the monarchy, albeit decidedly less significant, has survived until today, playing a primarily symbolic role in the democratic systems in Europe. The subject of the paper looks at the role of Polish rulers’ wives, as the majority of monarchs started a family, and their offspring later took the throne. This was the case of both great dynasties – the Piasts, from the mid-10th century, i.e. from the baptism of Mieszko I, and the Jagiellons (until 1572). After these dynasties ended, the period of elective kings, who were crowned with their wives, started. Over the years, at the very least, the informal role of the queens was growing. This process paved the way to women’s liberation, and, as of the end of the 18th century, it also encompassed the families of magnates and affluent gentry. A meaningful statement can be found in the poetry written by Bishop Ignacy Krasicki in the latter half of the same century, when he addressed men saying: “we rule the world, and women rule us”. The paper is only a sketch and promises a more in-depth monographic study.
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Orman, Elżbieta. "Zmierzch bogów. Przyczynek do poglądów i postaw arystokracji wobec upadku systemu dynastycznego w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej pod koniec I wojny światowej". Prace Historyczne 150, n.º 1 (30 de setembro de 2023): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.23.011.17948.
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Twilight of the gods: The contribution to the views and attitudes of aristocracy towards the fall of the dynastic system in Central Eastern Europe at the end of the First World War The Great War 1914–1918, irretrievably destroyed the political order in Europe, which had been maintained unchanged after 1871 with the conviction of the long duration extended into the Belle Époque. It left many traces – among others – in the memoirs and contemporary reports revealing on a micro-historical scale, some of the opinions and attitudes of the aristocracy, which become invisible on the macro-historical scale and are represented by considerable numbers of sources, which allows a reconstruction of important political and military decisions. This article is a contribution presenting – on the basis of a few examples – the end of the political influence of aristocracy in Central and Eastern Europe that coincided with the departure of monarchs from its political scene.
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Soyer, François. "Manuel I of Portugal and the End of the Toleration of Islam in Castile: Marriage Diplomacy, Propaganda, and Portuguese Imperialism in Renaissance Europe, 1495-1505". Journal of Early Modern History 18, n.º 4 (4 de junho de 2014): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342416.
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In 1505, King Manuel I of Portugal (1495-1521) ordered the public printing of a letter officially addressed to Pope Julius II. In the letter, the Portuguese King defended his role as a champion of Christendom and scourge of Islam in the Indian Ocean. The most remarkable claim made by Manuel in this letter was that he was directly involved in persuading the Catholic monarchs of Spain Isabel of Castile and Fernando of Aragón to put an end to the toleration of Islam in Castile in 1501. This article focuses on this claim and whether or not it can merely be dismissed as the rhetoric of bombastic propaganda. It analyzes Luso-Spanish relations between 1495 and 1505 and highlights documentary evidence proving that Manuel did indeed put pressure on his Spanish neighbors to abolish the toleration of Islam during the tortuous negotiations surrounding his marriage to the Spanish princess Maria in 1501. Beyond assessing the historical significance of the letter, this article highlights the intricate connections between Portuguese imperial geopolitics and Iberian dynastic politics during this crucial period in the history of both the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies.
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Stuckrad, Kocku von. "Refutation and Desire: European Perceptions of Shamanism in the Late Eighteenth Century". Journal of Religion in Europe 5, n.º 1 (2012): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489211x612622.
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The article discusses learned debates that evolved at the end of the eighteenth century in Europe about the interpretation of shamanism. Intellectuals, philosophers, and enlightened monarchs engaged in controversies about shamanism that were clearly linked to Enlightenment ideals of rationality and religious critique. The article addresses the ambivalence of ‘refutation and desire’ in French, German, and Russian responses to shamanism, with special attention to the French Encyclopedists, Johann Gottfried Herder, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, and Catherine the Great. The controversies reveal the intrinsic tension of the European project of ‘modernity’: what was discussed as ‘shamanism,’ ultimately turned out to be the result of European self-reflection.
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Jacobsen, Stefan Gaarsmand. "Limits to Despotism: Idealizations of Chinese Governance and Legitimizations of Absolutist Europe". Journal of Early Modern History 17, n.º 4 (2013): 347–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342370.
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Abstract The term “oriental despotism” was used to describe all larger Asian empires in eighteenth century Europe. It was meaningful to use about the Ottoman, Mughal and Chinese empires. However, this did not mean that all Europeans writing on Asian empires implied that they were all tyrannies with no political qualities. The Chinese system of government received great interest among early modern political thinkers in Europe ever since it was described in the reports that Jesuit missionaries had sent back from China in the beginning of the seventeenth century. The descriptions of an ethical and political bond between emperor and administrators in China and of specific administrative organs in which age-old principles were managed made a great impression on many European readers of these reports. Although it did not remain an undisputed belief in Europe, many intellectuals held China to be a model of how the power of a sovereign could be limited or curbed within an absolutist system of government. This article investigates three cases of how the models of China were conceived by theorists reading Jesuit reports and how they subsequently strategically communicated this model to the courts of Prussia, Austria, and Russia. These three ambitious European monarchies have been regarded to give rise to a form of “enlightened absolutism” that formed a tradition different from those of England and France, the states whose administrative systems formed the most powerful models in this period. Rather than describing the early modern theories about China’s despotism as a narrative parallel, but unrelated to the development of policy programs of the respective states, this article documents how certain elements of the model of China were integrated in the political writings of Frederick II of Prussia, Joseph II of Austria, and Catherine II of Russia. Thus, in addition to the history of political thought on China, the article adds a new perspective to how these monarchs argued for fiscal reforms and a centralization and professionalization of their administrations.
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Paiva, José Pedro. "The Inquisition Tribunal in Goa: Why and for What Purpose?" Journal of Early Modern History 21, n.º 6 (7 de dezembro de 2017): 565–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342575.
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Abstract This article aims to explain the process which led to the founding of the Inquisition tribunal in Goa, the first Holy Office tribunal to be created outside Europe. Following a review of previous historiographical studies which have analyzed this question, it examines the mechanisms for Christianization/confessionalization deployed by the Iberian monarchs in Asia and America from a global and comparative perspective, based on a rereading and reinterpretation of Inquisition documents and correspondence from various agents who were involved in the process. It presents an explanation that emphasizes the existence of a cluster of causalities which created a dense network of convergent forces that favored the founding of an Inquisition tribunal in Asia in 1560.
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Woodward, David, e David Buisseret. "Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, n.º 2 (1994): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206352.
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Edney, Matthew H. "Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe". Cartographic Perspectives, n.º 15 (1 de junho de 1993): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14714/cp15.972.
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Roobol, Wim. "Twilight of the European Monarchy". European Constitutional Law Review 7, n.º 2 (junho de 2011): 272–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611200075.
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Historical overview of monarchies in Europe – Conceptual development of ‘monarchy’ and ‘republic’ – Decline of the hereditary principle for heads of state in Europe – Rise of the constitutional monarchy – Pressure of the European Union on monarchy
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Puchalska-Dąbrowska, Bernadetta M. "Królewicz wśród królów. Portrety władców zachodnioeuropejskich w staropolskich relacjach z podróży Władysława Wazy (1624–1625)". Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 49, n.º 4 (31 de janeiro de 2021): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.544.
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The aim of the article is to analyse literary images of selected silhouettes from the travels of Prince Władysław Vasa to the countries of Western Europe in the years 1624-1625. The young Vasa’s train included future authors of peregrination reports: Stefan Pac – a writer, later treasurer and Grand Chancellor of Lithuania, Albrecht Stanisław Radziwiłł – Grand Chancellor of Lithuania, and Jan Hagenaw of Warmia. The silhouettes of Western European monarchs, presented in the context of specific events, were treated in a fragmentary way and included elements interesting to the author. On the other hand, the ways of presenting the Polish prince, according to the “promotional” strategy adopted by diarists, are aimed at showing the hero as an individual worthy of being “among kings”, capable – thanks to his skills – of finding his place in court structures.
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Nonneman, Gerd. "Rentiers and Autocrats, Monarchs and Democrats, State and Society: the Middle East Between Globalization, Human ‘Agency’, and Europe". International Affairs 77, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2001): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00183.
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Fitz, Caitlin A. "“A Stalwart Motor of Revolutions”: An American Merchant in Pernambuco, 1817-1825". Americas 65, n.º 1 (julho de 2008): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0018.
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A new order for the New World was unfolding in the early nineteenth century, or so many in the United States believed. Between 1808 and 1825, all of Portuguese America and nearly all of Spanish America broke away from Europe, casting off Old World monarchs and inaugurating home-grown governments instead. People throughout the United States looked on with excitement, as the new order seemed at once to vindicate their own revolution as well as offer new possibilities for future progress. Free from obsolete European alliances, they hoped, the entire hemisphere could now rally together around republican government and commercial reciprocity. Statesmen and politicians were no exception, as men from Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe to John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay tried to exclude European influence from the hemisphere while securing new markets for American manufactures and agricultural surplus.
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Fülemile, Ágnes. "Monarchs in National Dress – Sartorial Expressions of National Image in the Representational Practices of 19th-century European Courts". Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 66, n.º 2 (11 de janeiro de 2023): 439–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/022.2021.00038.
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AbstractParallel with the emergence of modern national identity and culture, from the late 18th to the early 20th century an emphasized consciousness underlined the attempt to create a ‘national’ dress. In the court cultures of Europe, a shift in the style of representation from ‘international’ to ‘regional/ethnic’ and ‘national’ served the aim of updating the monarch's role. Royals reaffirmed their sense of belonging to their own ‒ or adopted ‒ nations through the conscious introduction of national elements into the dress code of the court. Royal courts also played a leading role in the myth-making process surrounding the so-called national style. The connection between power, prestige, and the dynamics of costume as a fashion statement is obvious in this process.
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SOLAMA-COULIBALY, Sophie. "Charles I of Spain and the Defense of Christianity in Europe: Scope and Perception in the 21st Century". World Journal of Social Science Research 10, n.º 1 (26 de dezembro de 2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v10n1p1.
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By conquering the Iberian Peninsula in the 3rd century, the Romans enriched it with their economic policy and land management. Also, the contribution of religious culture was important because it left traces until today. They entered first with their religious beliefs which they progressively abandoned in favor of Christianity in 313. But, if the peninsulars accepted this religion, it was confronted respectively from the 5th and 8th centuries to the Visigoth and Arab invasions. These situations of invasions have stopped its expansion. In 1492, after the Reconquest of territories by the Catholic Monarchs, they restored and defended it. Charles I of Spain (1500-1558) in turn consolidated this religion and defended it at the universal level to establish its power. But he was confronted with nascent Protestantism and the Turks he had to eradicate so as not to harm Christianity. From a historical perspective, in this analysis, it will be a question of showing the impact of religion; how religion was yesterday an instrument of domination and can still be today.
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Buck, Christopher. "Bahá’u’lláh as “World Reformer”". Journal of Baha’i Studies 3, n.º 4 (1991): 23–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-3.4.2(1991).
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Vindicating the mission of the Persian reformer known as the Báb (d. 1850) Bahá’u’lláh’s Book of Certitude (1862) focused on spiritual authority from an Islamic perspective. In this work, a subtext may be discerned, in which Bahá’u’lláh intimates his own mission in the same terms of reference. Later, in his epistles to the monarchs of Europe and West Asia (1866–1869), Bahá’u’lláh exercised that authority and spoke of world reform. This article places Bahá’u’lláh in the context of Islamic reform, with particular reference to the advocacy of constitutional democracy by prominent Iranian secularists. In an ideological ether pervaded by “Westoxication,” Bahá’u’lláh sought to reverse the direction of Western influence. Bahá’u’lláh prosecuted his own reforms in three stages: Bábí reform; Persian reform; and world reform. In the centrifugal sequence, Bahá’u’lláh is shown to have bypassed Islamic reform altogether in his professed role as “World Reformer.”
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Kirb, Eric G. "Interorganizational Relationships in Medieval Trade: An Analysis of the Hanseatic League". Review of European Studies 15, n.º 2 (30 de março de 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v15n2p1.
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The Hanseatic League was a commercial federation of guilds and cities in the Baltic region that dominated trade in northern Europe during the later Middle Ages. At its peak, it linked traders and market towns from England to Russia and most ports in between. It worked to remove trade barriers and provide security to its members. Employing an analytically structured approach, this study analyzes secondary sources to investigate the relationships between the members of the Hanse as well as the primary motivations driving the formation of the Hanseatic League. When this is analyzed as a federation style of interorganizational relationship, the five defining key contingencies become apparent: (1) power asymmetries in the High Middle Ages existed for the merchants with the balance of power in favor of monarchs; (2) individual guilds found it beneficial to establish ongoing relationships with other guilds; (3) economies of scope and scale allowed for efficiencies that would lead to trade dominance; (4) merchants sought more stable and predictable open access to markets across northern Europe; and (5) with the decline of feudalism, guilds sought to increase the acceptance and privilege of their community. The Hanseatic League’s formation was also based on a sixth key factor: security for its members.
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Poblador Muga, María Pilar. "La exaltación de la Corona de Aragón en el siglo XIX: las cabalgatas históricas celebradas en Zaragoza, Valencia, Barcelona y Palma de Mallorca". Artigrama, n.º 37 (30 de junho de 2023): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_artigrama/artigrama.2022379211.
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Resumen Las cabalgatas históricas, herederas de las cavalcatas del Mundo Antiguo y de los triunfos del Renacimiento y Barroco, evolucionaron a lo largo del siglo XIX y primeras décadas del XX, al transformarse en verdaderas recreaciones. Celebradas con el propósito de exaltar acontecimientos singulares, como visitas regias, conmemoraciones y aniversarios, sus organizadores se inspiraron en viejas crónicas, recurriendo incluso a leyendas y mitos. A la evocación melancólica del pasado y la exaltación de la memoria frente a la inevitable fugacidad, propias de los ideales románticos, sumaban una intención moralizante y didáctica, como recursos para la defensa de gobiernos y monarcas, para así mantener el orden político y social establecido. Como sucedía en otros lugares de Europa, Zaragoza, Valencia, Barcelona y Palma de Mallorca, las principales ciudades de la memorable Corona de Aragón, evocaron las gestas de sus grandes reyes del medievo, como Fernando I el de Antequera y sobre todo Jaime I el Conquistador y Fernando II, el rey Católico, con gran erudición y fidelidad tanto en sus argumentos teatralizados como en sus personajes y vestimentas. Las calles se convirtieron en escenarios urbanos por donde discurrían estos pintorescos espectáculos. Estructuras provisionales, adornos florales, tapices y colgaduras, como oriflamas y gallardetes, incluso con luces de farolillos, antorchas y fuegos artificiales, para iluminar con su colorido los cielos nocturnos, crearon una simbiosis perfecta entre la alegría de la fiesta, el arte efímero y la rigurosa divulgación histórica. Abstract Historical cavalcades, heirs to the cavalcatas of the Ancient World and the triumphs of the Renaissance and Baroque, evolved throughout the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century, becoming true reenactments. Celebrated with the purpose of exalting singular events, such as royal visits, commemorations and anniversaries, their organisers drew inspiration from old chronicles, even resorting to legends and myths. In addition to the melancholic evocation of the past and the exaltation of memory in the face of the inevitable fleeting nature of Romantic ideals, they added a moralising and didactic intention, as resources for the defence of governments and monarchs, in order to maintain the established political and social order. As happened in other parts of Europe, Saragossa, Valencia, Barcelona and Palma de Mallorca, the main cities of the memorable Crown of Aragon, evoked the deeds of their great kings of the Middle Ages, such as Ferdinand I of Antequera and above all Ferdinand II the Catholic and James I the Conqueror, with great erudition and fidelity both in their dramatised plots and in their characters and costumes. The streets became urban stages for these picturesque spectacles. Temporary structures, floral decorations, tapestries and hangings, such as ornaments and pennants, even with lantern lights, torches and fireworks, to illuminate the night skies with their colour, created a perfect symbiosis between the joy of the festival, ephemeral art and rigorous historical disclosure. Keywords Late Historical cavalcade, Crown of Aragon, Historical reenactment, Ferdinand I the Antequera, James I the Conqueror, Ferdinand II of Aragon, Catholic Monarchs, Christopher Columbus, Saragossa, Valencia, Barcelona, Palma de Mallorca.
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Greenwood, Scott. "MICHAEL HERB, All in the Family: Absolutism, Revolution, and Democracy in the Middle Eastern Monarchies, SUNY Series in Middle Eastern Studies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999). Pp. 381. $75.50 cloth, $25.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, n.º 3 (agosto de 2000): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002610.
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With this book, Michael Herb makes a significant contribution to the debate on monarchism and its resiliency in the Middle East and North Africa. Relying on archival materials, a small number of interviews, and secondary literature, Herb compares the fortunes of twelve monarchies in the Middle East and North Africa and one monarchy in Afghanistan. By comparing the fate of eight successful monarchies with that of five failed monarchies, Herb seeks to understand which variable best accounts for the success of monarchical rule. A secondary task of the work is to evaluate the future of monarchical institutions in the Middle East and North Africa. Herb asks, “Is revolution—the destruction of these institutions—a necessary step toward political development in the region? Is it possible that political development can occur in the Middle East as it did in some places in Europe, through the adaptation and evolution of traditional institutions, rather than through their destruction?” (p. 256).
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Haldén, Peter. "Heteronymous politics beyond anarchy and hierarchy: The multiplication of forms of rule 750–1300". Journal of International Political Theory 13, n.º 3 (6 de julho de 2017): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217715482.
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Anarchy and hierarchy are two central concepts of International Relations theory but as conventionally defined they cannot describe political life for most of Western history. Neither concept describes the structure of medieval politics well. Rather, many different principles of differentiation existed simultaneously, both stratificatory and segmentary. The situation was closer to anarchy as understood as the absence of overarching principles of order rather than as ‘anarchy’ in the conventional sense used in international relations and absence of government. The power of the Popes over temporal rulers was considerable, but it never corresponded to the concept ‘hierarchy’ as conventionally understood either. Between c. 700 and c. 1300, Europe became more heteronymous as time went by, not less. More principles of differentiation were developed, and both Popes and kings became more powerful. The reinvention of the papacy after the ‘Investiture Controversy’ (1075–1122) created a system of law and practices in which European monarchs and realms were embedded, but it did not create an all-powerful papacy.
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Gil, Xavier. "Parliamentary Life in the Crown of Aragon: Cortes, Juntas De Brazos, and Other Corporate Bodies". Journal of Early Modern History 6, n.º 4 (2002): 362–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006502x00194.
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AbstractThe Cortes of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia were well known in Renaissance times for their mature institutional development and their capacity to counterbalance the tendency of monarchs towards authoritarianism. But, from the mid sixteenth century onwards, they were summoned by kings at increasingly long intervals, thus losing part of their visibility in the political scene. But this did not exactly mean parliamentary decline. As Cortes became rarer, lesser corporate bodies, ultimately deriving from the Cortes themselves, acquired an enhanced political status. Different sorts of meetings of estates (brazos) and small committees of members of the estates, while already known in previous times, won a more active role by the late sixteenth century and were a major, if not crucial, factor in the different political crises of the seventeenth century. This article contributes to the current reassessment of the Cortes by emphasizing the role of these bodies, focusing on their interplay with the Cortes, with some comparative remarks on other such bodies in Europe.
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Ruggles, D. Fairchild. "Ideologizing the Past". International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, n.º 3 (30 de julho de 2013): 574–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000512.
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Because the ideological landscape of the present does not match the ideological configurations of the past, the past and present of national monuments often collide in ways that complicate their utility as “patrimony” and “heritage.” In Spain, Islamic monuments such as the Alhambra Palace (built in Granada by Nasrid monarchs in the 13th and 14th centuries) exist in the present as popular tourism sites and points of entry for an imaginative encounter with the Iberian peninsula's Andalusi past. The past evoked is a recognized part of Iberian history and yet, as patrimony, it is simultaneously admired as something that distinguishes Spain from the rest of Europe and resisted as something belonging to an exiled people who left long ago for places like Fez and Istanbul. Under Franco's dictatorship (1947–73), Spain was adamantly Catholic and, despite a small wave of conversions to Islam and the recent immigration of Muslims from northern Africa, it remains predominantly Christian.
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Łukaszewski, Marcin. "Czy renesans monarchii absolutnej? Zmianyw Konstytucji Księstwa Lichtensteinu z 2003 roku." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, n.º 1 (31 de outubro de 2018): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.1.10.
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In 2003 citizens of Liechtenstein adopted a package of amendments to the Constitution which allowed for a substantial strengthening of the monarch’s power. These changes have since been severely criticized by the Council of Europe, with concerns as to the possible retreat from a constitutional monarchy leading to the possible renaissance of absolute monarchy. This question is answered in this article, which further proves that the concerns raised by the Council of Europe are unjustified.
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Šedivý, Miroslav. "Metternich's Plan for a Viennese Conference in 1839". Central European History 44, n.º 3 (setembro de 2011): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000379.
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After the Napoleonic Wars, central Europe frequently witnessed important diplomatic discussions, and cities such as Vienna, Aix-la-Chapelle, Carlsbad, Troppau, and Laibach served as the places for rendezvous of European monarchs and diplomats. Austrian Chancellor Clemens Wenzel Lothar Nepomuk Prince von Metternich-Winneburg played a leading role at these meetings between 1814 and 1822, and he particularly wanted them to take place in the territories of the Austrian Empire because he could therefore better control their course and exert influence over the events to an extent undoubtedly exceeding the real power of the state whose interests he advocated. This is exactly what happened after 1814, and the subsequent years were definitely the happiest period in the life of the man known for his extraordinary diplomatic talent as well as his vanity. It was all the more difficult for him to reconcile himself with the loss of the position of the “coachman of Europe” in the 1820s when the alliance formed by the five European powers (Great Britain, France, Prussia, the Austrian Empire, and Russia) failed to solve the Greek war of independence. The July Revolution of 1830 then created a gulf between the liberal and conservative powers, so that neither the willingness of the five powers to cooperate under his leadership nor the necessary conditions for his leadership existed in the 1830s.
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Pincus, Steven C. A. "From butterboxes to wooden shoes: the shift in English popular sentiment from anti-Dutch to anti-French in the 1670s". Historical Journal 38, n.º 2 (junho de 1995): 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019452.
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ABSTRACTWhile Restoration historians have traditionally assumed that there was little public interest in foreign affairs, and that English attitudes towards Europe were determined either by religious or domestic concerns, this essay argues that there was a lively and sophisticated English debate about Europe which turned on the proper identification of the universal monarch rather than religion. In the later 1660s the English political nation was deeply divided in its understanding of European politics. Enthusiastic supporters of the restored monarchy thought that the republican United Provinces sought universal dominion, while the monarchy's radical critics identified absolutist France as an aspirant to universal monarchy. French success in the early phases of the third Anglo-Dutch war, the failure of the French navy to support the English fleet at sea, and the overthrow of the Dutch republican regime in favour of William III, Prince of Orange, convinced the vast majority of the English that France represented the greater threat. Ultimately popular pressure compelled Charles II to abandon the French alliance. In addition, the popular conviction that Louis XIV had succeeded in corrupting the English court resulted in a new-found desire for popular accountability in foreign affairs, and a consequent diminution of the royal prerogative in that sphere.
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Михтуненко, Вікторія, e Павло Біліченко. "POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH IN THE POLITICS OF EUROPEAN MONARCHS IN THE 18TH CENTURY". КОНСЕНСУС, n.º 4 (2023): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2023-04/071-083.
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In the XVIII century, the problems of solving national issues begin to play a special role on the international arena. Especially accute is the Polish issue, which was based on a kind of fusion of stereotypes established in society in combination with the correspondingly interpreted information about the past and present of the Polish people. The aim of the article is to study the evolution of the Polish question in European politics in the XVIII century. The article describes the prerequisites for the formation of the “Polish question” in the XVIII century. The evolution of the views of the leading states of the world at that time in relation to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is tracked. It is determined that the war for the “Polish inheritance” of 1733–1735 became the first serious European conflict after the two great wars of the first quarter of the XVIII century. The authors note that the Polish question is, first of all, a problem of the state status and borders of Polish lands in international relations in Europe. The article identifies the main political contradictions in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which became a catalyst for external intervention. The transformation of the relationship of Russia, France, Prussia and Austria to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the XVIII century is determined. The scientific novelty of this article lies in the coverage of the evolution of the Polish question from its formation in the middle of the XVIII century to the divisions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The article clarifies the peculiarities of the political position of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth on the international arena in the first half of the XVIII century; the consequences of the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the specifics of the formation of the Polish question are highlighted. In the conclusions, the authors note that the loss of its own statehood by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was provoked by a number of foreign and national political conflicts. Indeed, if we carefully analyze the international situation on the eve of 1772, we can confidently say that the main role was played by an internal factor. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had neither a strong centralized government, nor a consistent foreign policy, nor a powerful regular army. As for the foreign policy factor, here the authors of the article point out one very important trend: Russia, whose interests were then directed in the southern direction, was not ready to dismember the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Austria and Prussia pushed it to participate in the divisions, hoping to weaken Russian pressure against the Ottoman Empire, and to gain territorial possessions for themselves. The authors make an attempt to determine the place of the “Polish question” in international relations of the XVIII century.
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King, Ed. "Freedom of Speech in Early Stuart England". Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, n.º 1 (março de 2008): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080153.
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Freedom of Speech in Early Stuart England, David Colclough, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 314.The rhetorical lynchpin of this fascinating book's central argument is the concept of parrhesia, which is a Greek term that began life as a catch-all expression for the quality of speech belonging to citizens of the polis (6). Colclough implies that the tradition of parrhesia took a circular route via the freedom of expression inherent in the group rights of Greek citizens to the need for frank expression of unpleasant truths by courtiers to their rulers. This transition required that “frankness” be elevated to the status of a virtue once it became apparent that rulers did not always make decisions in the best interest of the state. After the Reformation in northern Europe this virtue evolved into a religious imperative in the face of sectarian persecution and in England, especially, this imperative naturally extended itself to the admonition of monarchs who encroached on their citizens' religious freedoms. Religious conflict led to war, war required economic investment and soon the religious imperative to oppose the wrong-headed heretic blended with a protestant parliament's right to admonish the monarch on purely secular matters. Thus, under the Stuarts, parrhesia eventually came to resume its original sense as the right and duty of a free subject to speak out in public without fear that his desire to preserve the common good would be prosecuted under laws aimed at the seditious and libelous. It is but a rising sense of the secular that enables us to recognize the change in values that led an onerous religious duty to become the unimpeachable liberal right we so casually assert today.
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Olszacki, Tomasz, e Artur Różański. "Residential tower of the Koło castle in the light of the latest archaeological research". Archaeologia Historica Polona 29 (1 de junho de 2022): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/ahp.2021.006.
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The Koło castle (Wielkopolskie voivodeship) is the best-preserved royal stronghold in the broadly defined historical province of Wielkopolska (Greater Poland). The castle owes this status not so much to the scale of the structures preserved to this day (i.e., ruins of the bergfried; the west curtain walls, still visible today in full length and considerable height; the greater part of the north curtain wall; and a section of the south one), but rather to the dilapidated condition of other castles founded by Polish monarchs. For a number of years (1977–1983), the Koło castle was subjected to archaeological research led by Łucja Pawlicka-Nowak (Regional Museum in Konin). Among other things, the excavations uncovered the residential tower discussed in thispaper. The excavations at the time covered the western half of the building’s interior, both of its outer southern corners, and the north-western area. The research was resumed in 2019, and the authors of this paper faced the challenge of verifying the earlier fieldwork, the extent of which was very wide and not fully documented. The investigations presented here shed completely new light both on the construction history of the Koło castle, and the issues concerning its chronology, which, in the light of current research, would have been as follows: Casimir the Great acquires the village and founds the town of Koło in 1362; the construction of the castle commences and the work on the site of the residential tower quickly progresses following 1365 (or 1367); the monarch dies in autumn 1370, before or shortly after the unfinished castle is consumed by fire. The article concludes with a chapter showing the Koło tower against the background of similar structures in Europe.
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Dean, Lucinda H. S. "‘richesse in fassone and in fairness’: Marriage, Manhood and Sartorial Splendour for Sixteenth-century Scottish Kings". Scottish Historical Review 100, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2021): 378–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2021.0536.
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Marriage was a prominent ‘life-stage’ ritual linked to achievement of the hegemonic manly state in the early modern period: it was associated with self-control and was seen as a stabilising force against the ‘follies of youth’. James IV (1488–1513), James V (1513–1542) and James VI (1567–1625) came to the throne as minors and their weddings provided particularly potent opportunities for shaping their identity both at home and abroad. Clothing was a crucial element of the social dialogue performed by both men and women in late medieval and early modern Europe. Dress, of the royal person and of others, was a mode of display in which all three monarchs invested heavily at the moment of their weddings. By offering a comparative analysis of the investment in sartorial splendour and the use of dress and personal adornment through a gendered lens, this article demonstrates how clothing and adornments were used to make statements about both manhood and royal status by three sixteenth-century Stewart kings attempting to secure their place in the homosocial hierarchy.
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ROSS, MICHAEL L. "Does Taxation Lead to Representation?" British Journal of Political Science 34, n.º 2 (1 de março de 2004): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000031.
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Does their need for greater tax revenue force governments to democratize? Most research on contemporary democratization says little about the effects of taxation. Yet there are good reasons to believe that taxation led to representation in the past: representative government first came about in early modern Europe when monarchs were compelled to relinquish some of their authority to parliamentary institutions, in exchange for the ability to raise new taxes; similarly, the war for independence in the United States began as a rebellion against British taxes. Some scholars argue that a comparable process is occurring today: the need to raise taxes forces authoritarian governments to democratize. These claims have never been carefully tested. In this article, the ‘taxation leads to representation’ argument is explored and tested using pooled time-series cross-national data from 113 countries between 1971 and 1997. One version of the argument appears to be valid, while another does not. These findings are important both for scholars who wish to understand the causes of democracy, and for policy makers who wish to promote it.
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Li, Xiaoshu, e Yuan Tan. "Moral Education and Heaven–Human Relationship in Jesuit Translations of Chinese Poetry (17th–18th Centuries)". Religions 15, n.º 7 (29 de junho de 2024): 798. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070798.
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The 17th and 18th centuries were a period of extensive cultural interaction between China and the West, and also the beginning of Chinese poetry translation in the West. Jesuit missionaries were pioneers in introducing Chinese poetry to Europe. Influenced by the Confucian poetic thought of Siwuxie 思無邪 (no depraved thoughts) and Ricci’s accommodation strategy, the Jesuits translated poems from the Shangshu 尚書, the Shijing 詩經, and the Emperor Qianlong’s Imperial Odes on Shengjing 禦制盛京賦, as well as works by Fan Zhongyan 范仲淹, Du Fu 杜甫, Shao Yong 绍雍, and even the poems in the exhortations of the Ming and Qing dynasties into European languages. These poems predominantly dealt with themes of moral education, the image of virtuous monarchs, and the Chinese concept of the Heaven–human relationship. Through intentional omissions and rewriting, the Jesuits incorporated their religious and political views into the Chinese poetry. Their translated works not only enriched European knowledge of Chinese culture but also demonstrated the complexity of Chinese–Western cultural exchange.
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Kumar, Sumit. "Alternate Democratic Institutions Panchayats of India: Away from the Western Ideas of Democracy". European Journal of Law and Political Science 1, n.º 1 (28 de abril de 2022): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2022.1.1.11.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
It is a fallacy to believe that democracy originated in Ancient Greece, it wasn’t truly democratic by todays’ standards, however it was something that philosophers and thinkers of the enlightenment could hark back upon to deliver us the modern concept of western democracy. Indeed, it is a western democracy only and not a true world democracy that it should be, it failed to consider the democratic traditions that have existed all across human civilizations past and present, Institutions that have existed through millennia and continue to do so. The thinkers of western Europe used the romantic ideas of Greek democracy and tried to create an alternative to the despotic monarchies that existed at that time in Europe, but all they managed to do was substitute heredity with elections, the power institutions of the government as they were during the reign of monarchs continue to remain bureaucratic and powerful. This paper tries to examine the alternative institutional structure of Panchayats by looking at the cases of two Pani Panchayats, one Van Panchayat, one Kashtkari Panchayat and the Khap Panchayats of North West India; how they have evolved historically, and how and why are they socially embedded creating a natural basis for establishing direct democracy at the grassroots level. Upon the investigation of the above cases, it is found that not only do Panchayats divide and decentralise the exercise of power, but it also provides indigenous institutional legitimacy to such exercise. It enhances the participation of not just all, but more specifically the participation of the marginalised sections of the society (women and untouchables) in their local decision-making processes. The examination of the Khap Panchayats and their historical evolution also points to the fact that social institution of Panchayats is not perfect, and they require rationalised restructuring in order to achieve its goal of establishing truly democratic institution at the grassroots level. Finally concluding that a socially embedded democratic institution like the Panchayat in India that has evolved with the society itself is a more suitable democratic institution, which can form the basis of a truly responsible democratic government.