Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Mise en cache codée"

Cet article propose d’explorer l’importance des histoires et s’ouvre sur ce que le philosophe allemand Wilhelm Schapp a appelé notre « empêtrement dans les histoires » : cette nécessité humaine que de raconter et de se raconter ; de s’inventer. À partir de là, l’auteur décrit comment, avec une jeune adolescente placée en Maison d’enfants, la création d’une histoire, à deux mains, aura participé à une mise en récit de soi, au dessein d’un soi au cœur de la crise. La forme horrifique devient alors le support privilégié de cette histoire aux enjeux multiples : entre irruption des éprouvés pubertaires et « jeu de bébé » qui aurait dégénéré.

La mise en scène de l’absence, pour reprendre l’expression de Susan Sontag, est un élément essentiel de l’oeuvre de Sophie Calle. Tout en continuant à mêler habilement vérité et fiction, elle façonne son image d’artiste dans son grand théâtre d’ombre où la photographie montre autant qu’elle cache. Depuis ses filatures à Venise ou dans Paris, elle est passée maître dans l’art de la manipulation de ses personnages, qu’ils soient des monuments communistes démantelés, des jeunes filles disparues ou des tableaux volés.

Les recherches sur les conditions socioéconomiques des Autochtones sont dominées par la mise en parallèle de leur situation avec celle des Allochtones. L’autochtonité ou la résidence dans une collectivité des Premières Nations y sont implicitement mises de l’avant comme principaux facteurs explicatifs. La recherche présentée vise à circonscrire l’apport réel de ces deux facteurs en rendant manifeste la contribution d’autres facteurs pertinents. En utilisant les données censitaires de 2001, en réduisant la comparaison aux communautés voisines de celles des Premières Nations et en recourant aux analyses de régression, la recherche permet de montrer l’importance de l’environnement immédiat et de l’isolement géographique pour comprendre la situation des Premières Nations. Elle montre également l’importance de l’égalité des chances, en premier lieu l’accès à l’éducation, dans l’explication de l’accès à un emploi et à un revenu supérieur. Enfin, elle souligne l’ampleur du problème de surpeuplement des logements vécu dans certaines communautés.

L'analyse des emplois conjugués du wolof, des langues locales et du français dans les interactions entre clients et vendeurs d'appartenance ethnique variée s'est faite à partir de relevés sur fiche codée d'une part, de transcriptions directes d'autre part. On tente de répondre à la question suivante : quel sens social revêt l'usage du wolof dans le processus dynamique de son contact avec les autres langues ? Le wolof tend à s'imposer à Ziguinchor comme langue commerciale ; pourtant son usage n'est pas encore catégorique. La compétence variable des interactants entraîne certes des adaptations réciproques dont témoignent les alternances de langues. Mais ces changements résultent principalement du jeu commercial : pour le vendeur, vendre au meilleur prix et se faire une clientèle, pour le client, acquérir au moindre prix. Rapprochement, mise à distance, ou équilibre des parties s’instaurent donc au travers de stratégies d'alternance discursive, qui mettent en relief les tensions sociales et interpersonnelles sous-jacentes. Les choix de langues sont porteurs de significations changeantes selon les lieux, les circonstances et l'âge, le sexe et l’appartenance ethnique des interactants. Si la poussée du wolof est manifeste dans le centre ville, elle est plus limitée à la périphérie. Son usage s'inscrit dans le cadre d'un plurilinguisme normal à Ziguinchor et les langues et les identités locales restent présentes, dans les zones périphériques surtout. Une identité plus neutre, urbaine, voire nationale, prend cependant corps au travers du choix du wolof dans les interactions.

Le Bel immonde de V. Y. Mudimbe a souvent été considéré comme un roman à part, le seul à posséder une intrigue, à afficher clairement ses intentions subversives dans le thème de la marginalité. L’héroïne du roman est une prostituée, amoureuse ou non, on ne le sait pas vraiment, d’un ministre influent du pays. La modernité du roman apparaît, selon nous, dans ses procédés de réflexivité (métatextualité et mise en abyme) comme dans ses techniques de décentrement (métalepse, anamorphose). Le présent article vise à montrer que le texte mudimbien s’accompagne d’un métatexte qui se veut mise en abyme, hypotypose, métalepse ou anamorphose. L’immonde, qui fait appel à la notion religieuse de l’impur et à celle, esthétique, du beau, se cache dans la plus stricte banalité du discours, du menu fait ou geste quotidien, voire du silence. À travers une dialectique du même et de l’autre, le roman subvertit les clichés de la norme sociale.

Omniprésent dans l’œuvre de Pierre Perrault, le dépaysement apparait comme une assise herméneutique qui placerait initialement tous ses documentaires, réalisés entre 1963 et 1993, dans une sorte de dispositif de révélation : constater le dépaysement permettrait de donner un accès à tout ce que le visible comporte d’invisible. Dès qu’est exprimée cette « prémisse », la notion porte alors en elle son lot de lieux rhétoriques et il suffit de regarder la manière dont se déploie ce thème pour saisir qu’il s’inscrit dans une mise en action d’un certain regard qui relève du style délibératif ou épidictique pour persuader les spectateurs de l’importance de voir ce qui se cache derrière le mur des évidences.

Cet article vise à décrire le comportement des petites et moyennes entre- prises (PME de 20 à 499 salariés) rhône-alpines en matière de création et d’acquisition des connaissances technoscientifiques nécessaires à la réalisation des innovations technologiques. Pour mener à bien cette analyse, nous avons utilisé les résultats d’une régionalisation de l’enquête innovation du SESSI (1990). On montre dans un premier temps que le critère de la taille des entreprises innovantes permet d’identifier des comportements types qui opposent les PME aux grandes entreprises. Mais cette homogénéité cache en réalité une diversité comportementale des PME innovatrices mise en évidence lors de l'analyse sous-sectorielle. On identifiera notamment trois grands types de sous-secteurs se caractérisant par le développement de pratiques d’acquisition de connaissances technologiques externes distinctes.

Résume Une traversée d’Amérique qui s’avère aussi être une quête du bonheur, c’est ainsi que se tisse la trame de ce roman de Noël Audet, Frontières ou tableaux d’Amérique. Un narrateur-personnage, au cours d’un voyage exploratoire, nous fait connaître le sort de sept Marie, réparties entre le Nord et le Sud, en des pays différents, et ce, dans le but de comprendre les avenues vers le bonheur. D’emblée, l’attitude consiste en un engagement envers une vérité qui s’ouvre sur l’universel. Toutefois, le déplacement concret sur le continent américain en cache d’autres, liant des niveaux structurels jusqu’à la symbolique du roman élaborant sa propre écriture. Des stratégies apparaissent alors, démontant les règles de cohérence et du coup, les certitudes du lecteur. Elles frôlent le désengagement par une mise en abyme de la fiction.

En s’inscrivant dans le cadre des approches néo-institutionnelles, cette contribution s’intéresse à l’influence exercée par les réseaux patronaux sur la diffusion des pratiques managériales, à travers l’exemple de la gestion des compétences dans les entreprises françaises. La littérature permet d’envisager les organisations d’employeurs comme des réseaux sociaux ayant un impact sur les politiques RH des entreprises, et l’étude du développement de la gestion des compétences permet d’étayer l’hypothèse d’une institutionnalisation sous influence patronale de cette pratique de gestion.Pour proposer une évaluation de ce lien, nous nous appuyons ensuite sur une méthodologie quantitative permettant de croiser l’appartenance de membres de la direction d’une entreprise à des réseaux patronaux et la diffusion des pratiques de gestion par les compétences. Les données utilisées sont issues de l’enquête Réponse réalisée par le Ministère du Travail, et ont été collectées auprès de 3000 établissements. Cette approche permet dans un premier temps de procéder à un succinct mais inédit état des lieux des réseaux patronaux en France, puis de mesurer l’impact de l’appartenance à ces réseaux sur la mise en oeuvre de la gestion des compétences.Les résultats montrent que près des trois quarts des établissements appartiennent à des réseaux patronaux ou bien les fréquentent, mais que derrière ce constat initial se cache une réalité multiforme et plutôt concentrée. Nous montrons ensuite que l’appartenance à des réseaux patronaux est bien un élément explicatif important du choix de mise en oeuvre d’une politique GRH orientée vers les compétences, et en particulier la participation à des clubs de DRH ou associations d’entrepreneurs. Les structures patronales les plus influentes apparaissent donc ici comme celles qui reposent davantage sur l’adhésion volontaire, la recherche de légitimité et l’échange d’outils et d’idées.

Insomnie, hallucinations, hyperactivité… Le quotidien des psychiatres. Au travers de ces 3 symptômes des psychiatres spécialistes du sommeil abordent la complexité des diagnostics évoqués. Quand parle-t-on d’insomnie complexe ou rebelle ? Que cache-t-elle ? Comment l’explorer ? Découverte au travers d’un cas clinique interactif pour vous aider à mettre en place une prise en charge efficiente.Pour les hallucinations, quel rapport avec le sommeil ? Quand sont-elles normales ? Que deviennent-elles avec l’âge et la pathologie ? Les hallucinations particulières du sujet âgé et celles de la narcolepsie seront précisées.Pour l’hyperactivité, une meilleure connaissance du Trouble Déficit de l’Attention Hyperactivité (TDA/H), trouble le plus fréquents en psychopathologie de l’enfant et de l’adolescent, a montré que ce trouble retentit de façon significative sur le fonctionnement scolaire, relationnel et familial de l’enfant. Le TDA/H persiste à l’adolescence et à l’âge adulte dans près de 60 % des cas. Les troubles du sommeil sont présents chez près de 25 à 50 % des patients TDA/H et nécessitent une évaluation et une prise en charge spécifique. Le défaut de prise en charge adaptée de cette pathologie peut avoir des conséquences sévères sur la vie entière des sujets. Ainsi le TDA/H nécessite la mise en place de stratégies relatives au parcours de soin des patients et à la prévention précoce du trouble en population générale.

The boundary between the external zones (Rocky Mountains) and the internal zones of the eastern Canadian Cordillera is marked by a Tertiary half graben, the Rocky Mountains Trench (RMT). In the south Cordillera, east of the Shuswap metamorphic complex, the fault limiting the trench is superimposed on an early major thrust, the Late Jurassic Purceli thrust. On approaching this discontinuity, the ductile deformation of the Miette Group, a detrital Precambrian suite, is characterized by a subvertical foliation and a subhorizontal stretching lineation parallel to the fold axes. The deformation intensity, its noncoaxial characters, and its geographic extension are interpreted as resulting from a dextral crustal shear, parallel to the mapped trace of the Purcell thrust and RMT. The dextral slip is deduced from a microtectonic analysis of the observed rotational criteria and is consistent with the small angle occurring between the directions of the linear structure (stretching lineations and fold axes) and those of adjacent discontinuities. The Middle Cretaceous age (100–78 Ma) attributed to this deformation is based on the age of syn- to late-tectonic metamorphic minerals as dated by the 39Ar–40Ar method. A kinematic model involving vectorial decomposition of an oblique convergence is proposed, suggesting the simultaneous occurrence, in the Middle Cretaceous, of two suborthogonal conjugated movement directions, respectively parallel and normal to the general Cordilleran trend. [Journal Translation]

Beau travail de Claire Denis fait partie des films qui nous invitent à les aborder sous l’angle de la répétition. Figure esthétique majeure des arts du xxe siècle, la répétition peut aussi être une forme discrète qui circule d’image en image. Parfois elle se cache et se déguise d’un plan à l’autre au sein d’un même film. Dans une approche analytique, l’auteure de cet article emploie la notion de « plan de consistance » présentée par Gilles Deleuze et Félix Guattari dans Mille plateaux (1980) pour proposer une étude figurative des formes de la répétition dans Beau travail. Deleuze et Guattari ont défini le « plan de consistance » comme un espace formel qui est simultanément un fond et un volume, une armature et une trame. Cet espace résiste dans la durée. En termes de cinéma, le plan de consistance d’un film est élaboré par l’articulation des plans, par la composition des cadres, par les mouvements qui animent l’espace ou les trajets qui le parcourent. Il constitue un repère visuel parfois fuyant, en mouvement mais repérable. L’analyse de Beau travail montre que les répétitions, loin de simplement construire des effets narratifs ou scéniques, participent de la mise en place d’un socle perceptif à la fois récurrent et variable, d’une trame visuelle reconnaissable et instable. L’auteure met ainsi au jour, dans l’économie figurative de ce film d’inspiration littéraire et musicale, l’élaboration de ce « plan de consistance » comme fond visible et invisible du montage filmique.

Durant la guerre franco-prussienne de 1870, un usage politique et idéologique fut fait de certaines théories physiologistes, notamment, on s’en doute, celles qui définissaient l’ennemi. Les différents discours contre ces derniers qui feront rage jusqu’à la Première Guerre mondiale s’échafaudent à partir d’élaborations scientifiques douteuses, qui relèvent également d’un imaginaire historique et d’une rhétorique qui s’appuie sur une forme de sacralisation de la guerre. Notre propos voudrait montrer que dans les nouvelles Boule de suif et Saint-Antoine, Maupassant révèle l’instrumentalisation qui est faite de ces discours modélisants. Souvent avec ironie, l’écrivain démontre que l’imaginaire social se fonde moins sur un savoir objectif et empirique que sur la conviction subjective d’une différence anthropologique et morale entre les individus, qui puise son énergie dans l’angoisse, la peur et une volonté de puissance d’un individu sur un autre. Dans les textes qui nous occupent, la « mise en ennemi » s’ajuste bel et bien, au-delà du fait historique, sur une intrication de données naturelles (biologiques, physiologiques) et culturelles (moeurs, habitudes) qui caractérisent l’ennemi comme l’« Autre à tuer ». L’ironie se cache dans l’utilisation que fait Maupassant du modèle anthropologique : en mettant en scène des identités hybrides où se mêlent qualités et défauts des dominés et des dominants, le romancier va en effet quitter l’échiquier ethnique et dépasser la question des identités nationales pour s’attaquer non pas aux Allemands ou aux Français en particulier, mais à la nature humaine en général et à sa propension à la barbarie.

Ce texte propose une lecture critique du discours souverainiste sur la recomposition de l’espace public national québécois. L’auteur soutient essentiellement que la redéfinition de la nation souhaitée par les souverainistes québécois selon laquelle le Québec doit tendre vers l’accomplissement d’une nation dé-ethnicisée, fondée sur une logique civique et rationnelle, est en porte-à-faux par rapport à l’imaginaire social des Québécois et la réalité politique du Québec. Sous couvert d’adhésion à la raison universelle, cette redéfinition repose sur une mise au ban de l’ethnicité et des particularismes culturels et participe d’une volonté de subsomption à la fois de l’identité historique des Québécois et des identités autres qui composent désormais le tissu social du Québec en un espace public post-national et homogénéisant. Contrairement aux apparences, le sens de la nation qui dérive du projet théorico-politique des souverainistes cache en réalité un acte d’exclusion et des prétentions hégémoniques au profit de la nation historique. L’auteur soutient qu’il ne sert à rien d’évacuer la différence et l’altérité inhérentes à la dynamique politique québécoise. L’ethnicité et la culture sont des faits de conscience incontournables. Un véritable projet d’avant-garde de recomposition de l’espace public au Québec devrait plutôt chercher à en accepter les aboutissants et à réaliser une configuration institutionnelle flexible qui ne banalise pas l’altérité et la différence, qui ne hiérarchise pas les identités et qui ne soit pas fondée sur une conception préétablie de l’espace public. Cela implique l’abandon de la « Nation » comme pivot axiomatique de la communauté politique et une remise en question fondamentale des paramètres du libéralisme contemporain.

En quoi les idéologies universitaires reflètent-elles l'histoire du système universitaire ? L'idéologie, comme on le sait, n'exprime point la réalité mais le rapport des agents, des groupes sociaux à la réalité. Toutefois elle n'est point pour cela pure illusion. La mise en parallèle des doctrines universitaires étudiées précédemment et des procédés de gestion et de direction de l'institution démontre bien qu'en tous les cas ce que l'idéologie divulgue n'est pas moins important que ce qu'elle cache. Bien sûr, l'idéologique étant pourvu d'un rythme et d'une temporalité propres, son histoire ne peut totalement coïncider avec celle des autres niveaux de pratique (direction, gestion et production des ressources) de l'institution : elle s'y articule, s'en dissocie, la précède et la prolonge. Existent entre les différents niveaux de visibles inter-relations ; parfois des liens de congruence, parfois des rapports d'incompatibilité. Ce sont ces inter-relations que l'analyse veut d'abord mettre à jour, en faisant temporairement abstraction de la question des déterminismes qui les sous-tendent. Le type de découpage auquel nous aurons recours est fonction de données sur les procédés de gestion, les types de production, les modes de direction caractéristiques de l'institution universitaire aux divers moments de son histoire récente, et il est en même temps congruent avec les séquences idéologiques que l'analyse a préalablement dégagées. Ainsi, nous avons distingué trois périodes dans l'histoire universitaire de Laval dont les repères chronologiques sont approximativement les suivants : de la fondation de l'université au XIXe siècle jusqu'aux années de la seconde guerre mondiale, pour la première période, l'après-guerre et les années cinquante, pour la seconde, la dernière décennie, pour la période la plus récente. Pour les fins de l'analyse comparative nous avons privilégié trois moments précis : 1940, 1955, 1968-69 ; nous avons eu aussi fréquemment recours à des données d'autre origine.

La pandémie de Covid-19 a brutalement modifié nos comportements et nos droits. Le masque a remplacé la poignée de main. Nous, médecins généralistes, avions l’habitude d’une poignée de main parfois ferme, parfois douce, parfois prolongée. Elle était le premier et le dernier contact interindividuel. Déjà, pour certains d’entre nous, elle était parfois remplacée par un signe de la main durant les épidémies de gastroentérite ou de grippe, mais un sourire accompagnait ce changement de rituel. Le masque cache désormais une partie de ce visage. Il est le symbole de la méfiance, de la potentielle dangerosité d’autrui. Pour Emmanuel Levinas, l’expérience d’autrui prend la forme du visage : « … l’accès au visage est d’emblée éthique ». Il nous propose de ne pas en rester à la description anatomique, à l’objectivité mais de comprendre, ressentir, la subjectivité de la personne. Il nous rappelle que « … la meilleure manière de rencontrer autrui, c’est de ne pas même remarquer la couleur de ses yeux ! »1. Cette rupture anthropologique a été très rapidement comparée à d’autres ruptures anthropologiques, comme la guerre ; en atteste le discours du président français de mars 2020. Pendant la Grande Guerre est sorti des rangs l’appel à la dignité des morts, qui est à l’origine de deux lois en 1915 : « mort pour la France » et « droit à une sépulture perpétuelle aux frais de l’État ». Ainsi, la fosse commune initiale anonyme où a été retrouvé Alain Fournier, auteur du Grand Meaulnes en 1991, est abandonnée au profit de sépultures plus dignes2. Que dire des rites funéraires pendant la Covid-19 ? De l’interdiction des familles de voir le mourant ? Des restrictions des rituels funéraires, qu’ils soient cultuels ou culturels ? Nous voyons dans nos cabinets les familles endeuillées et les effets de la mise en bière immédiate et de l’hermétisme du cercueil. Cette rupture anthropologique est aussi une justification de certaines théories eschatologiques. Dans cette fin du monde, les millénaristes en attente du Sauveur, de l’Élu ou de la parousie ont été remplacés par les collapsologues. Certains expliquent l’effondrement à venir de notre civilisation par les effets du capitalocène. La logique destructrice du capitalisme explique le réchauffement climatique, et la fonte du permafrost libère des virus inconnus… Certains répondent à cet effondrement de la biosphère et de la civilisation par la création d’« oasis survivalistes » : où la méfiance mène à l’isolement3. Ce même isolement qui, pendant la crise Covid-19, a amplifié les violences faites aux femmes… Qu’avons-nous fait, nous, médecins généralistes, face à cette rupture anthropologique ? Eh bien, nous avons poursuivi notre action. Même sans poignée de main, même derrière un masque, nous avons entretenu notre relation avec les patients. Nous les avons accompagnés tout au long de la vie. Et ce numéro 175 d’exercer va faciliter notre accompagnement. Comment ? Avec une réflexion sur notre ressenti lorsque nous dépistons les violences conjugales, et des outils d’aide à la décision pour les vaccins contre la Covid-19 et pour les soins palliatifs ambulatoires. Un article vous propose aussi de discuter l’origine du Sars-CoV-2. Ce numéro de rentrée nous rappelle que nos soins dans la globalité sont à même d’adoucir cette rupture anthropologique.

Computer systems are extensively being used in today’s era and the advancement in computer systems has led to the evolution of various technologies. As the efficiency of the computer systems is to be enhanced, the usage of cache memory becomes a must. The cache memory problems occur when multiprocessor systems are used. When multiple processors are processors share a common memory pool, the problem of cache coherence occurs. Cache coherence is a state in which the cache memories of the processors must stay in coherence with each other. The data should be updated in all the cache systems. Various protocols are used to ensure cache coherence. This study delineates the cache memory architecture, cache coherence, and the issues that arise due to non-consistent data in the cache of multiprocessor systems. Moreover, this study also delineates the protocols of the cache coherence and also describes in detail the MISE protocol. This study will provide an in-depth review of cache, cache coherence, and the issues associated with cache coherence along with the solution.

L’expression européenne de « réalisme magique » (1925) a été concurrencée par celle de « real maravilloso », définie par Alejo Carpentier (1949). Derrière ce changement de terminologie se cache toute une stratégie rhétorique, destinée à lier la notion au territoire américain au détriment de l’Europe. Il s’agira de s’intéresser de près à sa mise en place, en observant, à travers les ressorts davantage affectifs qu’intellectuels qui la sous-tendent, son lien à une forme d’hystérisation, mais aussi de voir comment elle a marqué durablement les approches théoriques relevant du réalisme magique.

Ce texte est l'occasion de présenter une forme apparue dans le cadre d’un travail expérimental et théorique sur la pensée de l’enveloppe en design. Il s’agit de la relecture textile du tore mathématique aux plis préservés en son centre lors de sa mise en forme. Cette figure, surnommée Kouglof en référence à la brioche alsacienne, interroge par sa capacité à être à la fois unique et multiple, simple et complexe. Dans sa réflexion philosophique sur le pli, Gilles Deleuze évoque à partir des mathématiques leibniziennes un nouveau statut de l'objet, l'objectile, qui trouva son application en architecture et design à l'ère numérique par le biais de son ami Bernard Cache au sein du mouvement Non Standard. Ce modèle permet d'expliciter les raisons intrinsèques de la figure étudiée et de la situer vis-à-vis de l'évolution des processus de conception dans le contexte de la troisième révolution industrielle. S'intéressant à la question de la disparition du moule inhérente à son statut, le Kouglof révèle plus particulièrement la spécificité de son ontologie plissée dans des logiques plus biologiques que biomorphiques, et incite à une attitude de projet « paysagère » plutôt que calculatoire.

L'anthropologie en tant que discipline scientifique s'est institutionnalisée de manière concomitante à l'affirmation de l'État-nation, aux entreprises coloniales et au souci politique de comprendre et gérer ces diversités censées menacer la cohésion sociale et la légitimité des institutions centrales: 'paysans', 'criminels', 'sauvages', 'indigènes' deviennent à la fois des objets de connaissance et de régulation. La question de la frontière s'est donc posée à double titre : à l'intérieur, dans la démarcation entre cultures savantes et cultures populaires, entre « modernité » et « survivances folkloriques », entre majorité et minorités, et à l'extérieur, dans le rapport aux sujets coloniaux. Toutes les anthropologies ont ainsi face au rapport « centre-périphérie », avec le souci de donner voix à des populations inécoutées, même si parfois cette opération a contribué à les constituer comme « autres ». Mais l'anthropologie a également contribué à montrer le caractère dynamique des frontières, leur épaisseur dense de toutes les potentialités du désordre, de l'informel (Van Gennep 1922; Douglas 1966; Turner 1969) et de la créativité culturelle (→) : en définissant les limites d'un système ou d'un monde, la frontière peut devenir le centre d'un autre. Une buffer-zone peut se constituer en État; dans les friches urbaines des quartiers, des sociabilités, des rituels inédits prennent forme; dans les frontières se donne à voir le caractère non essentialiste, négocié et performatif des identifications ethniques (Barth 1969). Le transnationalisme, la déterritorialisation, les flux de personnes, technologies, finances, imaginaires, marchandises accentuent ce processus et engendrent des réalités segmentées (Appadurai 1996): fractures et frontières dessinent des zones de contact (Pratt 1992) où le jeu des interactions produit aussi bien des pratiques et des imaginaires spécifiques, que des conflits et des relations de pouvoir. Par les frontières, le pouvoir se rend visible que ce soit par des stratégies de définition du centre, que par leur corollaire, la mise en marge et la création de discontinuités : « Une anthropologie des frontières analyse comment nations, groupes ethniques, religions, États et d'autres forces et institutions se rencontrent et négocient les conditions réciproques, dans un territoire où toutes les parties en cause s'attendent à rencontrer l'autre, un autre de toute manière construit par nous » (Donnan et Wilson, 1998 : 11). Pour les populations jadis colonisées, migrantes ou diasporiques, vivre la frontière, la porter en soi, constitue le jalon de stratégies identitaires et donne accès à un espace tiers (→) où on compose entre les enracinements à une patrie déterritorialisée et de nouvelles appartenances (Bhabha 1994; Pian 2009). Ce sujet qui se construit dans une situation de frontière n’est toutefois pas la prérogative de populations déplacées. Comme nous le rappelle Agier (2013), il constitue le soubassement d’une condition cosmopolite, au cœur de laquelle, la frontière devient l’espace, le temps et le rituel d’une relation. La frontière est centrale car elle nous rappelle concrètement qu’il n’y a pas de monde commun sans altérité : « pour l’anthropologie de la condition cosmopolite, il s’agit de transformer l’étranger global, invisible et fantomatique, celui que les politiques identitaires laissent sans voix, en une altérité proche et relative » (Agier 2013 : 206). Dans cette anthropologie qui déjoue le piège identitaire (Brubaker et Cooper 2000) et le refus de l’autre, connaissance et reconnaissance (→) vont ensemble. Cette liminarité féconde est au cœur d'une anthropologie non-hégémonique. Mais loin d'en constituer uniquement un objet d'étude, elle désigne également une posture épistémologique. Elle nous invite à déplacer le regard du centre aux marges des lieux de production intellectuelle, à en interroger la créativité, à analyser comment les frontières entre savoirs sont reformulées et comment elles sont mises en œuvre dans les pratiques de recherche. Ce décentrement interroge différents niveaux: un déplacement géographique qui implique une connaissance et une valorisation de ce qui se fait en-dehors des foyers conventionnels de production et de rayonnement scientifique de la discipline. Ces productions sont parfois peu connues en raison d'une difficile compréhension linguistique, à cause d'une rareté d'échanges liée à des contextes de répression politique, ou encore par l'accès difficile au système de l'édition. Un déplacement du regard en direction de ce qui est produit en-dehors des frontières des institutions universitaires et académiques, la professionnalisation de la discipline impliquant un essaimage des anthropologues dans les associations, dans les ONG, dans les entreprises, dans les administrations publiques. Comment, compte tenu des exigences de rigueur théorique et méthodologique de la discipline, ces productions en marge des centres de recherche institués, participent au renouvellement et à la revitalisation de l'ethnologie? Une anthropologie non hégémonique s'interroge également sur les sujets frontières de la discipline: elle est là où les limites bougent, là où une frontière en cache une autre, où les conflits éclatent, auprès d'interlocuteurs à qui le savoir officiel a longtemps nié la légitimité de parole et de subjectivité. Elle questionne une autre opération de bornage interne à sa constitution : une discipline ne se reconnaît pas uniquement pour ce qu'elle accepte à l'intérieur de ses frontières, mais aussi par ce qu'elle rejette et reformule. Ces processus d'inclusion, de purification et de catégorisation donnent lieu à des configurations spécifiques et constituent un analyseur des spécificités intellectuelles locales. Leur analyse permet aussi de s'interroger sur ces situations de croisement entre savoirs favorisant l'innovation scientifique. La tension entre anthropologies centrales et périphériques rejoint enfin la question de l'hégémonie dans les rapports entre sciences, avec tout ce que cela implique en termes de légitimité et de reconnaissance: ainsi l'opposition entre sciences 'dures' et 'molles', les paradigmes qui inspirent les dispositifs d'évaluation disciplinaire, les hégémonies linguistiques.

IntroductionOn 4 December 2016, a man entered a Washington, D.C., pizza parlor armed with an AR-15 assault rifle in an attempt to save the victims of an alleged satanic pedophilia ring run by prominent members of the Democratic Party. While the story had already been discredited (LaCapria), at the time of the incident, nearly half of Trump voters were found to give a measure of credence to the same rumors that had apparently inspired the gunman (Frankovic). Was we will discuss here, the bizarre conspiracy theory known as "Pizzagate" had in fact originated a month earlier on 4chan/pol/, a message forum whose very raison d’être is to protest against “political correctness” of the liberal establishment, and which had recently become a hub for “loose coordination” amongst members the insurgent US ‘alt-right’ movement (Hawley 48). Over a period of 25 hours beginning on 3 November 2016, contributors to the /pol/ forum combed through a cache of private e-mails belonging to Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager John Podesta, obtained by Russian hackers (Franceschi-Bicchierai) and leaked by Julian Assange (Wikileaks). In this short time period contributors to the forum thus constructed the basic elements of a narrative that would be amplified by a newly formed “right-wing media network”, in which the “repetition, variation, and circulation” of “repeated falsehoods” may be understood as an “important driver towards a ‘post-truth’ world” (Benkler et al). Heavily promoted by a new class of right-wing pundits on Twitter (Wendling), the case of Pizzagate prompts us to reconsider the presumed progressive valence of social media protest (Zuckerman).While there is literature, both popular and academic, on earlier protest movements associated with 4chan (Stryker; Olson; Coleman; Phillips), there is still a relative paucity of empirical research into the newer forms of alt-right collective action that have emerged from 4chan. And while there have been journalistic exposés tracing the dissemination of the Pizzagate rumors across social media as well as deconstructing its bizarre narrative (Fisher et al.; Aisch; Robb), as of yet there has been no rigorous analysis of the provenance of this particular story. This article thus provides an empirical study of how the Pizzagate conspiracy theory developed out of a particular set of collective action techniques that were in turn shaped by the material affordances of 4chan’s most active message board, the notorious and highly offensive /pol/.Grammatised Collective ActionOur empirical approach is partially inspired by the limited data-scientific literature of 4chan (Bernstein et al.; Hine et al.; Zannettou et al.), and combines close and distant reading techniques to study how the technical design of 4chan ‘grammatises’ new forms of collective action. Our coinage of grammatised collective action is based on the notion of “grammars of action” from the field of critical information studies, which posits the radical idea that innovations in computational systems can also be understood as “ontological advances” (Agre 749), insofar as computation tends to break the flux of human activity into discrete elements. By introducing this concept our intent is not to minimise individual agency, but rather to emphasise the ways in which computational systems can be conceptualised in terms of an individ­ual-milieu dyad where the “individual carries with it a certain inheritance […] animated by all the potentials that characterise [...] the structure of a physical system” (Simondon 306). Our argument is that grammatisation may be thought to create new kinds of niches, or affordances, for new forms of sociality and, crucially, new forms of collective action — in the case of 4chan/pol/, how anonymity and ephemerality may be thought to afford a kind of post-truth protest.Affordance was initially proposed as a means by which to overcome the dualistic tendency, inherited from phenomenology, to bracket the subject from its environment. Thus, affordance is a relational concept “equally a fact of the environment and a fact of behaviour” (Gibson 129). While, in the strictly materialist sense affordances are “always there” (Gibson 132), their capacity to shape action depends upon their discovery and exploitation by particular forms of life that are capable of perceiving them. It is axiomatic within ethology that forms of life can be understood to thrive in their own dynamic, yet in some real sense ontologically distinct, lifeworlds (von Uexküll). Departing from this axiom, affordances can thus be defined, somewhat confusingly but accurately, as an “invariant combination of variables” (Gibson 134). In the case of new media, the same technological object may afford different actions for specific users — for instance, the uses of an online platform appears differently from the perspective of the individual users, businesses, or a developer (Gillespie). Recent literature within the field of new media has sought to engage with this concept of affordance as the methodological basis for attending to “the specificity of platforms” (Bucher and Helmond 242), for example by focussing on how a platform’s affordances may be used as a "mechanism of governance" (Crawford and Gillespie 411), how they may "foster democratic deliberation" (Halpern and Gibbs 1159), and be implicated in the "production of normativity" (Stanfill 1061).As an anonymous and essentially ephemeral peer-produced image-board, 4chan has a quite simple technical design when compared with the dominant social media platforms discussed in the new media literature on affordances. Paradoxically however in the simplicity of their design 4chan boards may be understood to afford rather complex forms of self-expression and of coordinated action amongst their dedicated users, whom refer to themselves as "anons". It has been noted, for example, that the production of provocative Internet memes on 4chan’s /b/ board — the birthplace of Rickrolling — could be understood as a type of "contested cultural capital", whose “media literate” usage allows anons to demonstrate their in-group status in the absence of any persistent reputational capital (Nissenbaum and Shiffman). In order to appreciate how 4chan grammatises action it is thus useful to study its characteristic affordances, the most notable of which is its renowned anonymity. We should thus begin by noting how the design of the site allows anyone to post anything virtually anonymously so long as comments remain on topic for the given board. Indeed, it was this particular affordance that informed the emergence of the collective identity of the hacktivist group “Anonymous”, some ten years before 4chan became publicly associated with the rise of the alt-right.In addition to anonymity the other affordance that makes 4chan particularly unique is ephemerality. As stated, the design of 4chan is quite straightforward. Anons post comments to ongoing threaded discussions, which start with an original post. Threads with the most recent comments appear first in order at the top of a given board, which result in the previous threads getting pushed down the page. Even in the case of the most popular threads 4chan boards only allow a finite number of comments before threads must be purged. As a result of this design, no matter how popular a discussion might be, once having reached the bump-limit threads expire, moving down the front page onto the second and third page either to be temporarily catalogued or else to disappear from the site altogether (see Image 1 for how popular threads on /pol/, represented in red, are purged after reaching the bump-limit).Image 1: 55 minutes of all 4chan/pol/ threads and their positions, sampled every 2 minutes (Hagen)Adding to this ephemerality, general discussion on 4chan is also governed by moderators — this in spite of 4chan’s anarchic reputation — who are uniquely empowered with the ability to effectively kill a thread, or a series of threads. Autosaging, one of the possible techniques available to moderators, is usually only exerted in instances when the discussion is deemed as being off-topic or inappropriate. As a result of the combined affordances, discussions can be extremely rapid and intense — in the case of the creation of Pizzagate, this process took 25 hours (see Tokmetzis for an account based on our research).The combination of 4chan’s unique affordances of anonymity and ephemerality brings us to a third factor that is crucial in order to understand how it is that 4chan anons cooked-up the Pizzagate story: the general thread. This process involves anons combing through previous discussion threads in order to create a new thread that compiles all the salient details on a given topic often archiving this data with services like Pastebin — an online content hosting service usually used to share snippets of code — or Google Docs since the latter tend to be less ephemeral than 4chan.In addition to keeping a conversation alive after a thread has been purged, in the case of Pizzagate we noticed that general threads were crucial to the process of framing those discussions going forward. While multiple general threads might emerge on a given topic, only one will consolidate the ongoing conversation thereby affording significant authority to a single author (as opposed to the anonymous mass) in terms of deciding on which parts of a prior thread to include or exclude. While general threads occur relatively commonly in 4chan, in the case of Pizzagate, this process seemed to take on the form of a real-time collective research effort that we will refer to as bullshit accumulation.The analytic philosopher Harry Frankfurt argues that bullshit is form of knowledge-production that appears unconcerned with objective truth, and as such can be distinguished from misinformation. Frankfurt sees bullshit as “more ambitious” than misinformation defining it as “panoramic rather than particular” since it is also prepared to “fake the context”, which in his estimation makes bullshit a “greater enemy of the truth” than lies (62, 52). Through an investigation into the origins of Pizzagate on /pol/, we thus are able to understand how grammatised collective action assists in the accumulation of bullshit in the service of a kind of post-truth political protest.Bullshit Accumulation4chan has a pragmatic and paradoxical relationship with belief that has be characterised in terms of kind of quasi-religious ironic collectivism (Burton). Because of this "weaponizing [of] irony" (Wilson) it is difficult to objectively determine to what extent anons actually believed that Pizzagate was real, and in a sense it is beside the point. In combination then with the site’s aforementioned affordances, it is this peculiar relationship with the truth which thus makes /pol/ so uniquely productive of bullshit. Image 2: Original pizzagate post on 4chan/pol/When #Pizzagate started trending on Twitter on 4 November 2017, it became clear that much of the narrative, and in particular the ‘pizza connection’, was based on arcane (if not simply ridiculous) interpretations of a cache of e-mails belonging to Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager John Podesta released by Wikileaks during the final weeks of the campaign. While many of the subsequent journalistic exposé would claim that Pizzagate began on 4chan, they did not explore its origins, perhaps because of the fact that 4chan does not consistently archive its threads. Our analysis overcame this obstacle by using a third party archive, Archive4plebs, which allowed us to pinpoint the first instance of a thread (/pol/) that discussed a connection between the keyword “pizza” and the leaked e-mails (Image 2).Image 3: 4chan/pol/ Pizzagate general threadsStarting with the timestamp of the first thread, we identified a total of 18 additional general threads related to the topic of Pizzagate (see Image 3). This establishes a 25-hour timeframe in which the Pizzagate narrative was formed (from Wednesday 2 November 2016, 22:17:20, until Thursday 3 November 2016, 23:24:01). We developed a timeline (Image 4) identifying 13 key moments in the development of the Pizzagate story such as the first attempts at disseminating the narrative to other platforms such as the Reddit forum r/The_Donald a popular forum whose reactionary politics had arguably set the broader tone for the Trump campaign (Heikkila).Image 4: timeline of the birth of Pizzagate. Design by Elena Aversa, information design student at Density Design Lab.The association between the Clinton campaign and pedophilia came from another narrative on 4chan known as ‘Orgy Island’, which alleged the Clintons flew to a secret island for sex tourism aboard a private jet called "Lolita Express" owned by Jeffrey Epstein, an American financier who had served 13 months in prison for soliciting an underage prostitute. As with the Pizzagate story, this narrative also appears to have developed through the shared infrastructure of Pastebin links included in general posts (Pastebin) often alongside Wikileaks links.Image 5: Clues about “pizza” being investigatedOrgy Island and other stories were thus combined together with ‘clues’, many of which were found in the leaked Podesta e-mails, in order to imagine the connections between pedophila and pizza. It was noticed that several of Podesta’s e-mails, for example, mentioned the phrase ‘cheese pizza’ (see Image 5), which on 4chan had long been used as a code word for ‘child pornography’ , the latter which is banned from the site.Image 6: leaked Podesta e-mail from Marina AbramovicIn another leaked e-mail, for example, sent to Podesta from the renowned performance artist Marina Abramovich (see Image 6), a reference to one of her art projects, entitled ‘Spirit Cooking’ — an oblique reference to the mid-century English occultist Aleister Crowley — was interpreted as evidence of Clinton’s involvement in satanic rituals (see Image 7). In the course of this one-day period then, many if not most of the coordinates for the Pizzagate narrative were thus put into place subsequently to be amplified by a new breed of populist social media activists in protest against a corrupt Democratic establishment.Image 7: /pol/ anon’s reaction to the e-mail in Image 6During its initial inception on /pol/, there was the apparent need for visualisations in order make sense of all the data. Quite early on in the process, for example, one anon posted:my brain is exploding trying to organize the connections. Anyone have diagrams of these connections?In response, anons produced numerous conspiratorial visualisations, such as a map featuring all the child-related businesses in the neighbourhood of the D.C. pizza parlor — owned by the boyfriend of the prominent Democratic strategist David Brock — which seemed to have logos of the same general shape as the symbols apparently used by pedophiles, and whose locations seems furthermore to line up in the shape of a satanic pentagram (see Image 8). Such visualisations appear to have served three purposes: they helped anons to identify connections, they helped them circumvent 4chan’s purging process — indeed they were often hosted on third-party sites such as Imgur — and finally they helped anons to ultimately communicate the Pizzagate narrative to a broader audience.Image 8. Anonymously authored Pizzagate map revealing a secret pedophilia network in D.C.By using an inductive approach to categorise the comments in the general threads a set of non-exclusive codes emerged, which can be grouped into five overarching categories: researching, interpreting, soliciting, archiving and publishing. As visualised in Image 9, the techniques used by anons in the genesis of Pizzagate appears as a kind of vernacular rendition of many of the same “digital methods” that we use as Internet researchers. An analysis of these techniques thus helps us to understanding how a grammatised form of collective action arises out of anons’ negotiations with the affordances of 4chan — most notably the constant purging of threads — and how, in special circumstances, this can lead to bullshit accumulation.Image 9: vernacular digital methods on /pol/ ConclusionWhat this analysis ultimately reveals is how 4chan/pol/’s ephemerality affordance contributed to an environment that is remarkably productive of bullshit. As a type of knowledge-accumulation, bullshit confirms preconceived biases through appealing to emotion — this at the expense of the broader shared epistemic principles, an objective notion of “truth” that arguably forms the foundation for public reason in large and complex liberal societies (Lynch). In this sense, the bullshit of Pizzagate resonates with Hannah Arendt’s analysis of totalitarian discourse which nurtures a conspiratorial redefining of emotional truth as “whatever respectable society had hypocritically passed over, or covered with corruption" (49).As right-wing populism establishes itself evermore firmly in many countries in which technocratic liberalism had formerly held sway, the demand for emotionally satisfying post-truth, will surely keep the new online bullshit factories like /pol/ in business. Yet, while the same figures who initially assiduously sought to promote Pizzagate have subsequently tried to distance themselves from the story (Doubeck; Colbourn), Pizzagate continues to live on in certain ‘alternative facts’ communities (Voat).If we conceptualise the notion of a ‘public’ as a local and transient entity that is, above all, defined by its active engagement with a given ‘issue’ (Marres), then perhaps we should consider Pizzagate as representing a new post-truth species of issue-public. Indeed, one could go so far as to argue that, in the era of post-truth, the very ‘reality’ of contemporary issues-publics are increasingly becoming a function of their what communities want to believe. Such a neopragmatist theory might even be used to support the post-truth claim — as produced by the grammatised collective actions of 4chan anons in the course of a single day — that Pizzagate is real!References Agre, Phillip E. “Surveillance and Capture.” The New Media Reader. Eds. 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While exploring the virtual world Second Life one day, I received a group message across the in-world communication system – “there’s a griefer on the beach. Stay away from the beach till we catch him.” There was no need to explain; everyone receiving the message knew what a griefer was and had a general idea of the kinds of things that could be happening. We’d all seen griefers at work before – someone monopolising the chat channel so no one else can communicate, people being “caged” at random, or even weapons fire causing so much “overhead” that all activity in the area slows to a crawl. These kinds of attacks are not limited to virtual worlds. Most people have experienced griefing in their everyday lives, which might best be defined as having fun at someone else’s expense. More commonly seen examples of this in the real world include teasing, bullying, and harassment; playground bullies have long made other children’s free time miserable. More destructive griefing includes arson and theft. Griefing activities happen in all kinds of games and virtual worlds. Griefers who laugh at new users and “yell” (so that all players can hear) that they stink, have followed new users of Disney’s tween-popular ToonTown. Griefers pose as friendly, helpful players who offer to show new users a path through difficult parts of a game, but then who abandon the new user in a spot where he or she does not have the skills to proceed. In World of Warcraft, a popular massively multiplayer online role playing game (MMORPG) created by Blizzard with more than seven million registered, if not active, users, griefers engage in what is known as corpse camping; they sit by a corpse, killing it over and over every time the player tries to get back into the game. The griefer gets a small number of experience points; the player being killed gets aggravated and has to wait out the griefing to play the game again (Warner & Raiter). Griefing in World of Warcraft was featured in an award nominated episode of the television program South Park, in which one character killed every other player he met. This paper considers different types of griefing, both in online games and virtual worlds, and then looks at the actions other players, those being griefed, take against griefers. A variety of examples from Second Life are considered because of the open-structure of the world and its developing nature. Definitions and Types Griefing in online environments such as video games and virtual worlds has been defined as “purposefully engaging in activities to disrupt the gaming experience of other players” (Mulligan & Patrovsky 250). The “purposeful” part of the definition means that accidental bumping and pushing, behaviours often exhibited by new users, are not griefing (Warner & Raiter). Rossingol defines a griefer as, “a player of malign intentions. They will hurt, humiliate and dishevel the average gamer through bending and breaking the rules of online games. ...They want glory, gain or just to partake in a malignant joy at the misfortune of others.” Davis, who maintains a gaming blog, describes Second Life as being populated by “those who build things and those who like to tear them down,” with the latter being the griefers who may be drawn to the unstructured anything-goes nature of the virtual world (qtd. in Girard). Definitions of griefing differ based on context. For instance, griefing has been examined in a variety of multi-player online games. These games often feature missions where players have to kill other players (PvP), behaviour that in other contexts such as virtual worlds would be considered griefing. Putting a monster on the trail of a player considered rude or unskilled might be a way to teach a lesson, but also an example of griefing (Taylor). Foo and Koivisto define griefing in MMORPGs as “play styles that disrupt another player’s gaming experience, usually with specific intention. When the act is not specifically intended to disrupt and yet the actor is the sole beneficiary, it is greed play, a subtle form of grief play” (11). Greed play usually involves actions that disrupt the game play of others but without technically breaking any game rules. A different way of looking at griefing is that it is a sign that the player understands the game or virtual world deeply enough to take advantage of ambiguities in the rules by changing the game to something new (Koster). Many games have a follow option; griefers pick a victim, stand near them, get as naked as possible, and then just follow them around without talking or explaining their actions (Walker). Another example is the memorial service in World of Warcraft for a player who died in real life. The service was interrupted by an attack from another clan; everyone at the memorial service was killed. It is not clear cut who the griefers actually were in this case – the mourners who chose to have their peaceful service in an area marked for player combat or the attackers following the rules for that area and working to earn points and progress in the game. In the case of the mourners, they were changing the rules of the game to suit them, to create something unique – a shared space to mourn a common friend. But they were definitely not playing by the rules. The attackers, considered griefers by many both in and outside of the game, did nothing that broke any rules of the game, though perhaps they broke rules of common decency (“World”); what they did does not fit into the definition of griefing, as much as do the actions of the mourners (Kotaku). Reshaping the game can be done to embed a new, sometimes political, message into the game. A group named Velvet Strike formed to protest US military action. They went into Counter Strike to bring a “message of peace, love and happiness to online shooters by any means necessary” (King). They placed spray painted graphics containing anti-war messages into the game; when confronted with people from other teams the Velvet Strike members refused to shoot (King). The group website contains “recipes” for non-violent game play. One “recipe” involved the Velvet Strike member hiding at the beginning of a mission and not moving for the rest of the game. The other players would shoot each other and then be forced to spend the rest of the game looking for the last survivor in order to get credit for the win. Similar behaviour has been tried inside the game America’s Army. Beginning March, 2006, deLappe, an artist who opposes the U.S. government’s involvement in Iraq, engaged in griefing behaviour by filling (spamming) the in-game text channel with the names of the people killed in the war; no one else can communicate on that channel. Even his character name, dead-in-Iraq, is an anti-war protest (deLappe). “I do not participate in the proscribed mayhem. Rather, I stand in position and type until I am killed. After death, I hover over my dead avatar’s body and continue to type. Upon being re-incarnated in the next round, I continue the cycle” (deLappe n.p.). What about these games and virtual worlds might lead people to even consider griefing? For one thing, they seem anonymous, which can lead to irresponsible behaviour. Players use fake names. Characters on the screen do not seem real. Another reason may be that rules can be broken in videogames and virtual worlds with few consequences, and in fact the premise of the game often seems to encourage such rule breaking. The rules are not always clearly laid out. Each game or world has a Terms of Service agreement that set out basic acceptable behaviour. Second Life defines griefing in terms of the Terms of Service that all users agree to when opening accounts. Abuse is when someone consciously and with malicious intent violates those terms. On top of that limited set of guidelines, each landowner in a virtual world such as Second Life can also set rules for their own property, from dress code, to use of weapons, to allowable conversation topics. To better understand griefing, it is necessary to consider the motivations of the people involved. Early work on categorising player types was completed by Bartle, who studied users of virtual worlds, specifically MUDs, and identified four player types: killers, achievers, socialisers, and explorers. Killers and achievers seem most relevant in a discussion about griefing. Killers enjoy using other players to get ahead. They want to do things to other people (not for or with others), and they get the most pleasure if they can act without the consent of the other player. Knowing about a game or a virtual world gives no power unless that knowledge can be used to gain some advantage over others and to enhance your standing in the game. Achievers want power and dominance in a game so they can do things to the game and master it. Griefing could help them feel a sense of power if they got people to do their will to stop the griefing behavior. Yee studied the motivations of people who play MMORPGs. He found that people who engage in griefing actually scored high in being motivated to play by both achieving and competition (“Facets”). Griefers often want attention. They may want to show off their scripting skills in the hope of earning respect among other coders and possibly be hired to program for others. But many players are motivated by a desire to compete and to win; these categories do not seem to be adequate for understanding the different types of griefing (Yee, “Faces of Grief”). The research on griefing in games has also suggested ways to categorise griefers in virtual worlds. Suler divides griefers into two types (qtd. in Becker). The first is those who grief in order to make trouble for authority figures, including the people who create the worlds. A few of the more spectacular griefing incidents seem designed to cause trouble for Linden Lab, the creators of Second Life. Groups attacked the servers that run Second Life, known as the grid, in October of 2005; this became known as the “gray goo attack” (Second Life; Wallace). Servers were flooded with objects and Second Life had to be taken off line to be restored from backups. More organised groups, such as the W-hats, the SL Liberation Army, and Patriotic Nigas engage in more large scale and public griefing. Some groups hope to draw attention to the group’s goals. The SL Liberation Army wants Linden Lab to open up the governance of the virtual world so that users can vote on changes and policies being implemented and limit corporate movement into Second Life (MarketingVox). Patriotic Nigas, with about 35 active members, want to slow the entry of corporations into Second Life (Cabron, “Who are Second Life’s”). One often discussed griefer attack in Second Life included a flood of pink flying penises directed against land owner and the first person to have made a profit of more than one million United States dollars in a virtual world, Anshe Chung, during a well-publicised and attended interview in world with technology news outlet CNET (Walsh, “Second Life Millionaire” ). The second type proposed by Suler is the griefer who wants to hurt and victimise others (qtd. in Becker). Individual players often go naked into PG-rated areas to cause trouble. Weapons are used in areas where weapons are banned. Second Life publishes a police blotter, which lists examples of minor griefing and assigned punishment, including incidents of disturbing the peace and violating community standards for which warnings and short bans have been issued. These are the actions of individuals for the most part, as were the people who exploited security holes to enter the property uninvited during the grand opening of Endemol’s Big Brother island in Second Life; guests to the opening were firebombed and caged. One of the griefers explained her involvement: Well I’m from The Netherlands, and as you might know the tv concept of big brother was invented here, and it was in all the newspapers in Holland. So I thought It would be this huge event with lots of media. Then I kinda got the idea ‘hey I could ruin this and it might make the newspaper or tv. So that’s what set me off, lol. (qtd. in Sklar) Some groups do grief just to annoy. The Patriotic Nigas claim to have attacked the John Edwards headquarters inside SL wearing Bush ‘08 buttons (Cabron, “John Edwards Attackers”), but it was not a political attack. The group’s founder, Mudkips Acronym (the name of his avatar in SL) said, “I’m currently rooting for Obama, but that doesn’t mean we won’t raid him or anything. We’ll hit anyone if it’s funny, and if the guy I want to be president in 2008’s campaign provides the lulz, we’ll certainly not cross him off our list” (qtd. in Cabron, “John Edwards Attackers”). If they disrupt a high profile event or site, the attack will be covered by media that can amplify the thrill of the attack, enhance their reputation among other griefers, and add to their enjoyment of the griefing. Part of the definition of griefing is that the griefer enjoys causing other players pain and disrupting their game. One resident posted on the SL blog, “Griefers, for the most part, have no other agenda other than the thrill of sneaking one past and causing a big noise. Until a spokesperson comes forward with a manifesto, we can safely assume that this is the work of the “Jackass” generation, out to disrupt things to show that they can“ (Scarborough). Usually to have fun, griefers go after individuals, rather than the owners and administrators of the virtual world and so fit into Suler’s second type of griefing. These griefers enjoy seeing others get angry and frustrated. As one griefer said: Understanding the griefer mindset begins with this: We don’t take the game seriously at all. It continues with this: It’s fun because you react. Lastly: We do it because we’re jerks and like to laugh at you. I am the fly that kamikazes into your soup. I am the reason you can’t have nice things … . If I make you cry, you’ve made my day. (Drake) They have fun by making the other players mad. “Causing grief is the name of his game. His objective is simple: Make life hell for anyone unlucky enough to be playing with him. He’s a griefer. A griefer is a player bent on purposely frustrating others during a multiplayer game” (G4). “I’m a griefer. It’s what I do,” the griefer says. “And, man, people get so pissed off. It’s great” (G4). Taking Action against Griefers Understanding griefing from the griefer point of view leads us to examine the actions of those being griefed. Suler suggests several pairs of opposing actions that can be taken against griefers, based on his experience in an early social environment called Palace. Many of the steps still being used fit into these types. He first describes preventative versus remedial action. Preventative steps include design features to minimise griefing. The Second Life interface includes the ability to build 3D models and to create software; it also includes a menu for land owners to block those features at will, a design feature that helps prevent much griefing. Remedial actions are those taken by the administrators to deal with the effects of griefing; Linden Lab administrators can shut down whole islands to keep griefer activities from spreading to nearby islands. The second pair is interpersonal versus technical; interpersonal steps involve talking to the griefers to get them to stop ruining the game for others, while technical steps prevent griefers from re-entering the world. The elven community in Second Life strongly supports interpersonal steps; they have a category of members in their community known as guardians who receive special training in how to talk to people bent on destroying the peacefulness of the community or disturbing an event. The creators of Camp Darfur on Better World island also created a force of supporters to fend off griefer attacks after the island was destroyed twice in a week in 2006 (Kenzo). Linden Lab also makes use of technical methods; they cancel accounts so known griefers can not reenter. There were even reports that they had created a prison island where griefers whose antics were not bad enough to be totally banned would be sent via a one-way teleporter (Walsh, “Hidden Virtual World Prison”). Some users of Second Life favour technical steps; they believe that new users should be held a fixed amount of time on the Orientation island which would stop banned users from coming back into the world immediately. The third is to create tools for average users or super users (administrators); both involve software features, some of which are available to all users to help them make the game good for them while others are available only to people with administrator privileges. Average users who own land have a variety of tools available to limit griefing behaviour on their own property. In Second Life, the land owner is often blamed because he or she did not use the tools provided to landowners by Linden Lab; they can ban individual users, remove users from the land, mute their conversation, return items left on the property, and prevent people from building or running scripts. As one landowner said, “With the newbies coming in there, I’ve seen their properties just littered with crap because they don’t know protective measures you need to take as far as understanding land control and access rights” (qtd. in Girard). Super users, those who work for Linden Lab, can remove a player from the game for a various lengths of time based on their behaviour patterns. Responses to griefers can also be examined as either individual or joint actions. Individual actions include those that land owners can take against individual griefers. Individual users, regardless of account type, can file abuse reports against other individuals; Linden Lab investigates these reports and takes appropriate action. Quick and consistent reporting of all griefing, no matter how small, is advocated by most game companies and user groups as fairly successful. Strangely, some types of joint actions have been not so successful. Landowners have tried to form the Second Life Anti-Griefing Guild, but it folded because of lack of involvement. Groups providing security services have formed; many event organisers use this kind of service. (Hoffman). More successful efforts have included the creation of software, such as SLBanLink.com, Karma, and TrustNet that read lists of banned users into the banned list on all participating property. A last category of actions to be taken against griefers, and a category used by most residents of virtual worlds, is to leave them alone—to ignore them, to tolerate their actions. The thinking is that, as with many bullies in real life, griefers want attention; when deprived of that, they will move on to find other amusements. Yelling and screaming at griefers just reinforces their bad behaviour. Users simply teleport to other locations or log off. They warn others of the griefing behaviour using the various in-world communication tools so they too can stay away from the griefers. Most of the actions described above are not useful against griefers for whom a bad reputation is part of their credibility in the griefer community. The users of Second Life who staged the Gray Goo denial of service attack in October, 2005 fit into that category. They did nothing to hide the fact that they wanted to cause massive trouble; they named the self-replicating object that they created Grief Spawn and discussed ways to bring down the world on griefer forums (Wallace) Conclusion The most effective griefing usually involves an individual or small group who are only looking to have fun at someone else’s expense. It’s a small goal, and as long as there are any other users, it is easy to obtain the desired effect. In fact, as word spreads of the griefing and users feel compelled to change their behaviour to stave off future griefer attacks, the griefers have fun and achieve their goal. The key point here is that everyone has the same goal – have fun. Unfortunately, for one group – the griefers – achieving their goal precludes other users from reaching theirs. Political griefers are less successful in achieving their goals. Political creative play as griefing, like other kinds of griefing, is not particularly effective, which is another aspect of griefing as error. Other players react with frustration and violence to the actions of griefers such as deLappe and Velvet-Strike. If griefing activity makes people upset, they are less open to considering the political or economic motives of the griefers. Some complaints are relatively mild; “I’m all for creative protest and what not, but this is stupid. It’s not meaningful art or speaking out or anything of the type, its just annoying people who are never going to change their minds about how awesome they think war is” (Borkingchikapa). Others are more negative: “Somebody really needs to go find where that asshole lives and beat the shit out of him. Yeah, it’s a free country and he can legally pull this crap, but that same freedom extends to some patriot kicking the living shit out of him” (Reynolds). In this type of griefing no one’s goals for using the game are satisfied. The regular users can not have fun, but neither do they seem to be open to or accepting of the political griefer’s message. This pattern of success and failure may explain why there are so many examples of griefing to disrupt rather then the politically motivated kind. It may also suggest why efforts to curb griefing have been so ineffective in the past. Griefers who seek to disrupt for fun would see it as a personal triumph if others organised against them. Even if they found themselves banned from one area, they could quickly move somewhere else to have their fun since whom or where they harass does not really matter. Perhaps not all griefing is in error, rather, only those griefing activities motivated by any other goal than have fun. People invest their time and energy in creating their characters and developing skills. The behaviour of people in these virtual environments has a definite bearing on the real world. And perhaps that explains why people in these virtual worlds react so strongly to the behaviour. So, remember, stay off the beach until they catch the griefers, and if you want to make up the game as you go along, be ready for the other players to point at you and say “Bad, Bad Avatar.” References Bartle, Richard. “Players Who Suit MUDs.” Journal of MUD Research 1.1 (June 1996). 10 Sep. 2007 http://www.mud.co.uk/richard/hcds.htm>. Becker, David. Inflicting Pain on “Griefers.” 13 Dec. 2004. 10 Oct. 2007 http://www.news.com/Inflicting-pain-on-griefers/2100-1043_3-5488403.html>. Borkingchikapa. Playing America’s Army. 30 May 2006. 10 Aug. 2007 http://www.metafilter.com/51938/playing-Americas-Army>. Cabron, Lou. John Edwards Attackers Unmasked. 5 Mar. 2007. 29 Apr. 2007 http://www.10zenmonkeys.com/2007/03/05/john-edwards-virtual-attackers-unmasked/>. Cabron, Lou. Who Are Second Life’s “Patriotic Nigas”? 8 Mar. 2007. 30 Apr. 2007 http://www.10zenmonkeys.com/2007/03/08/patriotic-nigras-interview-john-edwards-second-life/>. DeLappe, Joseph. Joseph deLappe. 2006. 10 Aug. 2007. http://www.unr.edu/art/DELAPPE/DeLappe%20Main%20Page/DeLappe%20Online%20MAIN.html>. Drake, Shannon. “Jerk on the Internet.” The Escapist Magazine 15 Nov. 2005: 31-32. 20 June 2007 http://www.escapistmagazine.com/issue/19/31>. Foo, Chek Yang. Redefining Grief Play. 2004. 10 Oct. 2007 http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:1mBYzWVqAsIJ:www.itu.dk/op/papers/ yang_foo.pdf+foo+koivisto&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=7&gl=us&client=firefox-a>. Foo, Chek Yang, and Elina Koivisto. Grief Player Motivations. 2004. 15 Aug. 2007 http://www.itu.dk/op/papers/yang_foo_koivisto.pdf>. G4. Confessions of a Griefer. N.D. 21 June 2007 http://www.g4tv.com/xplay/features/42527/Confessions_of_a_Griefer.html>. 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I. First Brexit, then Trump: Has the past year or so ushered in a “wave” (Weisberg), a “barrage” (Desmond-Harris) or a “deluge” (Sidahmed) of that notoriously noxious affect, hate? It certainly feels that way to those of us identified with progressive social and political causes—those of us troubled, not just by Trump’s recent electoral victory, but by the far-right forces to which that victory has given voice. And yet the questions still hanging over efforts to quantify emotional or affective states leaves the claim that there has been a clear spike in hate moot (Ngai 26; Massumi 136-7; Ahmed, Promise 3-8). So let’s try asking a different question. Has this same period seen a rise, across liberal media platforms, in the rhetorical work of “hate-attribution”? Here, at least, an answer seems in readier reach. For no one given to scrolling distractedly through liberal Anglophone media outlets, from The New York Times, to The Guardian, to Slate, will be unfamiliar with a species of journalism that, in reporting the appalling activities associated with what has become known as the “alt-right” (Main; Wallace-Wells; Gourarie), articulates those activities in the rubric of a calculable uptick in hate itself.Before the U.S. Presidential election, this fledgling journalistic genre was already testing its wings, its first shudderings felt everywhere from Univision anchor Jorge Ramos’s widely publicized documentary, Hate Rising (2016), which explores the rise of white supremacist movements across the South-West U.S, to an edition of Slate’s Trumpcast entitled “The Alt-Right and a Deluge of Hate,” which broached the torment-by-Twitter of left-wing journalist David French. In the wake of the election, and the appalling acts of harassment and intimidation it seemed to authorize, the genre gained further momentum—leading to the New Yorker’s “Hate Is on the Rise After Trump’s Election,” to The Guardian’s “Trump’s Election led to Barrage of Hate,” and to Vox’s “The Wave of Post-Election Hate Reportedly Sweeping the Nation, Explained.” And it still has traction today, judging not just by James King’s recent year-in-review column, “The Year in Hate: From Donald Trump to the Rise of the Alt-Right,” but by Salon’s “A Short History of Hate” which tracks the alt-right’s meteoric 2016 rise to prominence, and the New York Times’ recently launched hate-speech aggregator, “This Week in Hate.”As should already be clear from these brisk, thumbnail accounts of the texts in question, the phenomena alluded to by the titular term “hate” are not instances of hate per se, but rather instances of “hate-speech.” The word “hate,” in other words, is being deployed here not literally, to refer to an emotional state, but metonymically, as a shorthand for “hate-speech”—a by-now widely conventionalized and legally codified parlance originating with the U.N. Declaration to describe “violent or violence-inciting speech or acts that “aim or intend to inflict injury, or incite prejudice or hatred, against persons of groups” because of their ethnic, religious, sexual or social affiliation. And there is no doubt that, beyond the headlines, these articles do incredibly important work, drawing connections between, and drawing attention to, a host of harmful activities associated with the so-called “alt-right”—from a pair of mangled, pretzel-shaped swastikas graffiti-ed in a children’s playground, to acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against women, African-Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Jews, and LGBTQ people, to Trump’s own racist, xenophobic and misogynistic tweets. Yet the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts as a metonym for the “alt-right” is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. Specifically, these headlines inscribe, in miniature, a kind of micro-assessment, a micro-geography and micro-theory of hate. First, they suggest that, even prior to its incarnation in specific, and dangerous, forms of speech or action, hate is in and of itself anathema, a phenomenon so unquestioningly dangerous that a putative “rise” or “spike” in its net presence provides ample pretext for a news headline. Second, they propose that hate may be localized to a particular social or political group—a group subsisting, unsurprisingly, on that peculiarly contested frontier between the ideological alt-right and the American Midwest. And third, they imply that hate is so indubitably the single most significant source of the xenophobic, racist and sexist activities they go on to describe that it may be casually used as these activities’ lexical proxy. What is crystallizing here, I suggest, is what scholars of rhetoric dub a rhetorical “constellation” (Campbell and Jamieson 332)—a constellation from which hate emerges as, a) inherently problematic, b) localizable to the “alt-right,” and, c) the primary engine of the various activities and expressions we associate with them. This constellation of conventions for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movement has coalesced into a “genre” we might dub the genre of “hate-attribution.” Yet while it’s far from clear that the genre is an effective one in a political landscape that’s fast becoming a political battleground, it hasn’t appeared by chance. Treating “hate,” then, less as a descriptive “grid of analysis” (Sedgwick 152), than as a rhetorical projectile, this essay opens by interrogating the “hate-attribution” genre’s logic and querying its efficacy. Having done so, it approaches the concept of “alternatives” by asking: how might calling time on the genre help us think differently about both hate itself and about the forces catalyzing, and catalyzed by, Trump’s presidential campaign? II.The rhetorical power of the genre of hate-attribution, of course, isn’t too difficult to pin down. An emotion so thoroughly discredited that its assignment is now in and of itself a term of abuse (see, for example, the O.E.D’s freshly-expanded definition of the noun “hater”), hate is an emotion the Judeo-Christian tradition deems not just responsible for but practically akin to murder (John 3:1). In part as a result of this tradition, hate has proven thoroughly resistant to efforts to elevate it from the status of an expression of a subject’s pestiferous inner life to the status of a polemical response to an object in the world. Indeed, while a great deal of the critical energy amassing under the rubric of “affect theory” has recently been put into recuperating the strategic or diagnostic value of emotions long scorned as irrelevant to oppositional struggle—from irritation and envy, to depression, anger and shame (Ngai; Cvetkovich; Gould; Love)—hate has notably not been among them. In fact, those rare scholarly accounts of affect that do address “hate,” notably Ahmed’s excellent work on right-wing extremist groups in the United Kingdom, display an understandable reluctance to rehabilitate it for progressive thought (Cultural Politics). It should come as no surprise, then, that the genre of “hate-attribution” has a rare rhetorical power. In identifying “hate” as the source of a particular position, gesture or speech-act, we effectively drain said position, gesture or speech-act of political agency or representational power—reducing it from an at-least-potentially polemical action in or response to the world, to the histrionic expression of a reprehensible personhood. Yet because hate’s near-taboo status holds across the ideological and political spectrum, what is less clear is why the genre of hate-attribution has achieved such cachet in the liberal media in particular. The answer, I would argue, lies in the fact that the work of hate-attribution dovetails all too neatly with liberal political theory’s longstanding tendency to laminate its social and civic ideals to affective ideals like “love,” “sympathy,” “compassion,” and, when in a less demonstrative humor, “tolerance”. As Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions has recently shown, this tradition has an impressive philosophical pedigree, running from Aristotle’s philia (16), John Locke’s “toleration” and David Hume’s “sympathy” (69-75), to the twentieth century’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with its promotion of “tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.” And while the labour of what Lauren Berlant calls “liberal sentimentality” (“Poor Eliza”, 636) has never quite died away, it does seem to have found new strength with the emergence of the “intimate public sphere” (Berlant, Queen)—from its recent popular apotheosis in the Clinton campaign’s notorious “Love Trumps Hate” (a slogan in which “love,” unfortunately, came to look a lot like resigned technocratic quietism in the face of ongoing economic and environmental crisis [Zizek]), to its revival as a philosophical project among progressive scholars, many of them under the sway of the so-called “affective turn” (Nussbaum; Hardt; Sandoval; hooks). No surprise, then, that liberalism’s struggle to yoke itself to “love” should have as its eerie double a struggle to locate among its ideological and political enemies an increasingly reified “hate”. And while the examples of this project we’ve touched on so far have hailed from popular media, this set of protocols for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movements is not unique to media circles. It’s there in political discourse, as in ex-DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s announcement, on MSNBC, that “Americans will unite against [Trump’s] hatred.” And it’s there, too, in academic media studies, from FLOW journal’s November 2016 call for papers inviting respondents to comment, among other things, on “the violence and hatred epitomized by Trump and his supporters,” to the SCMS conference’s invitation to members to participate in a pop-up panel entitled “Responding to Hate, Disenfranchisement and the Loss of the Commons.” Yet while the labor of hate-attribution to which many progressive forces have become attached carries an indisputable rhetorical force, it also has some profound rhetorical flaws. The very same stigma, after all, that makes “hate” such a powerful explanatory grenade to throw also makes it an incredibly tough one to land. As Ahmed’s analysis of the online rhetoric of white supremacist organizations should remind us (Cultural Politics), most groups structured around inciting and promoting violence against women and minorities identify, perversely, not as hate groups, but as movements propelled by the love of race and nation. And while left-wing pundits pronounce “hate” the signature emotion of a racist, misogynist Trump-voting right, supporters of Trump ascribe it, just as routinely, to the so-called “liberal elite,” a group whose mythical avatars—from the so-called “Social Justice Warrior” or “SJW,” to the supercilious Washington politico—are said to brand “ordinary [white, male] Americans” indiscriminately as racist, misogynistic, homophobic buffoons. Thus, for example, The Washington Post’s uncanny, far-right journalistic alter-ego, The Washington Times, dubs the SPLC a “liberal hate group”; the Wikipedia mirror-site, Conservapedia, recasts liberal objections to gun violence as “liberal hate speech” driven by an “irrational aversion to weapons”; while one blood-curdling sub-genre of reportage on Steve Bannon’s crypto-fascist soapbox, Breitbart News, is devoted to denouncing what it calls “ ‘anti-White Racism.’” It’s easy enough, of course, to defend the hate-attribution genre’s liberal incarnations while dismissing its right-wing variants as cynical, opportunistic shams, as Ahmed does (Cultural Politics)—thereby re-establishing the wellspring of hate where we are most comfortable locating it: among our political others. Yet to do so seems, in some sense, to perpetuate a familiar volley of hate-attribution. And to the extent that, as many media scholars have shown (Philips; Reed; Tett; Turow), our digital, networked political landscape is in danger of being reduced to a silo-ed discursive battleground, the ritual exchange of terminological grenades that everyone seems eager to propel across ideological lines, but that no one, understandably, seems willing to pick up, seems counter-productive to say the least.Even beyond the genre’s ultimate ineffectiveness, what should strike anyone used to reflecting on affect is how little justice it does to the ubiquity and intricacy of “hate” as an affective phenomenon. Hate is not and cannot be the exclusive property or preserve of one side of the political spectrum. One doesn’t have to stretch one’s critical faculties too far to see the extent to which the genre of hate-attribution participates in the emotional ballistics it condemns or seeks to redress. While trafficking in a relatively simple hate-paradigm (as a subjective emotional state that may be isolated to a particular person or group), the genre itself incarnates a more complex, socially dynamic model of hate in which the emotion operates through logics of projection perhaps best outlined by Freud. In the “hate-attribution” genre, that is, hate—like those equally abjected categories “sentimentality,” “worldliness” or “knowingness” broached by Sedgwick in her bravura analyses of “scapegoating attribution” (150-158)—finds its clearest expression in and through the labor of its own adscription. And it should come as no surprise that an emotion so widely devalued, where it is not openly prohibited, might also find expression in less overt form.Yet to say as much is by no means to discredit the genre. As legal scholar Jeremy Waldron has recently pointed out, there’s no particular reason why “the passions and emotions that lie behind a particular speech act” (34)—even up to and including hate—should devalue the speech acts they rouse. On the contrary, to pin the despicable and damaging activities of the so-called “alt right” on “hate” is, if anything, to do an injustice to a rich and complex emotion that can be as generative as it can be destructive. As Freud suggests in “Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego,” for example, hate may be the very seed of love, since the forms of “social feeling” (121) celebrated under the liberal rubric of “tolerance,” “love,” and “compassion,” are grounded in “the reversal of what was first a hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie in the nature of an identification” (121; italics mine). Indeed, Freud projects this same argument across a larger, historical canvas in Civilization and its Discontents, which contends that it is in our very struggle to combat our “aggressive instincts” that human communities have developed “methods intended to incite people into identifications and aim-inhibited relationships of love” (31). For Freud, that is, the practice of love is a function of ongoing efforts to see hate harnessed, commuted and transformed. III.What might it mean, then, to call time on this round of hate-attribution? What sort of “alternatives” might emerge when we abandon the assumption that political engagement entails a “struggle over who has the right to declare themselves as acting out of love” (Ahmed, Cultural Politics 131), and thus, by that same token, a struggle over the exact location and source of hate? One boon, I suggest, is the license it gives those of us on the progressive left to simply own our own hate. There’s little doubt that reframing the dangerous and destructive forms of speech fomented by Trump’s campaign, not as eruptions of hate, or even as “hate-speech,” but as speech we hate would be more consistent with what once seemed affect theory’s first commandment: to take our own affective temperature before launching headlong into critical analysis. After all, when Lauren Berlant (“Trump”) takes a stab at economist Paul Krugman’s cautions against “the Danger of Political Emotions” with the timely reminder that “all the messages are emotional,” the “messages” she’s pointing to aren’t just those of our political others, they’re ours; and the “emotions” she’s pointing to aren’t just the evacuated, insouciant versions of love championed by the Clinton campaign, they’re of the messier, or as Ngai might put it, “uglier” (2) variety—from shame, depression and anger, to, yes, I want to insist, hate.By way of jump-starting this program of hate-avowal, then, let me just say it: this essay was animated, in part, by a certain kind of hate. The social critic in me hates the breathtaking simplification of the complex social, economic and emotional forces animating Trump voters that seem to actuate some liberal commentary; the psychologist in me hates the self-mystification palpable in the left’s insistence on projecting and thus disowning its own (often very well justified) aggressions; and the human being in me, hating the kind of toxic speech to which Trump’s campaign has given rise, wishes to be able to openly declare that hatred. Among its other effects, hate is characterized by hypervigilance for lapses or failings in an object it deems problematic, a hypervigilance that—sometimes—animates analysis (Zeki and Romoya). In this sense, “hate” seems entitled to a comfortable place in the ranks of what Nick Salvato has recently dubbed criticism’s creative “obstructions”—phenomena that, while “routinely identified as detriments” to critical inquiry, may also “form the basis for … critical thinking” (1).Yet while one boon associated with this disclosure might be a welcome intellectual honesty, a more significant boon, I’d argue, is what getting this disclosure out of the way might leave room for. Opting out of the game of hurling “hate” back and forth across a super-charged political arena, that is, we might devote our column inches and Facebook posts to the less sensational but more productive task of systematically challenging the specious claims, and documenting the damaging effects, of a species of utterance (Butler; Matsuda; Waldron) we’ve grown used to simply descrying as pure, distilled “hate”. And we also might do something else. Relieved of the confident conviction that we can track “Trumpism” to a spontaneous outbreak of a single, localizable emotion, we might be able to offer a fuller account of the economic, social, political and affective forces that energize it. Certainly, hate plays a part here—although the process by which, as Isabelle Stengers puts it, affect “make[s] present, vivid and mattering … a worldly world” (371) demands that we scrutinize that hate as a syndrome, rather than simply moralize it as a sin, addressing its mainsprings in a moment marked by the nerve-fraying and life-fraying effects of what has become known across the social sciences and critical humanities as conditions of social and economic “precarity” (Muehlebach; Neil and Rossiter; Stewart).But perhaps hate’s not the only emotion tucked away under the hood. Here’s something affect theory knows today: affect moves not, as more traditional theorists of political emotion have it, “unambiguously and predictably from one’s cognitive processing,” but in ways that are messy, muddled and indirect (Gould 24). That form of speech is speech we hate. But it may not be “hate speech.” That crime is a crime we hate. But it may not be a “hate-crime.” One of the critical tactics we might crib from Berlant’s work in Cruel Optimism is that of decoding and decrypting, in even the most hateful acts, an instance of what Berlant, herself optimistically, calls “optimism.” For Berlant, after all, optimism is very often cruel, attaching itself, as it seems to have done in 2016, to scenes, objects and people that, while ultimately destined to “imped[e] the aim that brought [it to them] initially,” nevertheless came to seem, to a good portion of the electorate, the only available exponent of that classic good-life genre, “the change that’s gonna come” (“Trump” 1-2) at a moment when the Democratic party’s primary campaign promise was more of the free-market same. 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