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1
Creech, Morri. "Mandelstam, and: A Letter from Rome". Hopkins Review 17, n.º 2 (março de 2024): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/thr.2024.a924095.
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Edwards, Michael. "Galileo's Letter to Piero Dini, Rome 21 May 1611 _______________________________________". Culture and Cosmos 07, n.º 01 (junho de 2003): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0107.0219.
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On the publication of Sidereus Nuncius the British Ambassador Sir Henry Wotton sent a letter to King James about the discovery of four 'new planets' revolving around Jupiter, enclosing a copy of the book. He added that the new little planets would affect Jupiter's perceived astrological influence: 'For the virtue of the new planets must needs vary the Judicial part'.[1] A year later, a query on this matter was put to Galileo by his friend at the Vatican, Piero Dini: if the Stella Medici really existed, how could one ascertain their influence? His reply is here translated into English, for the first time ever. This is the only Galileo letter which we present unabridged - not least because of its eloquent and poetic passages, about the qualities of things. Galileo's affirmation that the new stars do really exist appears here as inseparable from his averring that they must also, like Jupiter, exert an influence. The one theme moves seamlessly into the other, or rather they are for him one and the same issue. He also proposes what could be the first program for astrological research: from past case-histories, by scrutinising the configuration of the little Jupiter-moons, one should in principle be able to ascertain how they work. He here disagreed with Kepler. In his letter to Galileo of 1610, the Imperial Mathematician had expressed the view that, because the new moons did not depart appreciably from the side of Jupiter, viewed from Earth, therefore they could not exert any 'influence' - and they must exist purely for the benefit of the inhabitants of Jupiter! For comparison, a brief citation from the Kepler letter is made at the end [2]. Galileo wanted to avoid conjecture and speculation, which could be why he never replied to Kepler.
3
Moorhead, John. "Papa as ‘bishop of Rome’". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, n.º 3 (julho de 1985): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900041130.
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Medieval historians confronted with the Latin word papa may be tempted to translate it unthinkingly as ‘pope’. Certainly the word has been restricted to the bishop of Rome for much of the history of the Church, and its application to this bishop is of long standing. It occurs in an inscription from pre-Constantinian Rome, in a letter despatched to Rome by the fathers of the Council of Aries in 314, which is addressed ‘dilectissimo papae Silvestro’ and goes on to style Silvester ‘gloribsissime papa’, and in the acts of the first Council of Toledo which met in 400, where language is used which implies that the bishop of Rome, and he alone, was papa. But in the early Church it generally seems to have been felt that the word could be applied to other bishops as well. A striking indication of this is furnished by a letter sent to Cyprian of Carthage by the priests and deacons of the Roman Church itself, which refers to him as papa. Sidonius Apollinaris, who became bishop of Clermont in 469, felt free to address his confrères among the Gallic episcopate by the same title, apparently indiscriminately, and was himself so addressed.
4
Marcus, Joel. "The Circumcision and the Uncircumcision in Rome". New Testament Studies 35, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1989): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500024504.
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In a recently-published article, P. Stuhlmacher has outlined three major contemporary theories of the occasion of Paul's letter to the Romans: 1) Romans is addressed to a specific situation within the Roman community itself, 2) it is composed primarily with Paul's forthcoming delivery of the collection to Jerusalem in mind, and 3) it emerges from a convergence of the first two motivations. While not wishing to deny that the Jerusalem trip was a preoccupation of Paul as he composed Romans (see Romans 15. 25, 30–32), I intend in this study to strengthen the Roman side of the equation, first by surveying a range of arguments about the Roman situation as it relates to the letter, then by suggesting a new approach to the question.
5
Teemus, Moonika. "Friedrich Ludwig von Maydells Brief aus Rom vom Jahr 1823". Baltic Journal of Art History 12 (8 de dezembro de 2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2016.12.06.
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The article studies a letter from Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell (1795– 1846), the most renowned representative of Romanticism in Estonia, to his uncle Otto Christian Sigismund von Ungern-Sternberg (1778–1861), written in Rome at the beginning of the year 1823. It was the turning point in Maydell’s life when he had decided to give up the studies in law at the University of Tartu and to devote himself to art. For this reason, Maydell like many of his contemporaries travelled to Rome. In his letter, now preserved in the National Archives in Tartu, Maydell describes his everyday life in Rome and the efforts he has made to “follow his true path”. Additionally, it appears that it was the founder and leader of the Nazarene movement, Johann Friedrich Overbeck (1789–1869), who played an influential role in Maydell’s decision about whether or not to become an artist.
6
Widok, Norbert. "Klemens Rzymski o sukcesji apostolskiej". Vox Patrum 62 (4 de setembro de 2014): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3601.
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1910. anniversary of the death of Saint Clement of Rome, the third successor of Bishop of Rome, celebrated a few years ago († 101), became an opportunity to remind his teaching, which he left in the Epistle to the Corinthians, written by him. The content of this letter is an important witness of the emerging church organization. That, what was happening in Corinth and, without a doubt, in Rome, is one of the stages of the Church’s history of major importance. The contemporary situation related to the authority prompted the acceptance of the institutional proposal based on the Holy Scripture and the practice of the Apostles. Transferring saving mission “from hands to hands”, called apostolic succession, proved to be an extremely important achievement of the early Church to preserve its credibility in the following centuries. Saint Clement of Rome is one of the first witnesses of such message and he is also the author of this essential ecclesiological element. The letter that was sent to the inhabitants of Corinth contains the earliest foundations which, after years, become an essential criterion of Catholicism. The original foundations of theological thinking can be already seen in the teaching of Saint Clement. Many later theologians referred to this doctrine, adding further ecclesiological consequences emerging from it.
7
Flexsenhar, Michael. "The Provenance of Philippians and Why it Matters: Old Questions, New Approaches1". Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, n.º 1 (julho de 2019): 18–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x19855297.
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Despite a growing consensus that Paul wrote Philippians from Ephesus, there are still some who argue that he wrote the letter while imprisoned in Rome. These arguments rely on interpretations of Paul’s phrase in Phil. 1.13 (ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ πραιτωρίῳ) as ‘Praetorian Guard’ or ‘Imperial Guard’, that is, as a reference to the Roman emperor’s personal bodyguard in Rome. I first explain the methodological problems with the Praetorian Guard interpretation, especially the misuse of canonical Acts. Then drawing from textual and lexicographical evidence along with material evidence, notably from Philippi’s sister colony at Dium, I show that Paul’s key term πραιτώριον (Phil. 1.13) referred to a common provincial building with various functions not limited to official, administrative work. This article thus argues that Philippians was written from the province of Asia, though not necessarily from Ephesus. In so doing the article opens up new interpretive questions for Paul’s letter.
8
Gunawan, Chandra. "Book Review: The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament". New Perspective in Theology and Religious Studies 3, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2022): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.47900/nptrs.v3i2.75.
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In The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament, Clayton addresses five issues, namely, the historical setting of the church father literature, the genre and setting in life of the church father literature, the ethics, and faith in the church father teaching, the struggle of the church fathers concerning the opposition from the Jewish and Gentile society, the influence of some churches in the second century. After observing the historical setting of church fathers, Jefford concludes that the letter of Ignatius was written ca., 107-109 AD from Asia Minor; the letter of Polycarp was written ca., 108-109 AD from Smyrna; 1 Clement was written ca., 65-70 AD from Rome; the Didache was written ca., 120 AD from Antioch; the Martyrdom of Polycarp was written ca., 155-160 AD from Smyrna; the Shepherd of Hermas was written ca., 90-150 from Rome; 2 Clement was written c.a. 166-174 from Corinthians; the letter of Barnabas was written ca., 96-100 from Alexandria; the Epistle of Diognetus could be composed around the first to the third century from anywhere around the Mediterranean world; the lost written work of Papias, Exposition of the Oracle of the Lord, probably was written in 130 AD.
9
Dunn, Geoffrey. "Anastasius I and Innocent I: Reconsidering the Evidence of Jerome". Vigiliae Christianae 61, n.º 1 (2007): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004260307x164476.
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AbstractThe comment of Jerome in his letter to Demetrias (Epistula 130) that Innocent I, bishop of Rome from 402 to 417, was the son of his predecessor Anastasius I has been taken at face value by a number of commentators and has been repeated, often without reference to sources, on any number of Internet web sites. The fact that Liber Pontificialis offers a different parentage for Innocent is often ignored. This paper seeks to reconcile and evaluate the two accounts. The argument advanced here is that in Jerome's highly rhetorical letter the reference is to be understood metaphorically and not literally, given that the use of familial terms of address was common in early Christian letters to indicate a hierarchical rather than a biological relationship. Jerome was asserting that Innocent had been a deacon of Rome under Anastasius. Even beyond this common usage, in this letter such metaphor was part of a rhetorical strategy by which he sought to persuade a powerful Roman senatorial family to back his anti-Pelagian campaign and to use their influence on Innocent to do the same.
10
Omerzu, Heike. "Paul, the Praetorium and the Saints from Caesar’s Household: Philippians Revisited in Light of Migration Theory". Journal for the Study of the New Testament 43, n.º 4 (15 de fevereiro de 2021): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x21990615.
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This article premises that Paul wrote the letter to the Philippians while he was detained in Ephesus, not Rome as has been the traditional view, and that the πραιτώριον mentioned in Phil. 1.13 is a topographical reference – that is, a reference to a Roman administrative building, not the Imperial Guard in Rome. This πραιτώριον is likely also the place where Paul met the members of ‘Caesar’s household’ mentioned in Phil. 4.22. Engaging with Michael Flexsenhar III’s recent study Christians in Caesar’s Household (2019a), I explore the social profile of this group of imperial slaves as well as Paul’s place as a social actor in the Eastern Mediterranean in light of recent trends in Migration Studies. Both Paul himself and also the members of the familia Caesaris to whom he refers embody typical features of migration such as interconnectedness, multiple belongings and super-diversity; these are shown to be important prerequisites for Paul’s conception of early Christian identity formation.
11
Rovine, Arthur W. "Memorandum to Congress on the ICC from Current and Past Presidents of the Asil". American Journal of International Law 95, n.º 4 (outubro de 2001): 967–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674656.
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Late last year, in a letter to Congressman Tom DeLay, majority whip of the House of Representatives, twelve former high government officials expressed their support for a bill introduced by Senator Jesse Helms in June 2000, entitled "American Servicemembers' Protection Act."1 The bill, if enacted, would prohibit any agency of the U.S. government from cooperating with the international criminal court (ICC), and proscribe U.S. military assistance to any nation that becomes a party to the treaty of Rome,2 with the exception of NATO members and certain other allied countries.
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Sanders, Donald. "From Critical Thinking to Spiritual Maturity". Christian Education Journal: Research on Educational Ministry 15, n.º 1 (abril de 2018): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739891318760617.
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Educators, philosophers, and theologians have long concerned themselves with the process of critical thinking. John Dewey’s writings, specifically How We Think, cast a long shadow in both secular and religious educational contexts. Can the Christian educator employ Dewey’s framework for reflective thinking in a useful manner without subscribing to his naturalistic underpinnings? This article evaluates Dewey’s reflective thinking process and suggests potential applications to Christian growth and maturity. First, biblical components must replace the deficiencies in Dewey’s epistemology. Next, the article examines the mandate for and role of critical thinking in the life of the mature Christian through the lens of Paul’s letter to the church in Rome. Finally, a clear connection between Paul’s teaching and Dewey’s process will be presented.
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Vessey, Mark. "Jerome in Rome: Memory and Project". Journal of Late Antiquity 16, n.º 2 (setembro de 2023): 520–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2023.a906777.
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Abstract: "What happens in Vegas stays in Vegas." What happened to Jerome in Rome has proved harder to contain. Sixteen centuries and several decades later, gossip still circulates, helping shape the meanings we attach to the names "Rome" and "Jerome." The proceedings of a recent conference provide an opportunity for historical and critical reflection on the earliest recoverable forms of that Jerome/Rome discourse, as mediated by late fourth-century texts. One such—Letter 27 in the collection of Epistolae ex duobus codicibus nuper in lucem prolatae edited in 1981 in CSEL 88 by Johannes Divjak as part of the Sancti Aurelii Augustini Opera —enables us to watch Jerome, in Bethlehem in the early 390s, building his personal literary profile "in real time" as he narrates an incident supposed to have taken place in Rome in the mid-380s. Unlike the rest of the documentation we have on and from this author down to the time of its writing, Ep . 27* inter Augustinianas can be securely dated in the form in which it is extant—a point of difference made more salient now by one of the essays in the new proceedings. Pursuing a line of argument re-opened by that essay, and drawing resources from other essays in the same conference volume, this article invites students of Jerome to begin to consider how much of the standard chronology of his life and works—dependent as it is in large part on the terminal notice of his catalogue, De viris illustribus —may be an artefact of his purposive, post-Roman projection of a Vegas-style, Jerome-themed Rome of collective memory.
14
Lees, Clare A. "The ‘Sunday Letter’ and the ‘Sunday Lists’". Anglo-Saxon England 14 (dezembro de 1985): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001319.
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The so-called ‘Sunday Letter’ (otherwise entitled the ‘Heavenly Letter’, the Carta Dominica or the ‘Lettre du Christ tombée du ciel’) is extant in Latin and many vernacular languages and has already attracted a considerable explicatory literature. As is well known, the ‘Sunday Letter’ purports to be a letter from Christ himself, written variously in his own blood, with a golden rod or by an angel. It falls on to one of the principal shrines of Christendom (frequently Rome, Jerusalem or Bethlehem) and passes into the hands of the clergy. The letter urges strict enforcement of the observance of Sunday, accompanied by dire threats for those who fail to comply. ‘Sunday Lists’ (also known as the ‘Benedictions of Sunday’ or the dignatio Diei dominici), sometimes lengthy, are inserted within some of the extant examples of the ‘Letter’. These enumerate notable scriptural events which occurred, or are said to have occurred, on Sunday, in order to strengthen reasons for veneration of the day. Recent publication of individual, and isolated, ‘Sunday Lists’ from early Hiberno-Latin manuscripts has suggested that a survey of available and new material and a reconsideration of the relationship between the ‘Sunday Lists’ and the ‘Sunday Letter’ would be useful.
15
Freudenburg, Kirk. "Recusatioas Political Theatre: Horace's Letter to Augustus". Journal of Roman Studies 104 (19 de fevereiro de 2014): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543581300124x.
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AbstractAmong the most potent devices that Roman emperors had at their disposal to disavow autocratic aims and to put on display the consensus of ruler and ruled was the artful refusal of exceptional powers, orrecusatio imperii. The practice had a long history in Rome prior to the reign of Augustus, but it was Augustus especially who, over the course of several decades, perfected therecusatioas a means of performing his hesitancy towards power. The poets of the Augustan period were similarly well practised in the art of refusal, writing dozens of poeticrecusationesthat purported to refuse offers urged upon them by their patrons, or by the greater expectations of the Augustan age, to take on projects. It is the purpose of this paper to put the one type of refusal alongside the other, in order to show to what extent the refusals of the Augustan poets are informed not just by aesthetic principles that derive, most obviously, from Callimachus, but by the many, high-profile acts of denial that were performed as political art by the emperor himself.
16
RAMSBY, TERESA. "OVID AS ETHNOGRAPHER IN THE EPISTULAE EX PONTO". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 61, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12080.
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Abstract: Ovid's second collection of letters from his place of exile exhibits new strategies to achieve his aims of staying in the public eye and making his case for recall back to Rome. One of these new strategies is to pose as a kind of ethnographer with a ground-level view of Tomitan and Thracian society on the Black Sea coast. In the Epistulae ex Ponto, Ovid poses as a mediator between Rome and the imperial fringe, informing his reader about the activities of the Pontic tribes, describing his alleged interactions with the people of Tomis, and addressing the client king of the region. By doing so, Ovid explores new metaphors of exile, and grants to elegy and the letter a novel utility that slightly empowers his exiled voice.
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Kavčič, Nataša. "The indulgence letter for the monastery of Kostanjevica (1347, November 6)". Ars & Humanitas 14, n.º 1 (24 de junho de 2020): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.14.1.233-251.
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The present article offers an art-historical analysis of the indulgence letter issued in Avignon on 6 November 1347 for the monastery of Kostanjevica in present-day Slovenia. It is believed that a workshop responsible for writing and decorating indulgence letters was organized in Avignon after the Popes moved there from Rome, and several iconographic and stylistic affinities speak in favour of the Kostanjevica charter being decorated precisely in this work environment. The Avignon workshop supposedly expanded in the 1340s, which presumably led to the division of labour within the workshop, meaning that one charter’s decoration could be the result of a joint effort. The present article discusses possible evidence to corroborate or reject this statement in the case of the Kostanjevica indulgence letter.
18
Dunn, Geoffrey D. "Interpreting the Functions of the Roman Clergy in the Early Fifth Century". Studies in Late Antiquity 6, n.º 1 (2022): 174–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2022.6.1.174.
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Examining the information we have about deacons and presbyters in Rome during the first two decades of the fifth century contributes to the larger picture of their role and function and is instructive for several reasons. While there has been scholarly attention drawn to the prescriptive decrees of the Roman bishops regulating the life of their clergy, particularly regarding the clerical cursus honorum and lifestyle (marriage and sexual continence), less has been given to descriptive information about how deacons and presbyters operated. Although far from complete, this information is valuable. From the letters of Innocent I (402–417) we discover much about the liturgical functions of such clerics (through the invaluable letter to Decentius of Gubbio) as well as the role they played in being episcopal letter-bearers and negotiators. From Boniface I (418–422) we are reminded of another role of deacons and presbyters, that of electors and candidates for episcopal office. This information is filtered through the imperial correspondence concerning the electoral dispute between Boniface and Eulalius. We only gain insight into this process of episcopal election in practice when something went wrong. In this case, the undercurrent of tension between deacons and presbyters in Rome overflowed into open rivalry that required imperial intervention. This dispute is linked with the tensions that characterized the last months of Zosimus’s episcopacy of 417–418, where complaints about the bishop reached the imperial court in Ravenna and seem to have flowed from reactions to Zosimus’s changing responses to the Pelagian controversy. Such tension between deacons and presbyters existed in the time of Damasus (366–384), as revealed through Ambrosiaster and Jerome. It would be reasonable to conclude that such tension was present throughout this fifty-year period, ignited by different issues and most visible at the time of the election of a new bishop. Why then do we not find evidence of this tension under Innocent I? Perhaps he was a successful enough manager of his personnel that there were no significant outbreaks, or whatever problems there were did not require him to write about them to anyone else, thereby eliminating any trace of them from recorded memory. Most of our information comes filtered through the bishop’s perspective, and it is only with a letter sent from the presbyters of Rome to Ravenna in 419 in support of Boniface that we hear anything from the clergy themselves during this period. The evidence for the liturgical function of presbyters in the letter to Decentius perhaps unwittingly helps us understand the tension. Presbyters were closely tied to the populace, while, as we know from elsewhere, deacons were more closely tied to the bishop. It was the priestly or sacramental function of presbyters in controlling the boundaries of church membership that contributed to the collision course between them and the financially and administratively powerful deacons.
19
Largeaud-Ortéga, Sylvie. "STEVENSON'S THE EBB-TIDE, OR VIRGIL'S AENEID REVISITED: HOW LITERATURE MAY MAKE OR MAR EMPIRES". Victorian Literature and Culture 41, n.º 3 (setembro de 2013): 561–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150313000107.
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Robert Louis Stevenson took it for granted that Rome had shaped most of the Western modern world: “the average man at home . . . is sunk over the ears in Roman civilisation,” he wrote in a letter to H. B. Baildon (Mehew 474). Unlike the English contemporaries of his own class, he had not been steeped in classical literature, nor had he “internalised Latin literature in the way he ascribed to his English character Robert Herrick . . . in The Ebb-Tide” – mostly because his poor health had precluded regular school attendance (Jolly, Stevenson in the Pacific 37). But he did come to the classics, “from the outside” as Roslyn Jolly demonstrates, through his legal studies: “Rome counted to him as something very much more than a literature – a whole system of law and empire” that had laid the foundations of most Western societies.
20
Newton, Michael A. "Absolutist Admissibility at the ICC: Revalidating Authentic Domestic Investigations". Israel Law Review 54, n.º 2 (16 de março de 2021): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223720000278.
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Current jurisprudential trends empower the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor to override domestic investigative authorities in a manner that violates the letter and spirit of the Rome Statute. Sovereign states have primary responsibility to document, investigate and prevent atrocity crimes. Yet, current ICC practice subverts domestic enforcement efforts. No provision of the Rome Statute permits the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) to substitute its unfettered judgment over the good-faith discretion of domestic prosecutors. ICC judges have created de facto institutional jurisdictional primacy by relying upon mere assertions regarding the insufficiency of domestic efforts. This trend is particularly problematic at the liminal phase from the preliminary examination (PE) to an authorised investigation because OTP policy preferences supersede good-faith domestic investigations and prosecutorial assessments. Juridical templates for assessing admissibility have been extrapolated from later phases of particularised cases into the PE phase. Current practice effectively eliminates sovereign prosecutorial discretion. Good-faith exercises of domestic prosecutorial discretion should not be constrained by post hoc Court-created straitjackets. This article dissects this problematic arc and proffers a model for harmonising domestic investigative efforts within the structure and intent of the Rome Statute. Its conclusions recommend reforms to ameliorate a foreseeable crisis of cooperation that could cripple an unreformed Court.
21
Biggs, Frederick M. "Domino in domino dominorum: Bede and John of Beverley". Anglo-Saxon England 44 (dezembro de 2015): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100080054.
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AbstractThe distinctive phrase, domino in domino dominorum, shared by the salutations in the prefatory letter of Bede's revised metrical Vita Cuthberti and in the letter sent by Hwaetbert with his former abbot Ceolfrith to Rome, reflects an unexpected historical connection among Bede's revision, Ceolfrith's departure and, more tentatively, the abdication of John of Beverley of the bishopric of York. While only Ceolfrith's journey has been dated to 716, I argue that Bede was revising his poem in anticipation of this event, but under the false assumption that it would be John of Beverley who would lead the party. The salutation, drawn from one of Augustine of Hippo's letters, supports this claim by identifying, after the opening phrase that would be appropriate for a bishop, John as a priest, a playful conjunction of terms used by Bede to call attention to the bishop of York's changing status. This opening, then, was in Bede's mind when the need for a letter from Hwaetbert to Pope Gregory II arose. Bede's revision and, probably, some discussion of John's retirement can be dated to 716.
22
Head, Peter M. "The Greetings of Romans 16 and the Audience of Romans". New Testament Studies 70, n.º 2 (abril de 2024): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688523000413.
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AbstractThis short paper considers and critiques the view that the named people greeted in Romans 16.3–16 are not also among the recipients of the letter to ‘all God's beloved in Rome’ (Rom 1.7). Variants of this view spring from the work of Mullins (1968): that the second-person greeting involves the greeting of ‘a third party who is not intended to be among the immediate readership of the letter’ (Mullins, 1968: 420) and are found in Thorsteinsson (2003), Stowers (2015) and Campbell (2023). A series of arguments are made against this view. In particular, the plural form of the imperative (ἀσπάσασθɛ) and the open nature of the addressees mean that Mullins' simple principle does not apply. In addition, Paul's usage elsewhere (including in Romans 16.16) contradicts Mullins' principle.
23
Ullendorff, Edward. "Some Marginalia on Two Articles in JRAS 1, 3, 1991". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2, n.º 3 (novembro de 1992): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300003035.
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I have read Dr Nigel Allan's article in the above issue of the most attractively revamped JRAS with great interest, partly because the Constantinople 1505 printing of Rashi's commentary to Exodus 28:6 (reproduced on p. 351) reminds me strongly of the Constantinople 1519 printing of the Hebrew letter from Prester John to “the Pope at Rome”, and partly on account of some pregnant differences in Rashi's text as between the Wellcome version and that in the Miqra'ot Gәdolot of the well-known Warsaw 1874 edition.
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Minton, Gretchen E. "“The same cause and like quarell”: Eusebius, John Foxe, and the Evolution of Ecclesiastical History". Church History 71, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2002): 715–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070009627x.
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In 1563, just five years after Elizabeth ascended to the throne, John Foxe published the first edition of his Acts and Monuments. Part ecclesiastical history, part martyrology, part English chronicle, and entirely Protestant, this enormously popular work had a significant impact upon its age. The dedicatory letter to the Queen in this first edition begins with an elaborate woodcut of the letter C, in which Elizabeth sits enthroned. [See Figure 1.] This C is the beginning of the word “Constantine.” Foxe writes: “Constantine the greate and mightie Emperour, the sonne of Helene an Englyshe woman of this youre Realme and countrie (moste Christian and renowned Pryncesse Queene Elizabeth) … pacified and established the churche of Christ, being long before under persecution almost … 400 years” (1563 Pref. vi). Thus Foxe immediately emphasizes the supposed Englishness of Constantine and builds upon this link between Rome and Britain by implying that, just as Constantine had delivered the Christians from an age of persecution, so had Elizabeth. But there is another parallel that Foxe is interested in establishing, at which he hints as the letter continues. Foxe tells the story of how Constantine once traveled to Caesaria, where he promised to grant Eusebius, the Bishop, whatever he wanted for the good of the church: “The good and godly Byshop … made this petition, onely to obtaine at his maiesties hand under his seale and letters autentique, free leave and license through al the monarchie of Rome … to searche out the names, sufferinges and actes, of all such as suffered in al that time of persecution before, for the testimonie and faith of Christ Jesus” (1563 Pref., vi).
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Wright, Elizabeth. "New World News, Ancient Echoes: A Cortés Letter and a Vernacular Livy for a New King and His Wary Subjects (1520–23)*". Renaissance Quarterly 61, n.º 3 (2008): 711–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.0.0240.
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Empire building converges with print innovations in the rare Zaragoza edition (1523) of the landmark “Second Letter from Mexico” of Hernán Cortés. The Aragonese print shop owned by German immigrant George Coçi advertised what, to its first interpreters, was stunning news from a still mysterious place overseas with woodblocks drawn from their 1520 edition of Livy'sHistory of Rome. An examination of the political, social, and editorial contexts that informed these two books addressed to Charles V casts light on concerns about how the new Spanish king would communicate with his subjects in an age of imperial expansion.
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Sander, Christoph. "How to Send a Secret Message from Rome to Paris in the Early Modern Period: Telegraphy between Magnetism, Sympathy, and Charlatanry". Early Science and Medicine 27, n.º 5 (29 de novembro de 2022): 426–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-20220056.
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Abstract In 1558, the famous natural magician Giambattista della Porta was the first to allude to a method of transmitting secret messages by using manipulated magnetic compasses. Soon thereafter, this idea, known in modern historiography as ‘magnetic telegraphy’, was spelled out and advertised by many early modern scholars as a promising technology of communication by action at a distance. In 1609, Daniel Schwenter created the most sophisticated design for the fulfillment of this potential: two compass needles were to be magnetized in a highly codified procedure to establish a sympathetic bond between them. Used in a compass circumscribed by an alphabet, one needle would turn to a certain letter whenever the other needle was moved to that same letter. Through ‘sympathy’, it was thought that this could made to occur even over a distance of many miles. The idea’s first critic, the Jesuit, Leonardo Garzoni, was quick to dismiss it as charlatanry, and many later authors argued that the device could not work as there was no such ‘sympathy’ or magnetism between the two devices. Though only a fanciful pipe dream of natural magic, this pseudo-technology of a magnetic telegraph yet testifies to the imagination of early modern scholars in having prefigured the modern reality of instantaneous global communication.
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Krauter, Stefan. "Adam und Romulus. Lateinische Dichtung in der Paulusexegese". Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 111, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2020): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2020-0010.
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AbstractIn New Testament exegesis, quotations from Latin literature of the Early Principate are mostly used as evidence of Roman imperial ideology. This essay aims to show that it is worthwhile to deal more carefully with such literary texts. Horace’s seventh and sixteenth epodes are compared with passages from the letter to the Romans. Using the myth of Romulus’ fratricide, Horace expresses his despair during the civil wars. He imagines a fictional rescue by fleeing from Rome to a primeval “pre-lapsarian” paradise. Paul uses the myth of Adam and Eve to portray human captivity under sin from which Christ saves people from all nations. The parallels are not mere coincidence.
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Anashkin, Anton. "Epistle of Pope Zosimus to bishops of Galliae and Septem provinciae". St. Tikhons' University Review 114 (31 de outubro de 2023): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2023114.107-118.
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The paper includes a publication of a Latin translation of the Epistle Placuit apostolicae of Pope Zosimus to the bishops appointed in the dioceses of Galliae (Northern Gaul) and of Septem Provinciae (Southern Gaul), as well as a historical commentary and an introductory article. At the beginning of the paper, the historical context of the Epistle is described, then its content is considered. The Epistle sheds light on the relationship between the see of Rome and the sees of churches of Gaul (primarily, the Church of Arelate). Placuit apostolicae was written in the early days of the pontificate of Pope Zosimus (March 22, 417), probably as a reaction to the appeal of Patroclus of Arles who wanted to expand his influence and jurisdiction over the province of Viennensis and neighboring provinces of the South Gallic diocese, which contradicted the decisions of the synod of Turin in 398. In his letter to the Gallic bishops, Pope Zosimus expresses support for Patroclus and confirms special rights of the see of Arles: the right of the metropolitan bishop of Arles to ordinate bishops in the provinces of Viennensis, Narbonnensis I and Narbonnensis II; the privilege of issuing to Gallic bishops special cover letters (formatae) and recognition of primacy of the metropolitan bishop of Arles in Gaul (although the latter is not said expressiss verbis, but is implied); transfer of some controversial parishes in favor of Arles. With the help of these decisions, Zosimus was able to strengthen the influence of the Roman see in Gaul. Realizing that administrative decisions alone are not enough to fulfill these aspirations, Zosimus substantiates the rights of the see of Arles by appealing to the authority of Saint Trophimus, who, according to the legend first set forth in the letter, founded the first episcopal see in the Gallic lands and became the first bishop of Arles. It follows from this that the bishop of Arles enjoys the advantage of power in the region as Trophimus' heir. Through this narrative, Zosimus defended the interests of the see of Rome, which had sent Trophimus to christianize Gaul, and in the letter he actually constituted a hierarchical connection between the Churches of Gaul and Rome, asserting for Patroclus the right to issue formatae. Trying to change the ecclesiastical and administrative structure of Southern Gaul, Zosimus delegitimizes the decisions of the synod of Gallic Bishops in Turin.
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Massa, Mark. "On the Uses of Heresy: Leonard Feeney, Mary Douglas, and the Notre Dame Football Team". Harvard Theological Review 84, n.º 3 (julho de 1991): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000024044.
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On the afternoon of 6 September 1952, the readers of the Boston Pilot—the voice of the Roman Catholic archdiocese—found on the front page of their usually staid weekly the text of a trenchant letter from the Holy Office in Rome. The text, dated August 8, addressed a group of Boston Catholics who had kicked up a fuss over the ancient theological dictum, extra ecclesiam nulla salus (“outside the church there is no salvation”)—a phrase going back to St. Cyprian in the third century and one of the pillars of orthodoxy for Christian believers.
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Jung, Gi-Moon. "The Attitudes of Christians to the Old Testament at the First Half of the Second Century". Korea Association of World History and Culture 67 (30 de junho de 2023): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2023.06.67.75.
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At the first half of the 2nd century, the Christians were seeking a new identity independent of Judaism. I studied the attitudes of three Christian leaders to Old Testament.
Clement of the Rome recognized the Old Testament as authoritative scriptures. He used the Old Testament as the basis for almost all arguments. The letter of Barnabas recognized the Old Testament as a sacred scripture, but its interpretation was completely different from that of Jews. The letter Barnabas used the Old Testament for only two purposes. One was to point out that the Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament was fundamentally wrong, and the other was to show that the Old Testament prefigured Jesus. So to the author of the letter of Barnabas the Old Testament was not a scripture that had any meaning in itself.
Marcion opposed the Barnabas’s attitude and argued that the Old Testament should be completely discarded. According to him, Jesus’s God has nothing to do with the God of Old Testament. Therefore, Christianity should abandon the Old Testament. In this way, in the first half of the 2nd century, attitudes toward the Old Testament developed in various ways within Christianity.
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Spiegel, Flora. "The tabernacula of Gregory the Great and the conversion of Anglo-Saxon England". Anglo-Saxon England 36 (14 de novembro de 2007): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675107000014.
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AbstractIn a famous letter to his missionaries in England, Pope Gregory the Great suggested that the newly converted Anglo-Saxons should be encouraged to build small huts, or ‘tabernacula’, in conjunction with Christian festivals. He seems to have associated these structures with the Jewish festival of Sukkot, reflecting a missionary strategy modelled on both the biblical conversion of the Israelites and on Gregory's own proselytizing approach towards the Jews of Rome. Gregory's instructions are discussed in the light of historical writings and archaeological evidence, which suggest that ‘tabernacula’ were indeed constructed in England during the conversion period, possibly adapted from pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon ritual structures.
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Harrison, James R. "Augustan Rome and the Body of Christ: A Comparison of the Social Vision of theRes Gestaeand Paul's Letter to the Romans". Harvard Theological Review 106, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2013): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816012000296.
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A surprising omission in New Testament studies of the imperial world is a comparison of Augustus's conception of rule in theRes Gestae(RG) with Paul's eschatological gospel of grace in his letter to the Romans. Even though each document has been foundational in the history of Western civilization, a comparison of their vastly different social outcomes has not been undertaken. Neil Elliott has made an outstanding contribution in laying the foundations for such a study, offering a scintillating analysis of Paul's letter to the Romans in terms ofiustitia(justice),clementia(mercy),pietas(piety), andvirtus(valor), the four virtues of Augustus inscribed on the Golden Shield erected in the Julian senate house (RG34.2). However, a full-scale investigation of the Augustan conception of rule in theRGwould open up new perspectives on Paul's engagement with the imperial world in Romans, given that Augustus became the iconicexemplumof virtue for his Julio-Claudian successors. Nonetheless, the difference in genre and aims of each document makes such a comparison daunting for New Testament scholars, as does the controversy that each document continues to generate in its own discipline. Further, we are unsure about the extent of the exposure that Paul might have had to theRG, directly or indirectly. Possibly Paul saw a Greek version of theRGtext at Pisidian Antioch, along with the Latin text that still survives there, during his first missionary journey (Acts 13:14–50), even though there are no archaeological remains of the Greek text at Antioch today. Presumably Paul would have been aware that the original Latin copy of theRGwas inscribed in bronze at Augustus's mausoleum at Rome. This article will argue that Paul, in planning to move his missionary outreach from the Greek East to the Latin West (Rom 15:19a–24), thought strategically about how he was going to communicate the reign of the crucified, risen, and ascended Son of God to inhabitants of the capital who had lived through the “Golden Age” of grace under Augustus and who were experiencing its renewal under Nero. What social and theological vision did Paul want to communicate to the city of Rome in which Augustus was the yardstick of virtue to which future leaders of Rome should aspire?
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Cauda, R. "Personal Journey through Memory in Ukraine (Letter to the Editor)". Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, n.º 2 (26 de abril de 2022): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_2_03.
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The images of destruction in Ukrainian cities that we continue to see on television every day, and the dramatic reports done by journalists, reminded me of a visit I made to that tormented country more than 20 years ago that I want to share with this brief note. In particularly, I remember taking part in a series of meetings with Ukrainian colleagues in two cities, Lviv and Kiev as part of an initiative promoted by the Vicariate of Rome, in the person of His Excellency Monsignor Lorenzo Leuzzi which involved professors from the Catholic University such as myself, and from the University of Tor Vergata both from Roma, Italy. Obviously, colleagues from the University of Lviv participated, and Prof. Krcmery was also present representing at that time the University of Trnava, Slovakia. The title of the conference was 'Humanism in Medicine'. The meetings were held on the occasion of the apostolic visit of Pope St. John PauII which took place in June 2001. I still have vivid memories of that unforgettable trip and the meetings I had with Ukrainian colleagues. The topics either dealt with the ethical and scientific aspects of responsible childbirth, the use of stem cells in medicine and theology, the ethical aspects of human genetics and lastly, medical culture as an opportunity for teaching humanism. Indeed, I was a speaker in this last session (see photo). I also enclose both the bilingual program, in English and Ukrainian, with the complete list of speakers and the poster advertising the event. The opening prayer was given by His Eminence Cardinal Harchbishop Marian Yavorsky
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Ingleheart, Jennifer. "EXEGI MONUMENTUM: EXILE, DEATH, IMMORTALITY AND MONUMENTALITY IN OVID,TRISTIA3.3". Classical Quarterly 65, n.º 1 (2 de abril de 2015): 286–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400072x.
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Tristia3.3 purports to be a ‘death-bed’ letter addressed by the sick poet to his wife in Rome (3.3.1–4), in which Ovid, banished from Rome on Augustus' orders, foresees his burial in Tomi as the ultimate form of exilic displacement (3.3.29–32). In order to avoid such a permanent form of exclusion from his homeland, Ovid issues instructions for his burial in the suburbs of Rome (3.3.65–76), dictating a four-line epitaph to be inscribed upon his tomb (3.3.73–6). However, despite the careful instructions he outlines for his burial and physical memorial, Ovid asserts:maiora libelli | et diuturna magis sunt monumenta mihi(‘my little books are a greater and more long-lasting monument for me’, 3.3.77–8), expressing his belief in his continued poetic afterlife. Scholars have seen this poem's concerns as above all literary, concentrating on Ovid's exploitation and development of elegiac and Augustan models which also treat the themes of death and poetic immortality. However, although Ovid's portrayal of what purports to be personal experience draws extensively upon earlier poetry, and, as we shall see, the poem gains much of its power from its engagement with the tradition that poetry alone can memorialize, previous studies have failed to analyse how Ovid consistently plays up the element that marks him out from the predecessors who had imagined their own deaths and poetic afterlives: that is, his status as an exile. Ovid's insistence on burial in his native land – from which he had been excluded in life – and his assertion of his poetic immortality in a poem which repeatedly stresses his exilic status, thus take on a markedly political angle, which had been absent or more muted in the models he exploits.
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Stoops, Robert F. "If I Suffer … Epistolary Authority in Ignatius of Antioch". Harvard Theological Review 80, n.º 2 (abril de 1987): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023580.
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Sometime during the second decade of the second century CE, Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was conveyed under guard to Rome where he expected to leave this world through the mouths of the beasts in the arena. Along his journey he stopped at Philadelphia and Smyrna. At each stop he received visitors from a number of churches in the area. He, in turn, wrote letters to those churches and to the church at Rome. The letters of Ignatius have been the subject of scholarly investigation for over a century. The authenticity of the middle recension of those letters is almost universally acknowledged. These letters have been studied for the light they can shed on church structure in Asia Minor at the beginning of the second century, the theology of Ignatius within its historical context, and the distinctive personality of Ignatius. One aspect of these documents which has implications for all other interests has not been satisfactorily explained, namely, how Ignatius understood his own letter writing activity. What gave Ignatius the audacity to interfere in the life of churches outside of Syria, and what kind of authority did he expect the admonitions contained in his letters to carry?
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Kemmler, Rolf. "The First Edition of the ars minor of Manuel Álvares’ De institvtione grammatica libri tres (Lisbon, 1573)". Historiographia Linguistica 42, n.º 1 (26 de maio de 2015): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.1.01kem.
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Summary Based on a hitherto unknown copy of Manuel Álvares’ (1526–1583) very significant Latin grammar Emmanvelis Alvari è Societate Iesv de institvtione grammatica libri tres (Lisbon, 1573), this paper presents the first edition of what the author himself (in a Spanish letter to his superior in Rome) once called ‘arte pequeña’. Additionally, the present paper exploits the distinction of ars minor vs. ars maior as a means of investigating the separate publishing history of the student’s textbook (Álvares 1573a) in comparison to the teacher’s handbook (Álvares 1572), thus enabling a better understanding of the impact these two grammars have had all over the world from the 16th century to the 20th century.
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Sazonova, Tatyana. "Reconciling the Hearts: Barthold Georg Niebuhr on the German Catholicism". ISTORIYA 12, n.º 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019436-8.
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The article presents a textual analysis of the letter of Barthold Georg Niebuhr, Prussian scientist and politician of the late 18th — first half of the 19th century, dedicated to the issue of German national church. Niebuhr is known primarily as one of the leading historians of his time. His name is mostly associated with the research on the history of Ancient Rome and other ancient states, as well as with the critical method which was a new word in German and European historiography. At the same time Niebuhr's intellectual talent allowed him to combine productively historical theory with political practice. Having served as Danish finance minister, then Prussian and Prussian ambassador in Rome for several years, Niebuhr created a significant corpus of political writings. However, they have attracted much less interest than his monographs and scientific articles on history and classical philology, until now. Nevertheless, as reviewing the real problems of politics from the practical point, Niebuhr's writings on political topics possess an undeniable merit. The fortieth year of Niebuhr's life was marked by the large-scale change of European borders, including territories ruled by Curia Romana. As Prussian ambassador in Rome Niebuhr was faced with a difficult task: diplomatically to bargain independence for German dioceses so that the process of forming a single national state was launched. In addition to the Roman Church, the solution to this issue was hampered by strained relations between catholics and protestants within Germany itself.
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RICHARDS, E. RANDOLPH. "The Codex and the Early Collection of Paul's Letters". Bulletin for Biblical Research 8, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1998): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422161.
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Abstract The early Christian predilection for the codex may be a major key to understanding how Paul's letters were collected. Ancient letter-writers routinely kept personal copies of their letters. These personal copies were often kept in codex notebooks. Paul probably followed this custom. The "collection" of Paul's letters was not the result of any deliberate second-century effort to collect the letters of Paul. There was probably no early veneration of Paul or any early appreciation of Paul's letters. Rather, Paul had a personal set of copies with him in Rome. After his death, these copies with his other personal effects were passed down to his disciples. The later (second-century) publication of Paul's letters arose from these copies rather than the dispatched copies.
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RICHARDS, E. RANDOLPH. "The Codex and the Early Collection of Paul's Letters". Bulletin for Biblical Research 8, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1998): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.8.1.0151.
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Abstract The early Christian predilection for the codex may be a major key to understanding how Paul's letters were collected. Ancient letter-writers routinely kept personal copies of their letters. These personal copies were often kept in codex notebooks. Paul probably followed this custom. The "collection" of Paul's letters was not the result of any deliberate second-century effort to collect the letters of Paul. There was probably no early veneration of Paul or any early appreciation of Paul's letters. Rather, Paul had a personal set of copies with him in Rome. After his death, these copies with his other personal effects were passed down to his disciples. The later (second-century) publication of Paul's letters arose from these copies rather than the dispatched copies.
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Pincelli, Maria Agata. "La Roma triumphans e la nascita dell'antiquaria: Biondo Flavio e Andrea Mantegna". Studiolo 5, n.º 1 (2007): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/studi.2007.1186.
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Roma triumphans and the birth of antiquarianism : Biondo Flavio and Andrea Mantegna. Biondo Flavio completed his Roma triumphans, the foundation of the Renaissance antiquarian movement, in 1459 while in Mantua. The work was immediately successful : in a letter written in December 1460 to Ludovico Gonzaga, Biondo himself reported that it was already being read and copied in courts all over Europe. First published in Mantua in 1473 and continually reprinted from the late 15th century to the mid-16th century, Roma triumphans rapidly became a crucial point of reference for the study of Roman antiquities. The first two books, devoted to religion, presented a reconstruction of the myths, cults and ceremonies of ancient Rome, with the help of a wide variety of sources. The origins of the cult of the goddess Cybele was thus recreated through the selection and unprecedented restitution of antique sources, which correspond precisely to those depicted in Mantegna's The Introduction of the Cult of Cybele in Rome. The artist must therefore have known the work, of which he undoubtedly owned a copy : in fact, a volume containing the writings of Biondo appears in the estate inventory of Ludovico Mantegna, the painter's son and heir, drawn up in 1510.
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Karamucka-Marcinkiewicz, Magdalena. "Russia an empire of the “form” in Cyprian Norwid’s writings". Studia Norwidiana 37 English Version (2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2019.37-1en.
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The aim of the article is to analyse Norwid’s historiosophical reflections on Russia, in which the key role is played by metaphors based on the relationship between the “form” and the “content”. This metaphoricity is reflected in the popular motif in the poet’s works, which considered the relationships of the “word” – the “letter” and the “spirit” – the “body”. In the analysed fragments, mainly from the poem Niewola, tsarist, imperialist Russia appears as an empire of the “form”, which in this case is supposed to mean the dominance of formalism and broadly understood enslavement over the spiritual content. In Norwid’s eyes, Russia, similarly to imperial Rome, stands in a clear opposition to the spirit of freedom, nation or humanity. The poet’s vision reflects the popular trends in the 19th-century literature.
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Kallet-Marx, Robert M. "Quintus Fabius Maximus and the Dyme affair (Syll3684)". Classical Quarterly 45, n.º 1 (maio de 1995): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041756.
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The most striking example of Roman intervention in the affairs of mainland Greece between the Achaean and Mithridatic Wars is provided by an inscription now in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. This stone bears the text of a letter to the city of Dyme in Achaea from a Roman proconsul named Q. Fabius Maximus, which describes his trial and sentencing of certain men of Dyme whom he had judged responsible for a recent disturbance in that city. One crux to be resolved is chronological: A date of c. 115 b.c. has long been generally accepted, but recently evidence from another, still unpublished inscription has been thought to point to the year 144. Further, the letter of Fabius Maximus has long been held to exemplify the close supervision that most scholars, regardless of their position on the vexed question of Greece's formal status after 146, assume was exercised over Greece by Roman commanders in Macedonia from the time of the Achaean War. The document has also often been cited to bolster the claim that Rome pursued in second-century Greece a conscious policy of suppressing democracy or the political aspirations of the lower class. This is not, of course, the place for reassessment of these old, complex controversies. My purpose here is rather to show that interpretation of the letter of Fabius Maximus has not always been sufficiently mindful of the many obscurities of the text and, consequently, of the events that lie behind it; too often the great lacunae in our knowledge have been filled with assumptions that beg the questions that are under debate.
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PARSHYN, Illia. "A LITTLEKNOWN MENTION ABOUT A DOCUMENT OF LUTSK BISHOP OF 1319". Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-3-12.
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The article considers the mention of the letter of the bishop of Lutsk to the Polish king from 1319, inscribed in the inventory of Polish royal charters in 1681. Nothing is known about such a document from the Kyivan Rus heritage. The remark about Lutsk as a part of the Kingdom of Poland, at first glance, dates back to 1681, when the register was compiled, because, at the beginning of the 14th century, the city belonged to the Romanovych's Halychyna-Volyn state.Based on the analysis of political events, it is clear that there are no objective reasons for creating this document. Dukes Andrii and Lev, two sons of king Yurii Lvovych, were in an alliance with the Polish rulers, who did not own the royal regalia. There is no evidence of religious contacts of Lutsk higher clergy with Rome at the beginning of the 14th century. Lutsk was one of the centers of the Metropolis of Halych; the local clergy did not need the approval of their possessions from Piasts. The location of the mention of the analyzed document next to the unknown texts of Duke Lev Danylovych's grants further undermines the idea of the diploma's historicity. At the same time, the text of the letter is similar to the letter of Lutsk Bishop Ioan, which he wrote in 1398 and addressed to King Wladyslaw Jagiello. In particular, it concerns a promise to pay 200 hryvnias; instead, the king had to support him for the post of Metropolitan of Halych. This conclusion is certainly not final. However, the document of 1319 is probably a phantom that appeared as a result of the unsuccessful processing of the Polish archives in the 17th century.
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Pierpoint, W. S. "Edward Stone (1702–1768) and Edmund Stone (1700–1768): confused identities resolved". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 51, n.º 2 (22 de julho de 1997): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1997.0018.
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On the 25 April 1763 a letter was sent from Chipping Norton in Oxfordshire to the Right Honourable George Parker, Earl of Macclesfield, then President of the Royal Society, extolling the use of willow bark in curing agues and other feverish complaints. The writer describes how about a pound of bark taken from a common white willow ( Salix alba ) was dried in a bag over a baker's oven for more than three months, pulverized and then used to alleviate the agues, ‘intermitting disorders’ and distempers of 50 afflicted people. The undoubted medicinal properties of bark from willow and other Salix species were not new. They were known to a number of preindustrial cultures and also, in a more systematic way, to the medical philosophers of classical Greece and Rome. However, by the eighteenth century in Western Europe, they were in disuse or had been relegated to the level of folk medicine. The letter, duly printed in Philosophical Transactions , is often credited with having brought the anti–inflammatory, antipyretic and analgesic properties of these barks, to the attention of the emerging chemists of the late eighteenth century. Attempts to identify the active principles, and then to synthesize them, led to the discovery of salicylic acid and its derivatives, and eventually to the introduction of acetyl salicylic acid––aspirin––possibly the most widely used of all synthetic drugs. This history is periodically reviewed both for general and specialist audiences; the seminal letter is referred to whenever there is a new monograph on these anti–inflammatory drugs, and is the subject of frequent queries to the Royal Society's library. It would seem, therefore, to be useful to remove a confusion surrounding the name of its author, who has been variously referred to as either Edward or Edmund Stone.
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Bolton, Brenda. "From Frontier to Mission: Networking by Unlikely Allies in the Church International, 1198–1216". Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003859.
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The year 1198 witnessed the start of an unlikely alliance between a new pope and a long-established monastic order. It would have been considered unlikely because relationships between secular and regular branches of the church were often uneasy and sometimes even tense. 1198 was indeed a chance for a new beginning. In Rome on 8 January, the cardinals raised one of their fellows, the thirty-seven-year-old Lotario dei Conti di Segni, to the Chair of St Peter as Innocent III. In Burgundy, on 14 September, the Cistercian Order was beginning its second century of existence at Cîteaux. It was time, not only for a celebration of the hundredth anniversary but also for a radical reassessment of the motives of the foundation. Guido de Paray, presiding over the annual General Chapter by right as abbot of Cîteaux, read out to the assembled abbots a letter received from the new pope in Rome. Surely the coincidence of these two events could bring forth fruit in some form or other? For his part, Innocent, while stressing his youth and inexperience, earnestly begged the Cistercians to remember him in their prayers. By so doing he would be better enabled to fulfil the pastoral office to which he had recently been called. In a phrase that he was later to use to cities of the Patrimony, he reminded the order that, although Christ’s yoke was easy and the burden light, it was, nevertheless, of vital importance that it be taken up. Mary’s spiritual contemplation was to be just as vital as Martha’s activity! In return for their prayers, the pope made a personal threefold promise to the abbots. He stated his intention to watch carefully over their progress, to be ‘powerfully’ at hand for them in their necessities and, lastly, to provide a safeguard by his apostolic protection against the attacks of all those who were ill-intentioned. ‘These things we shall pursue the more willingly when we feel that we are supported by your prayers and merits. For it is right that the universal Church should pour forth its prayers for us and mitigate our inadequacy by its supplications’
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Rowell, S. C. "Whatever Kind of Pagan the Bearer Might be, The Letter is Valid. A Sketch of Catholicorthodox Relations in the Late-Mediaeval Grand Duchy of Lithuania". Lithuanian Historical Studies 18, n.º 1 (8 de janeiro de 2013): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01801002.
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This article examines relationships between Catholic and Orthodox Christians in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It stresses the robust policies of Catholic and Orthodox prelates and nobles towards one another and especially towards the Unionist Ruthenians, who sought to maintain their liturgical and hierarchical identity while recognising the primacy of the bishop of Rome. By contrast in personal situations Catholics and Orthodox were willing to cooperate on practical matters (usually concerning family property or community business). In Vilnius victories over national enemies (Tatar or Muscovite) were celebrated in monumental architecture by both communities. Evidence from consistory courts in Lutsk and Gniezno, and ecclesiastical emoluments in the Diocese of Vilnius reveal cooperation between both communities at a family and parish level could exist.
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Ohme, Heinz. "Die Kirche von Zypern im sogenannten monenergetisch-monotheletischen Streit des 7. Jh.s". Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2020): 933–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0041.
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AbstractThis essay examines the main sources on the attitude of the Church of Cyprus in the so-called monoenergetic-monotheletic dispute. It is shown that the Church of Cyprus was a loyal and active partner in Constantinople’s policy of reconciliation with the Antichalcedonian churches of the East. Cyprus was also, especially under Archbishop Arkadios (624/25-641/2), a place of exile for opponents of this reconciliation, and in 636 also the venue of an important synod which was attended by legates of almost the whole church. The resulting Ekthesis was approved also in Rome and Jerusalem. Even Maximos did not succeed, after 636, to influence the position of Arkadios through the Cypriot priest monk Marinos. His six letters to Marinos offer no evidence for a dyenergetic or dyotheletic position of the Church of Cyprus. A letter from 643, written by the successor of Arkadios, Sergios (642-655), clearly shows that there was until then no protest against the Constantinopolitan church policy in Cyprus in this time. This letter, which demonstrates the firm dyenergetic and dyotheletic position of the whole Church of Cyprus, was presented at the Lateran Synod of 649, but forged or completely rewritten for this Synod. Even after 643, there is no evidence for public dissent in the Church of Cyprus, nor should it actually be expected.
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Oris, Michel, Olivier Perroux, Grazyna Ryczkowska, Reto Schumacher, Adrien Remund e Gilbert Ritschard. "Geneva. An Urban Sociodemographic Database". Historical Life Course Studies 13 (11 de julho de 2023): 212–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs15621.
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The Geneva databases are a data resource covering the period 1800–1880 for the city of Geneva, and occasionally the canton of Geneva. The research team adopted an alphabetical sampling approach, collecting data on individuals whose surname begins with the letter B. The individuals and households belonging to this sample in six population censuses between 1816 and 1843 were digitised and linked. A second database collected marriage and divorce records for the period 1800–1880. A third collection of data included residence permits. All these sources were used for a massive reconstitution of families. This article presents the sources, the linking methods, the typologies used to code places and occupations, to study household structures and forms of solitude. Combined with qualitative information extracted from the archives of public administrations and the National Protestant Church, as well as from newspapers, these databases were used to study the transformation of a medium-sized European city, sociopolitical tensions embedded in demographic and social structures, and the impact of the immigrants who made the 'Calvinist Rome' a religiously mixed city.
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Doyle, Peter. "‘A Tangled Skein of Confusion’: The Administration of George Hilary Brown, Bishop of Liverpool 1850–1856". Recusant History 25, n.º 2 (outubro de 2000): 294–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030090.
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George Hilary Brown (1786–1856), Vicar Apostolic of the Lancashire District since its establishment in 1840, became the first bishop of the new diocese of Liverpool in 1850. He had been extremely reluctant to accept the vicariate, partly because of chronic ill-health and partly because of diffidence about his ability. From 1841 on Propaganda received a number of complaints about his absence from and neglect of his District, and when he was present he caused ill-feeling among his clergy: they thought he was a martinet and complained frequently to Rome about his decisions. For his part, Brown seemed to think he was fighting for episcopal rights against a recalcitrant clergy: in a later letter to Wiseman he claimed that all the bishops should be grateful to him because of his long battle against ‘Josephism and Pistoia’. This article examines two inter-connected quarrels he was involved in after 1850, one with his chapter, the other with his coadjutor. They illustrate some of the issues that arose from the restoration of the Hierarchy in 1850 as well as throwing light on the personality of the Bishop.
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Vandeweyer, Luc. "Verschaeve schrijft paus Benedictus XV in naam van de Frontbeweging. De getuigenis in de schrijfboeken van Leo Dumoulin". WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 67, n.º 3 (1 de janeiro de 2008): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v67i3.12493.
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De Vlaamse priester Leo Dumoulin (1890-1942) begon in de vroege zomer van 1927 met het noteren van waarnemingen, bevindingen en neerslagen van gesprekken die hij voerde. Hij hield deze kroniek vol tot in het midden van de jaren dertig. Zijn notities worden afgewisseld met ingeplakte brieven van zijn correspondenten en met knipsels, vaak van artikels die hij zelf had geschreven in Vlaams-nationalistische bladen. De twee schriftjes kwamen terecht in de benedictijnenabdij van Steenbrugge en uiteindelijk in het ADVN waar ze toegankelijk werden gemaakt voor onderzoekers.Om de inhoudelijke rijkdom te illustreren, werd gekozen voor de reproductie van een fragment dat handelt over de brief die de Vlaamse frontbeweging tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog stuurde aan paus Benedictus XV met de bedoeling de invloed van kardinaal Mercier te fnuiken. Mercier werkte in het bezette land de Duitse bezetter tegen en de Romeinse curie had liever gezien dat hij zich op dit 'politieke' vlak wat op de achtergrond hield. Met de uitvoerige getuigenis van de opsteller van de brief, priester Cyriel Verschaeve, wordt de motivatie verduidelijkt en de ontvangst in Rome voorzien van nog onbekende details.________Verschaeve writes to Pope Benedict XV on behalf of the Front Momevent. The testimony in the notebooks of Leo DumoulinIn the early summer of 1927 the Flemish priest Leo Dumoulin (1890-1942) started to note down observations, conclusions and reports of discussions he had held. He carried on with this chronicle until the mid nineteen-thirties. His notes are alternated with pasted in letters from his correspondents and newspaper cuttings, often of articles that he had written himself in Flemish nationalist newspapers. The two notebooks ended up in the Benedictine abbey of Steenbrugge and finally came to the ADVN where researchers were given access.In order to illustrate the intrinsic richness of the text it was decided to reproduce a fragment dealing with the letter sent by the Flemish Front Movement to Pope Benedict XV during the First World War with the intention of destroying the influence of Cardinal Mercier. In the occupied country Mercier opposed the German occupier and the Roman Curia would have preferred that he kept a low profile in this ‘political area’. Thanks to the extensive testimony of the author of the letter, the priest Cyriel Verschaeve, the motivation is elucidated and the reception in Rome is provided with details which up until now had been unknown.