Bibliografias temáticas / Middleton's letter from Rome

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Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Middleton's letter from Rome"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 31 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Middleton's letter from Rome"

Creech, Morri. "Mandelstam, and: A Letter from Rome". Hopkins Review 17, n.º 2 (março de 2024): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/thr.2024.a924095.

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Edwards, Michael. "Galileo's Letter to Piero Dini, Rome 21 May 1611 _______________________________________". Culture and Cosmos 07, n.º 01 (junho de 2003): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0107.0219.

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On the publication of Sidereus Nuncius the British Ambassador Sir Henry Wotton sent a letter to King James about the discovery of four 'new planets' revolving around Jupiter, enclosing a copy of the book. He added that the new little planets would affect Jupiter's perceived astrological influence: 'For the virtue of the new planets must needs vary the Judicial part'.[1] A year later, a query on this matter was put to Galileo by his friend at the Vatican, Piero Dini: if the Stella Medici really existed, how could one ascertain their influence? His reply is here translated into English, for the first time ever. This is the only Galileo letter which we present unabridged - not least because of its eloquent and poetic passages, about the qualities of things. Galileo's affirmation that the new stars do really exist appears here as inseparable from his averring that they must also, like Jupiter, exert an influence. The one theme moves seamlessly into the other, or rather they are for him one and the same issue. He also proposes what could be the first program for astrological research: from past case-histories, by scrutinising the configuration of the little Jupiter-moons, one should in principle be able to ascertain how they work. He here disagreed with Kepler. In his letter to Galileo of 1610, the Imperial Mathematician had expressed the view that, because the new moons did not depart appreciably from the side of Jupiter, viewed from Earth, therefore they could not exert any 'influence' - and they must exist purely for the benefit of the inhabitants of Jupiter! For comparison, a brief citation from the Kepler letter is made at the end [2]. Galileo wanted to avoid conjecture and speculation, which could be why he never replied to Kepler.

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Moorhead, John. "Papa as ‘bishop of Rome’". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, n.º 3 (julho de 1985): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900041130.

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Medieval historians confronted with the Latin word papa may be tempted to translate it unthinkingly as ‘pope’. Certainly the word has been restricted to the bishop of Rome for much of the history of the Church, and its application to this bishop is of long standing. It occurs in an inscription from pre-Constantinian Rome, in a letter despatched to Rome by the fathers of the Council of Aries in 314, which is addressed ‘dilectissimo papae Silvestro’ and goes on to style Silvester ‘gloribsissime papa’, and in the acts of the first Council of Toledo which met in 400, where language is used which implies that the bishop of Rome, and he alone, was papa. But in the early Church it generally seems to have been felt that the word could be applied to other bishops as well. A striking indication of this is furnished by a letter sent to Cyprian of Carthage by the priests and deacons of the Roman Church itself, which refers to him as papa. Sidonius Apollinaris, who became bishop of Clermont in 469, felt free to address his confrères among the Gallic episcopate by the same title, apparently indiscriminately, and was himself so addressed.

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Marcus, Joel. "The Circumcision and the Uncircumcision in Rome". New Testament Studies 35, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1989): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500024504.

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In a recently-published article, P. Stuhlmacher has outlined three major contemporary theories of the occasion of Paul's letter to the Romans: 1) Romans is addressed to a specific situation within the Roman community itself, 2) it is composed primarily with Paul's forthcoming delivery of the collection to Jerusalem in mind, and 3) it emerges from a convergence of the first two motivations. While not wishing to deny that the Jerusalem trip was a preoccupation of Paul as he composed Romans (see Romans 15. 25, 30–32), I intend in this study to strengthen the Roman side of the equation, first by surveying a range of arguments about the Roman situation as it relates to the letter, then by suggesting a new approach to the question.

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Teemus, Moonika. "Friedrich Ludwig von Maydells Brief aus Rom vom Jahr 1823". Baltic Journal of Art History 12 (8 de dezembro de 2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2016.12.06.

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The article studies a letter from Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell (1795– 1846), the most renowned representative of Romanticism in Estonia, to his uncle Otto Christian Sigismund von Ungern-Sternberg (1778–1861), written in Rome at the beginning of the year 1823. It was the turning point in Maydell’s life when he had decided to give up the studies in law at the University of Tartu and to devote himself to art. For this reason, Maydell like many of his contemporaries travelled to Rome. In his letter, now preserved in the National Archives in Tartu, Maydell describes his everyday life in Rome and the efforts he has made to “follow his true path”. Additionally, it appears that it was the founder and leader of the Nazarene movement, Johann Friedrich Overbeck (1789–1869), who played an influential role in Maydell’s decision about whether or not to become an artist.

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Widok, Norbert. "Klemens Rzymski o sukcesji apostolskiej". Vox Patrum 62 (4 de setembro de 2014): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3601.

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1910. anniversary of the death of Saint Clement of Rome, the third successor of Bishop of Rome, celebrated a few years ago († 101), became an opportunity to remind his teaching, which he left in the Epistle to the Corinthians, written by him. The content of this letter is an important witness of the emerging church organization. That, what was happening in Corinth and, without a doubt, in Rome, is one of the stages of the Church’s history of major importance. The contemporary situation related to the authority prompted the acceptance of the institutional proposal based on the Holy Scripture and the practice of the Apostles. Transferring saving mission “from hands to hands”, called apostolic succession, proved to be an extremely important achievement of the early Church to preserve its credibility in the following centuries. Saint Clement of Rome is one of the first witnesses of such message and he is also the author of this essential ecclesiological element. The letter that was sent to the inhabitants of Corinth contains the earliest foundations which, after years, become an essential criterion of Catholicism. The original foundations of theological thinking can be already seen in the teaching of Saint Clement. Many later theologians referred to this doctrine, adding further ecclesiological consequences emerging from it.

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Flexsenhar, Michael. "The Provenance of Philippians and Why it Matters: Old Questions, New Approaches1". Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, n.º 1 (julho de 2019): 18–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x19855297.

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Despite a growing consensus that Paul wrote Philippians from Ephesus, there are still some who argue that he wrote the letter while imprisoned in Rome. These arguments rely on interpretations of Paul’s phrase in Phil. 1.13 (ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ πραιτωρίῳ) as ‘Praetorian Guard’ or ‘Imperial Guard’, that is, as a reference to the Roman emperor’s personal bodyguard in Rome. I ﬁrst explain the methodological problems with the Praetorian Guard interpretation, especially the misuse of canonical Acts. Then drawing from textual and lexicographical evidence along with material evidence, notably from Philippi’s sister colony at Dium, I show that Paul’s key term πραιτώριον (Phil. 1.13) referred to a common provincial building with various functions not limited to ofﬁcial, administrative work. This article thus argues that Philippians was written from the province of Asia, though not necessarily from Ephesus. In so doing the article opens up new interpretive questions for Paul’s letter.

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Gunawan, Chandra. "Book Review: The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament". New Perspective in Theology and Religious Studies 3, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2022): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.47900/nptrs.v3i2.75.

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In The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament, Clayton addresses five issues, namely, the historical setting of the church father literature, the genre and setting in life of the church father literature, the ethics, and faith in the church father teaching, the struggle of the church fathers concerning the opposition from the Jewish and Gentile society, the influence of some churches in the second century. After observing the historical setting of church fathers, Jefford concludes that the letter of Ignatius was written ca., 107-109 AD from Asia Minor; the letter of Polycarp was written ca., 108-109 AD from Smyrna; 1 Clement was written ca., 65-70 AD from Rome; the Didache was written ca., 120 AD from Antioch; the Martyrdom of Polycarp was written ca., 155-160 AD from Smyrna; the Shepherd of Hermas was written ca., 90-150 from Rome; 2 Clement was written c.a. 166-174 from Corinthians; the letter of Barnabas was written ca., 96-100 from Alexandria; the Epistle of Diognetus could be composed around the first to the third century from anywhere around the Mediterranean world; the lost written work of Papias, Exposition of the Oracle of the Lord, probably was written in 130 AD.

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Dunn, Geoffrey. "Anastasius I and Innocent I: Reconsidering the Evidence of Jerome". Vigiliae Christianae 61, n.º 1 (2007): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004260307x164476.

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AbstractThe comment of Jerome in his letter to Demetrias (Epistula 130) that Innocent I, bishop of Rome from 402 to 417, was the son of his predecessor Anastasius I has been taken at face value by a number of commentators and has been repeated, often without reference to sources, on any number of Internet web sites. The fact that Liber Pontificialis offers a different parentage for Innocent is often ignored. This paper seeks to reconcile and evaluate the two accounts. The argument advanced here is that in Jerome's highly rhetorical letter the reference is to be understood metaphorically and not literally, given that the use of familial terms of address was common in early Christian letters to indicate a hierarchical rather than a biological relationship. Jerome was asserting that Innocent had been a deacon of Rome under Anastasius. Even beyond this common usage, in this letter such metaphor was part of a rhetorical strategy by which he sought to persuade a powerful Roman senatorial family to back his anti-Pelagian campaign and to use their influence on Innocent to do the same.

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Omerzu, Heike. "Paul, the Praetorium and the Saints from Caesar’s Household: Philippians Revisited in Light of Migration Theory". Journal for the Study of the New Testament 43, n.º 4 (15 de fevereiro de 2021): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x21990615.

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This article premises that Paul wrote the letter to the Philippians while he was detained in Ephesus, not Rome as has been the traditional view, and that the πραιτώριον mentioned in Phil. 1.13 is a topographical reference – that is, a reference to a Roman administrative building, not the Imperial Guard in Rome. This πραιτώριον is likely also the place where Paul met the members of ‘Caesar’s household’ mentioned in Phil. 4.22. Engaging with Michael Flexsenhar III’s recent study Christians in Caesar’s Household (2019a), I explore the social profile of this group of imperial slaves as well as Paul’s place as a social actor in the Eastern Mediterranean in light of recent trends in Migration Studies. Both Paul himself and also the members of the familia Caesaris to whom he refers embody typical features of migration such as interconnectedness, multiple belongings and super-diversity; these are shown to be important prerequisites for Paul’s conception of early Christian identity formation.

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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Middleton's letter from Rome"

Vargas, Miguel M. "Causes of the Jewish Diaspora Revolt in Alexandria: Regional Uprisings from the Margins of Greco-Roman Society". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849731/.

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This thesis examines the progression from relatively peaceful relations between Alexandrians and Jews under the Ptolemies to the Diaspora Revolt under the Romans. A close analysis of the literature evidences that the transition from Ptolemaic to Roman Alexandria had critical effects on Jewish status in the Diaspora. One of the most far reaching consequences of the shift from the Ptolemies to Romans was forcing the Alexandrians to participate in the struggle for imperial patronage. Alexandrian involvement introduced a new element to the ongoing conflict among Egypt’s Jews and native Egyptians. The Alexandrian citizens consciously cut back privileges the Jews previously enjoyed under the Ptolemies and sought to block the Jews from advancing within the Roman system. Soon the Jews were confronted with rhetoric slandering their civility and culture. Faced with a choice, many Jews forsook Judaism and their traditions for more upwardly mobile life. After the outbreak of the First Jewish War Jewish life took a turn for the worse. Many Jews found themselves in a system that classified them according to their heritage and ancestry, limiting advancement even for apostates. With the resulting Jewish tax (fiscus Judaicus) Jews were becoming more economically and socially marginalized. The Alexandrian Jews were a literate society in their own right, and sought to reverse their diminishing prestige with a rhetoric of their own. This thesis analyzes Jewish writings and pagan writings about the Jews, which evidences their changing socio-political position in Greco-Roman society. Increasingly the Jews wrote with an urgent rhetoric in attempts to persuade their fellow Jews to remain loyal to Judaism and to seek their rights within the construct of the Roman system. Meanwhile, tensions between their community and the Alexandrian community grew. In less than 100 years, from 30 CE to 117 CE, the Alexandrians attacked the Jewish community on at least three occasions. Despite the advice of the most Hellenized elites, the Jews did not sit idly by, but instead sought to disrupt Alexandrian meetings, anti-Jewish theater productions, and appealed to Rome. In the year 115 CE, tensions reached a high. Facing three years of violent attacks against their community, Alexandrian Jews responded to Jewish uprisings in Cyrene and Egypt with an uprising of their own. Really a series of revolts, historians have termed these events simply “the Diaspora Revolt.”

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Vargas, Miguel M. "Causes of the Jewish Diaspora Revolt in Alexandria: Regional Uprisings from the Margins of Greco-Roman Society, 115-117 CE". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849731/.

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"A socio-rhetorical interpretation of the letter to Philemon in light of the new institutional economics: an exhortation to transform from master-slave economic relationship to brotherly loving relationship". 2014. http://repository.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/en/item/cuhk-1291480.

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This thesis reinterprets the letter to Philemon as a letter exhorting a new loving relationship for a slave by applying Vernon Robbins’ socio-rhetorical interpretation framework in light of the new institutional economics. Based on the runaway hypothesis, the letter has long been read as written by Paul to beg Philemon’s forgiveness for Onesimus. This thesis argues that the runaway hypothesis is based on a biased view of the slave trade, as well as incomplete consideration of the first century slave-master relationship and Pauline theological and ethical thought; therefore, it is not sufficiently justified. In turn, we argue that, instead of approaching the text based on an a priori hypothesis or the occasion of the letter, the framework of socio-rhetorical analysis provides a step-by-step method for producing mutual dialogue between different disciplines to analyze the letter.
Beginning with an analysis of the inner texture, we can see—through the word analysis, epistolary analysis, and rhetorical analysis—that a relational problem is the major concern of the letter. The analysis also demonstrates that there is a need to incorporate other textures to help them understand what problem is more likely for Paul to address and what ground he bases this on in the letter. Then, in chapter 3, we investigate the theological and ethical thought of Paul as an intertextual texture. With Paul’s theological thought in mind, reconstructed from his other undisputed letters, we can start to re-read Phlm through the structure of love. The intertextual texture helps us to see how Paul would see the problem and how to read the letter in light of Paul’s understanding of love. At the end of the chapter, we also see the need for a contextual analysis of Roman slavery to provide us with a more specific explanation of the slave-master relationship in light of the apparently contradictory practice and the complicated institutions that upheld Roman slavery.
In chapter 4, we first argue the relevance and applicability of NIE to help us to analyze Roman slavery. Then, we introduce the framework of new institutional economics (NIE), arguing that it can give a more comprehensive explanation of how ideology, law and institutions related to Roman slavery together served the economic interests of slave owners. These insights from NIE will be brought into the interpretation process in a socio-rhetorical framework. Based on the three textures— inner texture, intertexture, and economic texture—chapter 5 will show that the body of the letter exhorts a transformation of the relationship from economics to one of loving brotherhood, from master and slave to the household of the church. More specifically, we will demonstrate how Paul argues rhetorically both for a loving relationship and against the slave-master economic relationship.
本論文是利用弗農羅賓斯(Vernon Robbins)社會修辭批判學(Socio-rhetorical interpretation)的框架，配合新制度經濟理論對羅馬奴隸制度分析的貢獻，對腓利門書提出一個新的解釋。本文的主旨是，腓利門書一方面不是一封為一個逃走奴隸而寫的求情信，相反是保羅根據他一貫的神學及倫理思維而向腓利門提出的一封勸告信，希望腓利門能根據過往保羅對愛的教導，修正他與阿雷西母的關係，由原來由經濟主導的奴僕關係，轉化成由愛主導的弟兄關係。
本文由文本研究層(inner texture)開始，透過字詞、書信格式及修辭分析，初步總結出，保羅在這信中的重心是要處理由阿雷西母回到腓利門的家所引申的關係衝突問題。但同時在這章亦指出，單從文本分析是不足的，要提出一個新的解釋，我們必須依賴另外兩個研究層來幫助分析文本所沒有提供的資料及保羅的立場。本文的第三章是文本互參研究層(intertextual texture)，這研究層主要是透過保羅其他另外六卷沒有爭議的書信來重構保羅在有關方面的神學與倫理思想，再利用這結構來幫助理解保羅如何理解信中隱含的問題，及解釋信中保羅提出的理據。在這章的結論我們亦會提出，我們需要另一個研究向度來幫助我們更深入地理解在第一世紀時的奴僕關係。
第四章是本論文其中一個主要的貢獻，就是利用經濟研究層(economic texture)，來幫助處理錯綜複雜的奴僕關係。本研究層主要是利用新制度經濟理論來分析在羅馬不同層次的制度中，如何互相配合地來幫助奴隸主人及整個社會，利用奴隸不同方面的經濟功用，來達致其最大經濟效益。本章首先論述利用新制度經濟理論來研究第一世紀奴隸制度的合法性，繼而利用該理論分析有關奴隸制度的正式與非正式的制度(formal and informal institutions)，當中包括當時的宏觀經濟狀況、哲學、法律制度及用來管理奴隸的主要合約條件。最後，我們會利用這章的分析來總結出當時由經濟考慮而主導的奴隸關係的主要特徵。
第五章是綜合二、三及四章的研究所得，對腓利門書的主要勸導部分進行重讀。本章首先會利用各章的結論重構保羅在這信要處理的問題，最後，會總結出這信是一方面透過勸導腓利門有關愛的關係的重要，另一方面針對當時根深柢固由經濟主導的奴僕關係，來勸導腓利門選擇改變他與阿雷西母的關係。
Ip, Hon Ho.
Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014.
Includes bibliographical references.
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Title from PDF title page (viewed on 06, October, 2016).
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

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Livros sobre o assunto "Middleton's letter from Rome"

1807-1878, Dowling John, ed. Dr. Middleton's letter from Rome, showing an exact conformity between popery and paganism, or, The religion of the present Romans derived from that of their heathen ancestors: With the author's defence against a Roman Catholic opponent. New-York: American and Foreign Christian Union, 1986.

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Segraves, Daniel L. Themes from a letter to Rome. Hazelwood, MO: Word Aflame Press, 1995.

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Godolphin, Blandford William. A letter from an English traveller at Rome to his father, (1721): Now first printed ... [Edinburgh]: Priv. print. for the Clarendon Historical Society, 1987.

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Popery Unmask'd: The Substance of Dr. Middleton's Letter from Rome, with an Abstract of the Doctor's Reply to the Objections of the Writer of the Catholic Christian Instructed. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2023.

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Middleton, Conyers. A Letter from Rome, Shewing an Exact Conformity Between Popery and Paganism: Or, the Religion of the Present Romans to Be Derived Entirely from That ... by Conyers Middleton, ... the Second Edition. Gale Ecco, Print Editions, 2018.

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Parker, Theodore. John Brown's Expedition Reviewed in a Letter from Rev. Theodore Parker, at Rome, to Francis Jackson, Boston: 1. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Letter from Rome, Shewing an Exact Conformity Between Popery and Paganism: Or the Religion of the Present Romans to Be Derived Entirely from That of Their Heathen Ancestors. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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Middleton, Conyers. A Letter From Rome, Shewing An Exact Conformity Between Popery And Paganism: Or The Religion Of The Present Romans To Be Derived Entirely From That Of Their Heathen Ancestors. Franklin Classics, 2018.

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(Editor), Finley Hooper, e Matthew Schwartz (Editor), eds. Roman Letters: History from a Personal Point of View (Great Lakes Books). Wayne State University Press, 1991.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Middleton's letter from Rome"

Barizza, Elisabetta, e Marco Falsetti. "Letter from Rome". In Rome and the Legacy of Louis I. Kahn, 37–38. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge research in architecture: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315124155-5.

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Paolo Tamburelli, Pier. "As a Snake Sheds its Skin". In Architekturen, 103–20. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839461112-006.

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Among the ruins of ancient Rome Bramante found the pieces he needed to assemble a much more rigorous system of forms than the one known to him in Milan. His repertoire changed, the solutions typical of the Lombard period were abandoned. This change of style is perhaps the most striking aspect of Bramante's artistic production and has not failed to attract the attention of historians of architecture. To understand his work it is necessary to start from right here, from this glaring fact-and a fairly unusual one with respect to the kind of behavior that, after centuries of romantic idolizing of the self, we tend to expect from an artist. And yet these choices were fully conscious, as is evident from an unequivocal passage in a letter from Guglielmo della Porta to Bartolomeo Ammannati (circa 1560): »Bramante asserted that anyone who came to Rome to practise as an architect had to strip himself, as a snake sheds its skin, of everything he had learned elsewhere, and he proved this himself with his own example, saying that before he saw this city he used to think himself an excellent painter and architect, but that after practising for many years he became aware of his error, and this was the reason that, after having drawn a great number of the buildings of ancient Rome, of Tivoli, of Praeneste, and many other places, studying, noting and learning something new every day, he opened the way to the good and regulated architecture of antiquity.« It is precisely the shedding of skin that took place in the move from Milan to Rome which we need to take as the starting point in our observation of Bramante's work. Just what changed? And what did not change?

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Shattock, Joanne, Joanne Wilkes, Katherine Newey e Valerie Sanders. "W. M. Thackeray, A Brother of the Press on the History of a Literary Man, Laman Blanchard, and the Chances of the Literary Profession; In a Letter to the Reverend Francis Sylvester at Rome, from Michael Angelo Titmarsh, Esq". In Literary and Cultural Criticism from the Nineteenth Century, 57–63. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199915-9.

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Ingram, Robert G. "Conversing … with the ancients: Rome and the Bible". In Reformation without end. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126948.003.0007.

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Having lost a legal battle with Richard Bentley, Conyers Middleton went to Rome for a year and a half during the mid 1720s. During his time in Italy, Middleton developed a view of Christian antiquity at odds with the mainstream orthodox one. This chapter examines both the evolution of Middleton’s stance orthodoxy to heterodoxy and the perceptions and consequences of that evolution. It considers the arguments of his Letter from Rome (1729), highlighting their latently heterodox implications. It shows how the Letter from Rome’s latent heterodoxy became manifest in Middleton’s Letter to Dr Waterland (1730). Finally, it details the ways that his attacks on Daniel Waterland destroyed his relationship with his first patron — Edward Harley, second earl of Oxford — and permanently damaged his career prospects.

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"Italian News Letter from Rome, 1578". In The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, editado por E. G. R. Taylor, 122. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315554914-20.

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Bondy, François, e Melvin J. Lasky. "Letter from Rome: Italy's “Cultural Crisis”". In European Notebooks, 129–33. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351322201-21.

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Sherr, Richard. "A letter from Paolo Animuccia". In Music and Musicians in Renaissance Rome and Other Courts, V_75—V_78. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429432590-5.

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"The Transmission of the Letter". In The Letter from Rome to Corinth from the Era of Domitian, 7–39. The Lutterworth Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2v88fw1.8.

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"Characteristics of the Letter and Its Religious Content". In The Letter from Rome to Corinth from the Era of Domitian, 43–53. The Lutterworth Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2v88fw1.10.

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"Back Matter". In The Letter from Rome to Corinth from the Era of Domitian, 250. The Lutterworth Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2v88fw1.26.

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Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Middleton's letter from Rome"

Plotnikova, Anna. "Epistolary genre: «Holy letter» in cross-cultural context". In Tenth Rome Cyril-Methodian Readings. Indrik, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/91674-576-4.23.

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Published letters of Burgenland’s Croats living in Chunovo on the border of Slovakia and Hungary are under consideration from the point of view of the features of the epistolary genre of the early XXth century. The cross-cultural context dictates the use of such lexemes and turns, which were possible only in this particular Slavic region. Against this background, the so-called “heavenly letter” stands out, which is a letter-amulet written on the eve of the First World War by a soldier and sent to his loved ones. The genre features of this letter are very different from the entire corre-spondence, which allows us to consider this text in a num-ber of so-called “Holy letters”.

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Afanasyeva, Tatyana, e Tatyana Burilkina. "Vatican Psalter (Vat. slav. 8): principles for reduction the Cyrillic minuscule and linguistic refl ection of the scribe of the manuscript". In Tenth Rome Cyril-Methodian Readings. Indrik, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/91674-576-4.02.

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The report will discuss the principles of creating a half-letter from the Cyrillic minuscule in the Vatican Psalter of the 14th century, and also issues related to the dating and localization of the manuscript.

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Zimmerling, Anton. "The German tolmach: Dmitry Gerasimov and his aliases in the embassy books". In Tenth Rome Cyril-Methodian Readings. Indrik, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/91674-576-4.37.

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I prove that the interpreter of two embassy letters sent from Ivangorod (Jaanilinn) to Moscow in 1505, a certain Dmitry Ščerbaty is identical to the Russian author and diplomat Dmitry Gerasimov. Ščerbaty’s / Gerasimov’s letters have unique features distinguishing them from other embassy letters from the time of Ivan III. The choice of the North-Western dialect form of the 1 Pl. auxiliary есме in the translation of a Latin embassy letter is a footprint of the book author who discard-ed the both the vernacular alternative есмя /есмо as vulgar and the Church Slavonic variant есмы. Evgenij E. Golubin-skij’s conjecture that Gerasimov is mentioned elsewhere in the embassy books as ‘Dmitry Zaecov’ is not justifi ed

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