Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Micro-Violence"

This thesis seeks to understand the phenomenon of networked symbolic violence in the Chinese micro-blog sphere. The main research questions are: (1) what are the main features of networked symbolic violence on the Chinese micro-blog Weibo, and (2) what are the main aspects of networked symbolic violence? In this study, the theory of structural violence, symbolic violence and the law of the mental unity of crowds will be used as the theoretical framework. Through a literature review and two case studies using content analysis, the findings of this study reveal that networked symbolic violence has four different stages: the beginning phase, the rising phase, the explosive phase and the dying down phase. And there are four main types of networked symbolic violence on Chinese micro-blog, they are aggressive language, aggressive symbols which contain metaphorical expressions of insult to attack others online, malicious rumors, and revealing others’ privacy. Furthermore, the networked symbolic violence on micro-blogs has four phases: a beginning phase, a rising phase, an explosive phase, and a dying-down phase. In the discussion part, the phenomenon of the crowd in the micro-blog era is discussed. Some tentative measures are also provided to prevent and stop networked symbolic violence on Chinese micro-blogs. Finally, the author indicates that it is necessary to conduct further researches on the cause of networked symbolic violence in Chinese society.

This thesis presents an argument for examining the politics of postconflict and demonstrates how the new, and uniquely, politicized contestations in a post-CPA Nepal have contributed to continued local-level violence. Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in Nepal, this thesis examines violence in the postconflict period, specifically in the central-eastern tarai region between the years 2007 and 2009. The thesis asks: How was the local level violence that persisted after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement understood by conflict actors and civilians in the central-eastern tarai? Furthermore, how do NSAG members and civilians experience that violence? More broadly, how are social relationships being negotiated in the postconflict period and how have such transformations impacted on individual and collective lives in the central-eastern tarai region of Nepal? The study focuses on the border as the unit of analysis and examines the relationship between borders and belonging in Nepal. The study proposes that the key variable that explains lowintensity violence in the central-eastern tarai is the proposal of ethnofederalism. It analyzes how the formation of the nation and relations between the state and central-eastern tarai residents impacted on NSAG recruitment and activism. The study offers new empirical data by presenting an ethnography of NSAG recruitment and participation as well as narratives of civilian perceptions of, and experiences with, violence. This study aims to fill a gap in the conflict recurrence literature which assumes that the actors who are involved in conflict violence and 'postconflict' violence are one and the same. The main theoretical contribution of this thesis is the finding that new actors are involved in low-intensity violence in the 'postconflict' period in the central-eastern tarai region of Nepal.

This research explores the experience of being feared. In doing this, an under-researched and little understood perspective of fear of crime is addressed. The research investigated the phenomenon of being feared from a micro-sociological perspective and this focus has allowed a better understand the dynamics of fearful encounters. It highlights the intensions, actions and feelings of those who are perceived by the public and in communities as potential offenders, as 'fearsome' and 'intimidating'. This thesis relies on qualitative interviews with police officers, soldiers, bouncers, gym-goers, students and young people. These strategically selected groups allow the research to understand a wide breadth of contexts in which being feared can be experienced. The unique elements of these groups are drawn out in addition to overarching thematic parallels. Alongside this methodology, a Goffmanian conceptual framework is used. This supports and highlights the importance symbolism, the giving and receiving of expressive information, and the expectations people have of the behaviour and intensions of others. The research also discusses the processes of learning to be feared and thus distils the ways in which fear is recognised in others. This research highlights the impact that appearance and corporeal aspects have on being feared. The research also introduces and develops four sides to the micro-dynamics of being feared. These four pillars of fear consider the purposeful causing or augmentation of fear in others within encounters, the accidental causing of fear, the dynamics of alleviating fear within an encounter and the competence of instilling fear in situations where it is not present.

La présente thèse questionne la qualité en éducation en abordant le concept de « l’a-qualité », par analogie au modèle de « l’a-synthèse » (Perez, 2008). Le préfixe « a » est suspensif, invitant à suspendre la qualité éducative du point de vue normatif pour l’interroger au niveau de son construit théorique. L’a-qualité est abordée dans ses deux facettes de micro-attentions et de micro-violences dans le pays du Cèdre, en proie à de violentes crises. L’objectif de notre thèse vise à lever le voile sur la place de l’humain qui interagit avec autrui et avec l’environnement, constituant l’angle mort de la qualité et le seul rempart contre la mouvance sociétale. La question de recherche suivante guide l’étude : Quelle a-qualité humaniste peut-elle définir l’angle mort de la qualité d’un établissement scolaire afin de répondre à l’incertitude du contexte libanais ? Nous avançons l’hypothèse que l’a-qualité humaniste se centre sur la formation holistique des acteurs éducatifs, conjugue leurs capacités distinctives et développe une institution éco-émergente lui permettant de relever les défis du contexte incertain. Notre thèse s’inscrit dans une approche mixte, selon le design séquentiel explicatif de Creswell (2014), dans une complémentarité des données quantitatives et qualitatives. Les résultats dévoilent que l’a-qualité est davantage perçue dans le contexte incertain par l’absence de micro-violences que par la présence de micro-attentions. Face aux mutations sociétales, les acteurs éducatifs semblent plus sensibles à la micro-violence qu’à la micro-attention, les pratiques dommageables pour les humains gardant des traces souvent indélébiles. Dans ce sens, l’école en devenir s’inscrit dans son contexte, en devenant éco-émergente, apte à transformer les obstacles en opportunités pour apprendre et se développer. Elle forme les acteurs éducatifs aux compétences de vie, soucieuse de leur bien-être, au sein d’une altérité bienveillante, valorisant la singularité de chacun, dans une intelligence collective (De Ketele, 2020a) au service d’un monde commun et non uniforme (Mutuale, 2020)
This thesis explores education quality by introducing the concept of "a-quality," akin to the model of "a-synthesis" (Perez, 2008). The prefix "a" is suspensive, inviting us to explore educational quality by examining it at the level of its theoretical constructs. A-quality is approached in its dual aspects of micro-attention and micro-violence in Lebanon, beset by severe crises. Our thesis aims to unveil the role of the human who interacts with others and with the environment, an overlooked aspect of quality and the sole defence against societal flux. The research question that guides this study is: What humanistic a-quality aspects can define the blind spot of school quality to address the uncertainty of the Lebanese context? We hypothesize that humanistic a-quality focuses on the holistic development of educational actors, harnesses their distinctive capacities, and cultivates an eco-emergent institution to meet the challenges in an uncertain context. Our thesis employs a mixed-methods approach, following Creswell's (2014) sequential explanatory design, combining quantitative and qualitative data. The findings reveal that a-quality is perceived more in uncertain contexts by the absence of micro-violence rather than by the presence of micro-attentions. Faced with societal shifts, educational actors appear more attuned to micro-violence than micro-attention, as harmful practices leave often indelible marks on humans. Therefore, the evolving school embeds itself in its context, becoming eco-emergent, and capable of transforming obstacles into learning opportunities and growth. It empowers educational actors with life skills, mindful of their well-being within a benevolent otherness, valuing everyone’s uniqueness within a collective intelligence (De Ketele, 2020a) serving the common good and a non-uniform world (Mutuale, 2020)

This dissertation seeks to analyse the upsurge of insurgent violence in the North Caucasus following the end of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya in 2009. By looking at the development of radical Islam and the impact of the Chechen spillover in the region, this research suggests that these factors should be analysed and contextualized in each republic. By comparing the cases of Kabardino-Balkaria, Ingushetia, and Dagestan, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate the importance of vendetta, criminal activity, religious repression and corruption as local factors that contribute to the increase of violence. By focusing on the case of Dagestan, the author proposes a political ethnographic approach to study the mechanisms and details of religious repression and corruption in everyday life. This analysis permits us to map out the different pathways towards the participation in insurgent groups in Dagestan. By doing so, it demonstrates that one can identify three different generations of insurgent fighters in Dagestan. This dissertation demonstrates that the role of Salafist ideology is often marginal in the early stages of the process of violent radicalisation, and slowly gains importance as the involvement in violence increases. The emphasis should be placed on vengeance and religious repression as crucial triggering factors as they provoke a cognitive opening for young people in Dagestan to engage in violence.

Honour-related violence and oppression has been politically prioritised in Sweden during the past two decades. National policies have been formulated, laws adopted, and the school has been identified as a crucial actor for preventing this type of violence at the local level. Yet, the prevalence of the violence still constitutes a threat to the freedom and safety of children and youths in the Swedish society. To gain a deeper understanding about the apparent discrepancy between policy and practice, this study adopts a micro-level perspective and zooms in onto the actors responsible for implementing existing policies. Teachers from four different purposefully selected schools have been interviewed. Drawing on insights from street-level policy implementation theories, the study explores how the teachers work to implement the National Agency for Education’s policy targeting honour-related violence and oppression. Notably, Lipsky’s analytical categories for successful street-level policy implementation, comprehension, capacity and will, function as point of departure. The broad nature of the categories have allowed for contextual insights to be included and a number of constraining and enabling mechanisms for successful micro-level policy implementation to be identified. The findings demonstrate how the teachers’ access to information is contingent upon their personal interest in the topic or on other individuals’ commitment. The large room for manoeuvre permits teachers to use their creativity to include the perspective of honour, but likewise allows for misunderstandings and resistance to influence the policy outcomes. The lack of clear bureaucratic goals, limited resources and a high level of discretion force teachers to find their own strategies to adequately implement the policy. To deal with increased pressure they are however likely to resort to simplifications and familiar routines. In turn these may obstruct at-risk students from receiving appropriate support. Finally, the findings confirm the importance of taking the strategies, decisions and motivations of implementing actors seriously when trying to understand policy success or policy failure.

Pour les intellectuels et lexicographes officiant sous l'Ancien Régime, le peuple de France n'est alors pas un mais multiple. Au cœur de l'espace urbain, exclusion faite de la population mendiante et vagabonde, la partie tout à la fois la plus nombreuse et la moins bien considérée de ce peuple regroupe les travailleurs journaliers et sans qualification, ceux de la terre ou plus ou moins qualifiés mais non dépendants d'un cadre corporatif, la domesticité au sens large, les ouvriers de manufactures, les compagnons et garçons de métiers jurés ainsi que l'ensemble des chambrelans besognant en contravention aux statuts des jurandes. Cette population que nous identifions sous l'appellation " second peuple " se caractérise par une existence de ses membres majoritairement vécue dans la précarité quotidienne, une insertion plus ou moins bien définie et solide au sein de la société urbaine et une inscription en dehors de toute forme officielle d'organisation horizontale du travail. Une attention portée sur trois pans majeurs de l'existence du second peuple de la ville de Nantes au dernier siècle de la monarchie absolue, soit la vie en communauté, la consommation matérielle et l'activité laborieuse, est en mesure de dévoiler quelques-uns des traits essentiels des individus le constituant : place centrale de l'élément féminin, importance des notions de déplacement et d'implantation géographiques, force des connexions et solidarités de voisinage, rapport parfois houleux à l'autorité et frugalité de l'environnement matériel du quotidien.

Pour les intellectuels et lexicographes officiant sous l'Ancien Régime, le peuple de France n'est alors pas un mais multiple. Au coeur de l'espace urbain, exclusion faite de la population mendiante et vagabonde, la partie tout à la fois la plus nombreuse et la moins bien considérée de ce peuple regroupe les travailleurs journaliers et sans qualification, ceux de la terre ou plus ou moins qualifiés mais non dépendants d'un cadre corporatif, la domesticité au sens large, les ouvriers de manufactures, les compagnons et garçons de métiers jurés ainsi que l'ensemble des chambrelans besognant en contravention aux statuts des jurandes. Cette population que nous identifions sous l��appellation « second peuple » se caractérise par une existence de ses membres majoritairement vécue dans la précarité quotidienne, une insertion plus ou moins bien définie et solide au sein de la société urbaine et une inscription en dehors de toute forme officielle d’organisation horizontale du travail. Une attention portée sur trois pans majeurs de l’existence du second peuple de la ville de Nantes au dernier siècle de la monarchie absolue, soit la vie en communauté, la consommation matérielle et l’activité laborieuse, est en mesure de dévoiler quelques-uns des traits essentiels des individus le constituant : place centrale de l’élément féminin, importance des notions de déplacement et d’implantation géographiques, force des connexions et solidarités de voisinage, rapport parfois houleux à l’autorité et frugalité de l’environnement matériel du quotidien
For the intellectuals and lexicographers officiating under the Ancien Regime, the people of France was then not one but many. At the heart of urban space, excluding the population of beggars and vagabonds, the at once most numerous and least well regarded part of this people groups together unqualified day laborers, those working on the land or more or less qualified but not dependent on a corporate framework, domestic workers in the broadest sense of the word, factory workers, journeymen and juniors in the legal profession and all “roomworkers” toiling in contravention of the statutes of the guilds. This population that we identify under the name of the “second people” is characterized by a life of its members mostly lived in everyday poverty, a more or less well defined and strong insertion in the heart of urban society and an entry without any official form of horizontal organization of work. A focus on three major segments of the existence of the second people of the city of Nantes in the last century of absolute monarchy, be it community life, material consumption or work activity, is able to reveal some essential features of the individuals which make it up: the central role of the feminine element, the importance of the concepts of travel and geographic location, the strength of connections and neighborhood solidarity, sometimes stormy relations with authority and the frugality of the material environment of daily life

This thesis starts by arguing that the civil conflicts that erupted in the African Great Lakes are rooted in a continuous pursuit of power, in which ethnic, regional and political identifiers are used by the contenders for power to rally community support. In an introductory chapter, I go back to the colonial era, drawing attention to Burundi and Rwanda, and then describe in more details Burundi's refugee crisis, ex-combatants' demobilization and the 2010 elections, all of which will be addressed in the subsequent chapters.

In the second chapter, entitled "On the Instrumental Power of Refugees: Household Composition and Civil War in Burundi", I study changes in household composition following household's exposure to civil war in Burundi. The analyses rely on a panel dataset collected in rural Burundi in 2005 and 2010. To address concerns over the endogenous distribution violence, I use an instrumental variables strategy using the distance to refugee camps, in which the Hutu rebellion was organized from the mid-1990s onwards. The analysis focuses on the impact of violence on demographic changes within households.

The third chapter, entitled "Who Benefited from Burundi's Demobilization Program?" and co-authored with Olivier Sterck (University of Oxford) and Philip Verwimp (ULB), assesses the impact of the demobilization cash transfers program, which took place from 2004 onwards in post-war Burundi. In the short run, we find that the cash payments had a positive impact on beneficiaries' consumption, non-food spending and investments. Importantly, it also generated positive spillovers on civilians in their home villages. However, both the direct impact and the spillovers seem to vanish in the long run. Ex-combatants' investments in assets were not productive enough to sustain their consumption pattern in the long run, as they ultimately ran out of demobilization money.

In the fourth chapter, entitled "From Rebellion to Electoral Violence. Evidence from Burundi" and co-authored with Andrea Colombo (ULB) and Olivier Sterck (University of Oxford), we aim at understanding the triggers of electoral violence in 2010, only a few months after the end of the war. We find that an acute polarization between ex-rebel groups -capturing the presence of groups with equal support - and political competition are both highly conducive to electoral violence. Disaggregating electoral violence by type, we show that these drivers explain different types of violence. Perhaps surprisingly, we find that ethnic diversity is not associated with electoral violence in post-conflict Burundi.

In the last chapter, entitled "Who Benefits from Customary Justice? Rent-seeking, Bribery and Criminality in sub-Saharan Africa" and co-authored with Olivier Sterck (University of Oxford), we have a closer look at the judicial system of Uganda, an important institution in a post-conflict economy. In many African countries, customary and statutory judicial systems co-exist. Customary justice is exercised by local courts and based on restorative principles, while statutory justice is mostly retributive and administered by magistrates' courts. As their jurisdiction often overlaps, victims can choose which judicial system to refer to, which may lead to contradictions between rules and inconsistencies in judgments. In this essay, we construct a model representing a dual judicial system and we show that this overlap encourages rent-seeking and bribery, and yields to high rates of petty crimes and civil disputes.

In Burundi, history has shown that instability in one country of the Great Lake region may destabilize the whole area, with dramatic effect on civilian population. Understanding the dynamics laying at the origin of violence, during and after civil conflict, is crucial to prevent violence relapse in any form, from petty criminality to larger scale combats.

Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Yes
This paper responds to the dearth of research into women's negative intra-gender relations and lack of understanding as to why and how these relations manifest. Through a qualitative study of women elite leaders' experiences in UK organizations, the research considers how gendered contexts, women doing gender well and differently simultaneously, intra-gender competition and female misogyny may explain negative intra-gender social relations between women. We consider micro-aggression research and women's abjection and offer a unique conceptualization of intra-gender micro-violence with themes of disassociating, suppression of opportunity and abject appearance. The themes illustrate how the masculine symbolic order shapes and constrains women elite leaders' social relations with other women. We conclude that raising consciousness to intra-gender micro-violence between women is important as a means of disruption; to facilitate women and men's acceptance of intra-gender differences between women; and to open up opportunities and possibilities for women in organizations.

The use of force by police has been explored through a range of social science perspectives. However, the majority of those perspectives have failed to account for the impact that situational factors have on the use of coercion by police. While situational perspectives have been utilized, they have primarily focused on solitary features of the situation; thus, ignoring a situation’s various component parts. The general absence of consideration given to situational force is exhibited within the sociological literature more generally. This absence contributes to a diminished appreciation for the circumstances that transpire within the context of the situation. This thesis explores the role that the situation plays in the generation of police use of coercion. In addition, this thesis observes whether contemporary theoretical developments can elaborate the explanatory value of the situation in studying the use of violence by police. Specifically, this thesis utilizes Collins’ (2004) micro-situational theory of violence and his concept of forward panic. To examine the utility of Collins’ theory, eight theoretical propositions are used. This research examines the extent to which the propositions were empirically observable and whether they had a value added impact. The propositions examined were: 1) cross-purpose, 2) tension/fear, 3) the prolonged building of tension/fear, 4) docile lingering, 5) suspect in a position of weakness, 6) suspect outnumbered, 7) overkill and piling on of violence, and 8) rhythm. To observe the propositions a multiple case study analysis was conducted using Internet videos and newspaper articles. It was found that in all nine cases each of the propositions as described by Collins (2004) were present. The findings suggest general support for using Collins’ theory to explain police violence. In addition, his theory was found to have value added capability, as each of the situational components of the theory combined to impact on police violence.
Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2010-06-01 12:01:57.453

The centrepoint of this thesis is an action research project, the Maternal Alienation Project (MAP), implemented during 2002 and 2003 in Adelaide, South Australia. Resourced by two government-funded community health services, it was established to improve organisations’ (health, welfare and legal) and systems’ responses to the newly termed ‘maternal alienation’. MAP was situated within a tradition of feminist participatory and action research. It was designed to work on three levels: practice, systems and policy-making, and research. The outcomes, processes and events of MAP at the different levels of its operation are examined in the thesis through the employment of a gendered analysis drawn mainly from materialist feminism and standpoint theories. Post-project interviews and focus groups provided further data to the fieldnotes written throughout MAP, and the project’s formal and informal documents. A recent example of a contested gendered concept, “maternal alienation” was first identified and named in 1999 as a component of gender violence (Morris 1999). It forms part of a spectrum of violence perpetrated in households, and had been identified within domestic violence and child sexual abuse. It is a term for the range of tactics used by mainly male perpetrators, predominantly the mothers’ intimate partners and the children’s fathers or step-fathers, to deliberately undermine the relationship between mothers and their children. The mother-blaming discourses and degrading constructions of mothers conveyed to children and those in the family’s orbit are strongly related to wider socio-cultural constructions of women and mothers. The thesis examines theories of gender, gendered organisations and gender violence. It develops the concept of an abusive household gender regime, characterised by perpetrators’ imposition of a coercive and abusive regime on household members, and particular patternings of gendered relations. Comparisons are made between household and organisational gender regimes, which are also viewed in relation to the local gender order at the time of MAP. It was found that services that lack an analysis of gender are likely to re-inscribe the dynamics of maternal alienation in their responses to families. Language was found to play a significant part in addressing maternal alienation, particularly in developing congruence between language and women’s and children’s “lived” experiences. The principles that were developed were founded on supporting mothers and rebuilding their relationships with children, and making visible the tactics employed by perpetrators, thereby reducing their power to coerce and increasing their accountability. The concept of maternal alienation and MAP itself were attacked by a coalition of men’s rights and Christian Right lobbyists. This compromised the operations of MAP, and of its key supporters, managers of feminist and gender-aware organisations. In many ways these attacks, played out at a macro level, reflected the techniques and dynamics of maternal alienation at a micro level. This thesis raises questions about the strategies that feminist organisations need to develop to more effectively pursue feminist agendas, and to re-invigorate a women’s movement.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

In post-conflict settings real and imagined boundaries do a great deal to determine who is inside and who is outside of state-based narratives of peace and prosperity. Based on case studies in Rwanda and Northern Ireland, I provide an analysis of the post-conflict periods and the impact of neoliberal-styled governance on the dynamics of power. I argue that as power shifted, ‘peace’ also entailed a general social pacification, and prosperity equated to greater private profit. However, top-down social engineering has not contained the entire field of social struggle. I examine micro-level interventions taking place on the margins of mainstream discourse that trouble the moralizing state-narratives that seek to legitimate structural violence. Such spaces facilitate alternative values and practices that contribute to sustained social and cultural resilience, as well as forms of resistance. Post-conflict Rwanda and Northern Ireland have been impacted by both coercive and consensual forms of social engineering. In Rwanda, state-based framework laws and forceful regimes of local implementation rely on stark contingencies of reward and punishment to shape and control behaviour in the public sphere. In Northern Ireland, the power-sharing structure of the Belfast Agreement has reinforced ethnic politics, while depoliticizing and instrumentalizing civil society in support of its neoliberal policies. I present ethnographic research and interviews conducted with community organizations in Northern Ireland (Ikon) and Rwanda (Student Association of Genocide Survivors - AERG) that demonstrates how alternative discourses and practices are emerging in the cracks of these top-down systems. I explore Ikon’s use of creative performances and radical theology to create socially resonant cultural spaces that function as temporary autonomous zones. These TAZs unsettle aspects of individual identity while intentionally seeking to destabilize mainstream power dynamics. Unlike Ikon, AERG faces greater public scrutiny and higher political stakes. They demonstrate an adherence to the dominant social script in the public sphere, while exhibiting micro- level agency through trauma healing, and material support in private day-to-day practices. AERG’s performance in the public sphere creates temporary spaces of encounter that exceed the boundaries of official discourse, making their alternative presence felt while remaining illegible to the dominant surveillance frameworks.
Thesis (Ph.D, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-06-02 11:02:09.033

Die Dissertation mit dem Titel “Battle and Beating, Water and Waste: Micro-Level Impact Evaluation in Developing and Emerging Economies” beinhaltet die Ergebnisse ökonometrischer Wirkungsevaluierungen, die innerhalb zwei verschiedener Themengebieten des täglichen Lebens in Entwicklungs- und Schwellenländern durchgeführt wurden: Gewalt und Wasser. Im ersten dieser Themengebiete konzentriert sich die Analyse auf die Verhaltens-Reaktionen der Bevölkerung, die in räumlicher Nähe zu gewaltsamem Konflikt lebt. Detailliert die Wirkung solcher Exponierung auf das Auftreten häuslicher Gewalt untersuchend, trägt das erste Kapitel – gemeinsam verfasst mit Dominik Noe – dazu bei, die gesellschaftlichen Kosten kriegsähnlicher Auseinandersetzungen abzuschätzen. Insbesondere die Nachwirkungen auf zwischenmenschliche Beziehungen und soziales Verhalten gegenüber Familie und Freunden werden betrachtet. Wir formulieren die Theorie, dass das Leben in Haushalten in der Nähe zu Orten von extrem gewaltsamen Zwischenfällen die Wahrscheinlichkeit von Frauen in diesen Haushalten erhöht, Opfer häuslicher Gewalt zu werden. Diese Theorie überprüfen wir dann anhand von Daten aus Kolumbien; einem Land, in dem sowohl reichhaltige Daten zu Gefechten als auch zu häuslicher Gewalt vorliegen. Die Kernerkenntnis lautet, dass eine höhere Intensität der gewaltsamen Konflikte mutmaßlich die Wahrscheinlichkeit der Frauen, Opfer häuslicher Gewalt zu werden, deutlich erhöht. Das zweite und dritte Kapitel dieser Dissertation sind dem zweiten Themengebiet gewidmet, und hier insbesondere Aspekten des Anschlusses von Haushalten an Leitungswasser und moderne Abwasser-Entsorgung. Das zweite Kapitel – gemeinsam verfasst mit Stephan Klasen, Tobias Lechtenfeld und Kristina Meier – untersucht die Wirkung des Anschlusses von Haushalten an Leitungswasser und Abwasser-entsorgung auf Gesundheit sowie Schul- und Arbeitsplatz-Anwesenheit. Es trägt zu der derzeit noch überschaubaren Anzahl von Wirkungsevaluierungen im Wasser- und Abwasserbereich bei, und ist nach Kenntnis der Autoren die erste rigorose Wirkungsevaluierung im städtischen Umfeld. Quasi-experimentelle Methoden und Wasserqualitäts-Tests unter Berücksichtigung von ungleichmäßiger Infrastruktur-Ausbreitung erlauben es, die Wirkungen separat einerseits für Anschluss lediglich an Leitungswasser, als auch andererseits für zusätzlichen Anschluss an Abwasserentsorgung, zu schätzen. Die Kernerkenntnis lautet, dass Anschluss an Leitungswasser in jemenitischen Städten schädlich sein kann, wenn die Wasserversorgung unregelmäßig ist; und die Wirkung bei regelmäßiger Versorgung im Vergleich zu traditionellen und alternativen Wasserquellen sehr gering ist. Anschluss an Abwasserentsorgung scheint dagegen bei regelmäßiger Wasserversorgung zu gesundheitlichem Nutzen zu führen. Es ist regelmäßig zu beobachten, dass in Aufbereitungsanlagen entkeimtes Leitungswasser innerhalb des Haushaltes rekontaminiert wird. Wasserqualitäts-Tests an Testpunkten entlang der Versorgungskette innerhalb des Haushaltes erlaubt Rückschlüsse auf Ort und Quelle der Kontaminierung. Der Löwenanteil dieser Verschlechterung der Wasserqualität ist auf Verhalten im Zusammenhang mit Wasser-Handhabung und Hygiene zurückzuführen. Das in Alleinautorschaft verfasste dritte Kapitel baut auf dem zweiten auf und untersucht, welche treibenden Faktoren hinter Verhaltensaspekten stehen, die Rekontaminierung verhindern würden. Spezifisch die Determinanten von Wasserbehandlung und Hygiene werden untersucht, und vor dem Hintergrund der Erkenntnisse aus dem zweiten Kapitel interpretiert. Die Kernerkenntnis lautet, dass Hygiene-Training, Zugang zu Informations- und Kommunikations-Technologie sowie Schulbildung mutmaßlich zu den relevanten, beeinflussbaren Determinanten zählen. Anschluss an Leitungswasser und Abwasserentsorgung – welche üblicherweise bestenfalls mittelfristig ausgebaut werden können – haben scheinbar ebenfalls wünschenswerte Effekte, allerdings in geringerem Maße, und in höherem Maße bei Leitungswasser als bei zusätzlicher Abwasserentsorgung.