Bibliografias temáticas / Mercantile system – history

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Mercantile system – history"

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Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024
Última modificação: 26 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Mercantile system – history"

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Donahue, Charles. "Equity in the Courts of Merchants". Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 72, n.º 1-2 (2004): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181904323055781.

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AbstractThis paper had its origins in a study of Benvenuto Stracca's De mercatura. The purpose of the study was to determine whether there was anything in that work that supported the notion that there was a system of customary mercantile law in operation in Italy in Stracca's time. The answer to that question proved to be a rather resounding 'no', and the arguments that lead to that conclusion will be published elsewhere. In the process of examining Stracca's sources, much information appeared about how the jurists of the fourteenth, fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries did deal with mercantile matters and, in particular, the way in which they manipulated the concept of equity to achieve what they deemed to be just results in such cases. Limitations of space allowed consideration of only a couple of procedural examples intheprevious paper. The story, it seemed to me, deserved consideration in its own right. What follows, then, is a fuller consideration of the use of equity by the commentators in their handling of mercantile cases, beginning, as the previous paper did, with Stracca's general remarks on the topic.
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Flandreau, Marc, e Gabriel Geisler Mesevage. "The Untold History of Transparency: Mercantile Agencies, the Law, and the Lawyers (1851–1916)". Enterprise & Society 15, n.º 2 (9 de maio de 2014): 213–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khu014.

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This paper discusses the origins of rating in the second half of the nineteenth century. We review and criticize existing narratives, which—echoing a story told by lawyers favorable to (or employed by) the agencies—have alleged that a cultural shift in normative views, evidenced in an evolution of court decisions, provided legal protection (against libel) to agencies, and permitted the development of printed credit reports. Such a view is inconsistent with evidence from actual judicial decisions and from our exploration of archival material. Looking at both litigated and settled cases, we show that the rise of mercantile agencies in the late nineteenth century was the product of a farsighted corporate strategy applied ruthlessly to a legal system that was still very reluctant to permit the agencies to “commoditize” credit.
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SALES I FAVÀ, LLUÍS. "Suing in a local jurisdictional court in late medieval Catalonia. The case of Caldes de Malavella (1328–1369)". Continuity and Change 29, n.º 1 (maio de 2014): 49–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416014000095.

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ABSTRACTThis article addresses the question of the effectiveness of court litigation over private contracts. Through a case study of fourteenth-century Caldes de Malavella, in northeastern Catalonia, it provides an instructive example of contract registration and enforcement. A large peasant clientele made use of the institutional framework provided by a compact jurisdictional estate. We also explore the ways in which the court system within this barony was affected by the demands of external jurisdictions. The article concludes that the whole system was efficient in prosecuting breach of contract, in serving broader mercantile strategies, and even in softening tensions among parties.
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Kleiser, R. Grant. "An Empire of Free Ports: British Commercial Imperialism in the 1766 Free Port Act". Journal of British Studies 60, n.º 2 (abril de 2021): 334–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.250.

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AbstractThe Free Port Act of 1766 was an important reform in British political economy during the so-called imperial crisis between the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) and the American Revolution (1775–1783). In an explicit break from the letter if not the spirit of the Navigation Acts, the act opened six British ports in the West Indies (two in Dominica and four in Jamaica) to foreign merchants trading in a highly regulated number of goods subject to various duties. Largely understudied, this legislation has been characterized in most previous work on the subject as a fundamental break from British mercantile policies and meant to benefit North American colonial merchants. This article proposes a different interpretation. Based on the wider context of other imperial free port models, the loss of conquests such as French Guadeloupe and Martinique and Spanish Havana in the 1763 Paris Peace Treaty, a postwar downturn in Anglo-Spanish trade, and convincing testimonies by merchants and colonial observers, policy makers in London conceived of free ports primarily as a means of extending Britain's commercial empire. The free port system was designed to ruin the rival Dutch trade economically and shackle Spanish and French colonists to Britain's mercantile, manufacturing, and slaving economies. The reform marks a key moment in the evolution of British free trade imperial designs that became prevalent in the nineteenth century and beyond.
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Rossi, Guido. "The barratry of the shipmaster in early modern law: the approach of Italian and English law courts". Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 87, n.º 4 (19 de dezembro de 2019): 504–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00870a02.

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SummaryFor a long time, the concept of barratry (at least in its maritime meaning) was one and the same on both sides of the Channel. The barratry of the shipmaster was part of the mercantile usages, and it identified the intentionally blameworthy conduct of the master. When law courts began to decide on insurance litigation they were confronted with a notion quite alien to them. Broadly speaking, the shipmaster’s barratry could well be considered a fraud of sort. But in order to decide on its occurrence in a specific case, law courts had to analyse it in legal terms, and so according to the specific legal categories of their own system. The point ceases to be trivially obvious if we think that the different legal framework of civil and common law courts progressively led to very different interpretations of the same thing. Thus, with the shift of insurance litigation from mercantile justice to law courts maritime barratry began to acquire increasingly different features in the two legal systems. Very often, the very same conduct of the shipmaster was considered as negligent by civil law courts and barratrous by common law courts. The difference was of great practical importance, for many policies excluded barratry from the risks insured against. So, depending on the kind of law court, an insurer could be charged with full liability for the mishap or walk away without paying anything. If the beginning of the story was the same, its end could not have been more different.
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Walker, Juliet E. K. "Racism, Slavery, and Free Enterprise: Black Entrepreneurship in the United States before the Civil War". Business History Review 60, n.º 3 (1986): 343–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115882.

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In reconstructing the early business history of black America, Professor Walker emphasizes the diversity and complexity of antebellum black entrepreneurship, both slave and free. With few exceptions, prevailing historical assessments have confined their analyses of pre-Civil War black business participation to marginal enterprises, concentrated primarily in craft and service industries. In America's preindustrial mercantile business community, however, blacks established a wide variety of enterprises, some of them remarkably successful. The business activities of antebellum blacks not only offer insights into the multiplicity of responses to the constraints of racism and slavery, but also highlight relatively unexplored areas in the historical development of the free enterprise system in the United States.
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Weiman, David F. "Urban Growth on the Periphery of the Antebellum Cotton Belt: Atlanta, 1847–1860". Journal of Economic History 48, n.º 2 (junho de 1988): 259–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004885.

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Based on the mercantile model of urban growth, I analyze the formative development of Atlanta during the antebellum period. Located at the intersection of three railroads, Atlanta's early growth and economic structure reflected its nodal position in the transport system. Subsequent railroad construction, however, eroded its initial locational advantage, while creating the opportunity for its emergence as a regional metropolis. This transformation was delayed until after the Civil War because of the marginal political and economic position of Atlanta and the Upcountry region, as a whole, within the state.
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Collins, Gregory M. "THE LIMITS OF MERCANTILE ADMINISTRATION: ADAM SMITH AND EDMUND BURKE ON BRITAIN’S EAST INDIA COMPANY". Journal of the History of Economic Thought 41, n.º 03 (24 de julho de 2019): 369–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837218000354.

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It is often claimed that Adam Smith and Edmund Burke held similar views on matters relating to political economy. One area of tension in their thought, however, was the institutional credibility of Britain’s East India Company. They both argued that the Company corrupted market order in India, but while Smith supported the termination of the firm’s charter, Burke aspired to preserve it. This article examines why they arrived at such divergent conclusions. It argues that the source of Burke and Smith’s friction arose from the dissimilar frames of reference through which they assessed the credibility of the Company. Burke examined the corporation’s legitimacy through the lens of British prescriptive, imperial, and constitutional history, yet Smith evaluated it as part of his larger attack on the mercantile system. These different frames of reference were responsible for the further incongruities in their thought on the Company relating to the role of prescription and imperial honor in political communities, the qualifications of traders to rule, and the appropriate tempo of policy reform. This article concludes that, even with such differences, the two thinkers’ respective criticisms of the Company illustrate the threat that monopolies pose to the liberal order.
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Szymura, Mateusz. "George Joseph Bell (1770–1843): ostatni szkocki pisarz instytucjonalny". Prawo 335 (7 de outubro de 2022): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.335.2.

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The subject of the article is the figure of George Joseph Bell — professor of Scottish law at the University of Edinburgh and author of two final Scottish institutional works: Principles of the Law of Scotland and Commentaries on the Law of Scotland and on the Principles of Mercantile Jurisprudence. The publication of both works in the first half of the nineteenth century marks a unique caesura in the history of Scottish law — both the level of complexity of the legal system and the significant convergence of Scottish law and solutions known to English law resulted in a lack of both need and opportunity for a comprehensive treatment of the Scottish law system in the form of a holistic legal treatise. G.J. Bell’s unfulfilled dream of becoming a judge of the Court of Session enabled him to refine his monograph on insolvency law to the level of just such a treatise, which consequently acquired the status of an institutional work and secured for the author a place in the history of Scottish law which is not given to every judge of even the highest of courts.
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CHRISTENSEN, SØREN BITSCH, e JØRGEN MIKKELSEN. "The Danish urban system pre-1800: a survey of recent research results". Urban History 33, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2006): 484–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926806004081.

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In Denmark, the first actual towns can be dated to the eighth and ninth centuries. The establishment of towns became more significant in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in connection with the state-building process, and these towns were distinctly consumer towns serving as administrative, religious and military centres. From 1200 to 1350 Denmark, similar to the German area, underwent considerable urbanization; a large number of market towns were created, and in contrast to the older ones they were mercantile towns. Denmark thus clearly became the most urbanized country in Scandinavia. As Copenhagen grew in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the urban system decisively changed its character in the direction of a primate system. The characteristics of the primate system are particularly distinct within the boundaries of the Kingdom of Denmark, but less pronounced if the entire monarchy is included in the period in which Denmark was a conglomerate state. The institutional conditions must in general be attributed considerable importance in explaining Danish urban development. Thus, Denmark is one of the countries where town privileges were of great significance until the middle of the nineteenth century.
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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Mercantile system – history"

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Lau, Man-kit Francis, e 劉文傑. "A study of Zheng Guanying's (1842-1922) mercantilism". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31950929.

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Livros sobre o assunto "Mercantile system – history"

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Bauer, Volker. Hofökonomie: Der Diskurs über den Fürstenhof in Zeremonialwissenschaft, Hausväterliteratur und Kameralismus. Wien: Böhlau, 1997.

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Lars, Magnusson, ed. Mercantilism. London: Routledge, 1995.

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Ide, Arthur Frederick. The mercantile policies of Henry VII. Irving, Tex: Scholars Books, 1987.

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Elvira, Martínez Chacón, ed. Efectos perniciosos del lujo: Las cartas de D. Manuel Romero del Alamo al Memorial literario de Madrid (1789). Oviedo: Universidad de Oviedo, Servicio de Publicaciones, 1985.

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Pandolfi, Alessandro. Généalogie et dialectique de la raison mercantiliste. Paris, France: L'Harmattan, 1996.

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Wakefield, Andre. The disordered police state: German cameralism as science and practice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.

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7

Antonio Carlos Jucá de Sampaio. Na encruzilhada do império: Hierarquias sociais e conjunturas econômicas no Rio de Janeiro (c.1650-c.1750). Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2003.

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Yajima, Michifumi. Kinsei Nihon no "jūshō shugi" shisō kenkyū: Bōeki shisō to nōsei. 8a ed. Tōkyō: Ochanomizu Shobō, 2003.

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Stine, Linda France. Mercantilism and Piedmont peltry: Colonial perceptions of the southern fur trade. Columbia, S.C: South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, 1990.

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Zahedieh, Nuala. The capital and the colonies: London and the Atlantic economy, 1660-1700. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Mercantile system – history"

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"ADAM SMITH AND THE MERCANTILE SYSTEM". In On the History of Economic Thought, 141–59. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203978887-17.

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"Factors in the Rise of the Modern Mercantile System". In A Short History of Mercantilism, 28–39. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315386065-10.

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Hansen, Thomas Blom. "A History of Distributed Sovereignty". In Beyond Liberal Order, 41–66. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197647950.003.0002.

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This chapter traces the origins and patterns of sovereignty and migration across the Indian Ocean that have been reproduced over centuries up to the present day. This is particularly visible in the way small, well-organized trading communities continue to dominate much of mercantile life across the Global Indian Ocean--a direct bequest of the Pax Britannica. British hegemony could only be established through an elaborate system of treaties and indirect rule which has left enduring legacies such as widespread legal pluralism and layered systems of economic exchange, trust and credit on which transnational trading communities still rely. Three historical and ethnographic vignettes demonstrate the path dependency of these migrations and networks: (a) the history of the Memon trading community's establishment in South Africa; (b) the history of the export of indentured Indian labour to South Africa and elsewhere, and the continued uncertainties of belonging and status that face their descendants six generations later; and (c) the economic and migratory ties between colonial Bombay and the Persian Gulf, and how these have been retained but reversed in the late twentieth century with the rise of oil-based economies on the Arabian Peninsula.
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Silva, Ana Paula Londe. "Adam Smith on Colonial Slavery: The “Love of Domination” in a Mercantile System". In Research in the History of Economic Thought and Methodology: Including a Symposium on David Gordon: American Radical Economist, 141–55. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0743-41542022000040a010.

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Hornborg, Alf. "Imperial Metabolism". In The Oxford World History of Empire, 437–59. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199772360.003.0014.

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The chapter presents a theoretical framework for the comparative study of imperialism, viewed as strategies used by expansive states to appropriate resources from their hinterlands. It interprets imperial projects as ecological phenomena and focuses on their material metabolism based on the redistribution of labor and land. A cursory review of the history of six empires (Han China, Rome, Inca, Aztec, Spain, and Britain) illustrates some continuities and discontinuities in imperial strategies through more than two millennia of world history. The emphasis is on how energy, land, and labor are appropriated and how such appropriation is legitimized ideologically. Imperial strategies are roughly categorized as agrarian, mercantile, industrial, or financial. Special attention is given to the role of technology in the expansion of the British Empire. Industrial technologies are reconceptualized as strategies for locally saving human time and natural space at the expense of time and space lost elsewhere in the world-system.
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Lienhard, John H. "Industrial Revolution". In The Engines of Our Ingenuity. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195135831.003.0008.

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The Industrial Revolution is an easily misunderstood event. In many people’s minds the phrase suggests mass production, assembly lines, and the heavy industry of the late nineteenth century, but these things all came much later. When Arnold Toynbee coined the term Industrial Revolution, he applied it to the technology-driven change of British life as it occurred from 1760 to 1840, opening a very large umbrella. Yet even that umbrella still did not cover the first mass production and assembly lines, nor did it encompass our images of modern heavy industry. Toynbee’s dating of the Industrial Revolution starts when its causes were just taking form, and ends when England had become a mature industrial power. He took in the whole saga of the revolution, but within that saga we can identify the Revolution as a much more specific moment in British history. It is the point at which technology suddenly joined hands with radical social and economic changes. In the 1780s Watt’s advanced steam engines, Hargreaves’ spinning jenny, Cort’s improvement of wrought-iron production, and Wilkinson’s cylinder-boring mill all came into being. At the same time, economic theoreticians David Hume and Adam Smith were setting forth a new economic and social system. This convergence of inventions was part and parcel of the other great revolutions of the late eighteenth century—the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and a spate of lesser European revolutions. We have to understand it in the context of those political and social upheavals. In England, social revolution grew out of eighteenth-century Protestant reform. The Wesleyan movement and the various dissident Protestant groups counted the makers of the Industrial Revolution among their members. The mid-eighteenth century was marked by worldwide discontent with authoritarianism and with the tyranny of the mercantile economic system. The French kings loved elaborate clocks and clockwork toys—devices that were completely preprogrammed. By the late seventeenth century, they had joined with the other western European nations in a clockwork economic system as well. The mercantile economic equation specified trade balances, such that raw material flowed in, manufactured goods flowed out, and gold flowed in.
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Whatmore, Richard. "Rights After the Revolutions". In Philosophy, Rights and Natural Law, 338–65. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474449229.003.0014.

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The period of the French Revolution was famous for erecting an entirely new system of government and social mores on the basis of a declaration of the rights of man and the citizen. Everything changed in France, over a remarkably short period of time, leading to an especially intense debate about what a society founded on equal rights for all ought to look like. This chapter examines two of the systems expounded, derived from the political philosophies of Thomas Paine and Emmanuel Sièyes. The chapter examines the shock with which opponents such as Edmund Burke and Edward Gibbon greeted rights-based politics, and what happened when the new worlds of peace and prosperity promised by Paine and Sièyes descended into chaos and poverty. Around the turn of the eighteenth century the chapter charts a turn away from France and towards Britain as a possible model state for rights compatible with order and with civil liberty; in this turn the history of Scotland, and the existence of brilliant Scottish philosophers played a prominent role, being proof that Britain was not an empire run for the benefit of a mercantile class based in London, but was rather a cosmopolitan empire whose peripheries benefitted as much as the metropole. Republican voices still dedicated to the kinds of transformative natural jurisprudence promised in the early years of the French Revolution, shouted from the sidelines that if Britain was now the model state for humanity, then all of the reform projects of the eighteenth century had altogether failed.
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Mitchell, Peter. "New Worlds for the Donkey". In The Donkey in Human History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749233.003.0013.

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One of the signature historical phenomena of the past 500 years has been the global expansion of European societies and their trans-Atlantic offshoots. The mercantile networks, commercial systems, and empires of conquest and colonization that formed the political and economic framework of that expansion involved the discovery and extraction of new mineral and agricultural resources, the establishment of new infrastructures of transport and communication, and the forcible relocation of millions of people. Another key component was the Columbian Exchange, the multiple transfers of people, animals, plants, and microbes that began even before Columbus, gathered pace after 1492, and were further fuelled as European settlement advanced into Africa, Australasia, and the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Donkeys evolved in the Old World and were confined there until the Columbian Exchange was underway. This chapter explores the introduction of the donkey and the mule to the Americas and, more briefly, to southern Africa and Australia. In keeping with my emphasis on seeking archaeological evidence with which to illuminate the donkey’s story, I omit other aspects of its expansion, such as the trade in animals to French plantations on the Indian Ocean islands of Réunion and Mauritius or, on a much greater scale, India to meet the demands of the British Raj. These examples nevertheless reinforce the argument that mules and donkeys were instrumental in creating and maintaining the structures of economic and political power that Europeans and Euro- Americans wielded in many parts of the globe. From Brazil to the United States, Mexico to Bolivia, Australia to South Africa, they helped directly in processing precious metals and were pivotal in moving gold and silver from mines to centres of consumption. At the same time, they aided the colonization of vast new interiors devoid of navigable rivers, maintained communications over terrain too rugged for wheeled vehicles to pose serious competition, and powered new forms of farming. Their contributions to agriculture and transport were well received by many of the societies that Europeans conquered and their mestizo descendants. However, they also provided opportunities for other Native communities to maintain a degree of independence and identity at and beyond the margins of the European-dominated world.
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Mills, Simon. "‘Turky Labours’". In A Commerce of Knowledge, 15–64. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840336.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 sets out the institutional history of the Levant Company in London and Aleppo. It argues that the infrastructures developed from the late sixteenth century to facilitate trade – the legal protection provided by the capitulations, regular shipping routes, systems of postal communication – laid the foundations for a ‘literarum commercium’, a commerce of letters, that would have implications beyond the immediate mercantile concerns of the Levant Company. New opportunities for scholarly inquiry were augmented by the growth of the English community, or ‘factory’, in Aleppo, and, in particular, by the appointment, from the early seventeenth century, of a line of clergymen employed to minister to the expatriate merchants and consular staff. Drawing on the Levant Company archive, the chapter paints a detailed picture of this small outpost, positioning it alongside the more established Venetian and French (and later Dutch) communities and the various Roman Catholic missions then stationed in Aleppo. The chaplains came to serve as the crucial link between Syria, London, and the English universities (predominantly Oxford), with whose members many of them remained in touch from abroad. The chapter also provides an overview of intellectual developments which sets the scene for the more detailed investigations of individual projects explored in the remainder of the book.
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Bonner, Thomas Neville. "Changing Student Populations in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century". In Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0016.

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By the turn of the twentieth century, the drive to make medicine more scientific and comprehensive and to limit its ranks to the well prepared had had a profound effect on student populations. Almost universally, students were now older, better educated, more schooled in science, less rowdy, and able to spend larger amounts of time and money in study than their counterparts in 1850 had been. Their ranks, now including a growing number of women, were also likely to include fewer representatives of working- and lower-middle-class families, especially in Britain and America, than a half-century before. Nations still differed, sometimes sharply, in their openness to students from different social classes. The relative openness of the German universities to the broad middle classes, as well as their inclusion of a small representation of “peasantry and artisans,” wrote Lord Bryce in 1885, was a sharp contrast with “the English failure to reach and serve all classes.” The burgeoning German enrollments, he noted, were owing to “a growing disposition on the part of mercantile men, and what may be called the lower professional class, to give their sons a university education.” More students by far from the farm and working classes of Germany, which accounted for nearly 14 percent of medical enrollment, he observed, were able to get an advanced education than were such students in England. A historic transformation in the social makeup of universities, according to historian Konrad Jarausch—from “traditional elite” to a “modern middle-class system”—was taking place in the latter nineteenth century. In France, rising standards in education, together with the abolition of the rank of officiers de santé—which for a century had opened medical training to the less affluent—were forcing medical education into a middle- class mold. In the United States, the steeply rising requirements in medicine, along with the closing of the least expensive schools, narrowed the social differences among medical students and brought sharp complaints from the less advantaged. The costs of medical education in some countries threatened to drive all but the most thriving of the middle classes from a chance to learn medicine.
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