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Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Massacre, 1943"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 29 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 30 de julho de 2024

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1

Shatalov, Denys. "On German Orders. The Volhynian Massacre in Soviet Partisans’ Memoirs". Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 5 (23 de outubro de 2020): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2019.e253.

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This paper is devoted to the analysis of the narrative displayed to the mass Soviet reader of the anti-Polish ethnic cleansing conducted by Ukrainian nationalists in 1943 in Volhynia. The sources used in this paper include the most widely published books of partisan commanders who were active in the region. These texts are examined as sources aimed to shape public opinion about the Ukrainian nationalists after the war. For the Soviet public, the memoirs of Soviet partisans operating in North-West Ukraine in 1943–1944 along with propagandist anti-nationalist literature were the main source of information about the Volhynian Massacre. In these books, the stories about the massacre appear, above all, to be a propaganda tool. The comparison of the depictions of the Volhynian Massacre provided by partisan authors with modern scholarly works shows us intentional distortions by the former. It may perhaps seem paradoxical to note that the partisan memoirists, who tended to discredit the Ukrainian nationalists, preferred to blame them only as perpetrators, but not as the initiators of the anti-Polish massacres in Volhynia. The anti-Polish “actions” were described primarily as a direct initiative of German occupational authorities, whereas the detachments of nationalists’ organisations were portrayed as its faithful executors. The memoirists stressed the disinterestedness and unwillingness of ordinary Ukrainian peasants to participate in the massacres and the alienation of its organizers from the broad masses of working people. In this light, the Soviet partisan memoirs give us little help in understanding the Volhynian massacre itself but serve as an excellent example of Soviet propaganda efforts aimed at modelling representations of the past.

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Doguzov, Vasyl, e Svitlana Rusalovs'ka. "The Massacre of Mental Patients in Ukraine, 1941-1943". International Journal of Mental Health 36, n.º 1 (abril de 2007): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/imh0020-7411360110.

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Maletta, Sante. "Book Review: War, Massacre, and Recovery in Central Italy, 1943–1948". Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 46, n.º 2 (setembro de 2012): 435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458581204600218.

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Pezzino, Paolo. "Victoria C. Belco,War, Massacre and Recovery in Central Italy 1943–1948". Social History 36, n.º 3 (agosto de 2011): 370–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2011.601066.

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Banakh, Tetiana. "Акції примирення в сімдесяті роковини масових вбивств 1943 р. на Волині /Reconciliation actions on the 70th anniversary of the Volhynian mass murders of 1943". Studia Polityczne 50, n.º 4 (23 de fevereiro de 2023): 293–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.4.11.

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This article analyses the initiatives aimed at Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation that took place on the 70th anniversary of the Volhynia Massacre in 2013. The study is based on published sources and interviews with the participants in the Polish-Ukrainian dialogue. Special attention is paid to escalating public debates about the Volhynia Massacre in the mid-2000s and reconciliation actions organised by intellectuals and leaders of churches in 2013. When the state could not conduct the dialogue, intellectuals and church leaders attempted to fulfil this function. The article states that the Polish-German model of reconciliation, ‘We forgive and ask for forgiveness’, transferred to Polish-Ukrainian relations, had limited success in the Volhynian issue. A significant obstacle in the process of Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation is a lack of strong institutions that would implement the initiatives of intellectuals and church leaders.

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Cieślińska-Lobkowicz, Nawojka. "Predator. The Looting Activity of Pieter Nicolaas Menten (1899–1987)". Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, Holocaust Studies and Materials (6 de dezembro de 2017): 112–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.712.

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The Nazi looting of works of art and cultural goods during 1933–1945 is usually divided into institutionalized and unauthorized, that is, wild one. The former was conducted by state and party special organizations and authorities, while the latter, widespread extensively in the east, was practiced by many Germans on their own account. The author suggests introducing a separate category of “specialized looting”, encompassing those who engaged in looting with full awareness – on their own account and/or on commission – and who were proficient in evaluation of the artistic goods and knew where and in whose possession they could be found. In the Reich and in occupied France and Holland there were many such expert robbers. In Poland their number remained small after the initial wave of official confiscations. The most notable exception was the Dutchman, Pieter Nicolaas Menten (1899–1987), who after the war became one of the wealthiest citizens of Holland and owner of a private art collection unavailable to the public. The scope, character, and methods of the looting conducted by Menten for his private use in Kraków and Lvov during the German occupation between early 1940 and the end of 1942 make him a very special case in the history of Nazi looting. These aspects are analyzed on the basis of extensive archival materials and evidence collected in Holland and Poland during the investigations and trials against Menten (the first one took place in the late 1940s and was followed by next ones in the late 1970s), who was accused of collaboration with the Germans and the massacre of Jewish inhabitants of the Galician villages of Urycz and Podhorodce in the summer of 1941. Menten was never sentenced for the looting of works of art in Kraków, where he was an appointed forced administrator of four Jewish artistic salons, or in Lvov, where he appropriated art collections and furnishings of several Lvov professors murdered on 4 July 1941. He was never found guilty even though when in January 1943 he left the General Government and went to Holland he took – with Himmler’s special permission – four railway carriages of valuable works of art, gold and silverware, antique furniture, and Oriental rugs. The post-war collection of works of art in Menten’s possession wasn’t liable to confiscation under Dutch law and has become dispersed.

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7

Gooch, John. "War, Massacre, and Recovery in Central Italy 1943-1948, by Victoria C. Belco.War, Massacre, and Recovery in Central Italy 1943-1948, by Victoria C. Belco. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2010. xi, 574 pp. $95.00 Cdn (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 47, n.º 1 (abril de 2012): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.47.1.160.

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Imbert-Vier, Simon. "La conquête de la Côte française des Somalis et le « massacre des Kabbobás » (1943)". Cahiers d'études africaines, n.º 238 (15 de junho de 2020): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.30307.

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9

Ballinger, Pamela. "Who defines and remembers genocide after the Cold War? Contested memories of partisan massacre in Venezia Giulia in 1943-1945". Journal of Genocide Research 2, n.º 1 (março de 2000): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/146235200112391.

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Hunter, Dianne M. "The Spanish Tragedy Redux". Language and Psychoanalysis 7, n.º 1 (31 de julho de 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7565/landp.v7i1.1581.

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An object-relations concept of transmission of turbulence illuminates the phantom structure of Thomas Kyd’s Elizabethan metatheatrical play The Spanish Tragedy and my response to it. In 1972, interpreting the arbor imagery and the rhetoric of reversal and self-cancellation in the play, I wrote, “Kyd is his father attacking himself in the womb he is in”. After researching my suppressed family history, this peculiar sentence suggested to me unconscious knowledge of a run of murders in my family line, going back to the 1760 Long Cane Massacre of Irish settlers by Cherokee Indians in what is now South Carolina; continuing in the 1799 murder of Major William Love near what is now Harpe’s Head, Kentucky; the suicide of my maternal grandfather in Philadelphia in 1931; and culminating in a Mafia-style execution of my father near Cleveland, Ohio in 1943. Objectification of violence drives Hieronimo and informs this essay.

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Libionka, Dariusz. "The Fighting and the Propaganda: The Uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto from the Perspective of ‘Polish London’". Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, Holocaust Studies and Materials (6 de dezembro de 2017): 11–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.708.

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The text talks about the reaction of the Polish government in London to the outbreak of the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto and Szmul Zygielbojm’s suicide. The author analyses stenographic records of the sessions of the Polish government in exile, daily logs of the president’s and PM’s activity, stenographic records of the National Council sessions, correspondence sent by the government to Warsaw, the content of official declarations of the government, and the Polish press between April and June 1943. The author reconstructs the government’s state of knowledge regarding the situation in Warsaw and presents the chronology of its popularisation. He also wonders what influence the-then political crisis (the German propaganda’s revelation of the massacre of Polish officers in Katyń and Stalin’s severance of diplomatic relations with the Polish government) had on the government’s approach to the situation in the occupied country, particularly with regard to the fighting in the Warsaw ghetto.

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Domenico, Roy. "Victoria C. Belco . War, Massacre, and Recovery in Central Italy, 1943–1948 . (Toronto Italian Studies.) Buffalo, N.Y.: University of Toronto Press. 2010. Pp. xi, 574. $95.00." American Historical Review 116, n.º 4 (outubro de 2011): 1226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.4.1226.

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Kmeťová, Marianna, e Marek Syrný. "The 1944 Warsaw Uprising". Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, n.º 1 (31 de janeiro de 2020): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-18-23.

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After the German campaign at the beginning of World War II (1939), Poland was divided between nazi Germany which occupied the west and center of the country, and the Soviet Union which occupying the Eastern regions. The controversial relationship with Moscow has seen several diametrical breaks from a positive alliance after the invasion of the Soviet Union by the Axis powers in 1941, to a very critical relationship with the USSR after the revelation of the so-called Katyn massacre in 1943. With the approach of the Eastern Front to the frontiers of pre-war Poland, massive Polish Resistance was also activated to get rid of nazi domination and to restore of pre-war Poland. The neutralization of possible claims by the Soviets on the disputed eastern areas (Western Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania), respectively to prevent the crushing sovietization of Poland, it was also intended to serve a clear and world-wide resistance act in the sense of liberating at least Warsaw from the German occupation. This was to prevent the repeat of the situation in the east of the country, where the Red Army and the Soviet authorities overlooked the merits and interests of the Polish Resistance and Polish authorities. The contribution will therefore focus on the analysis of the causes, assumptions, course and consequences of the ultimate outcome of the unsuccessful efforts of the Armia Krajowa and the Warsaw inhabitants to liberate the city on their own and to determine the free post-war existence of the country.

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14

Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947". Modern Asian Studies 36, n.º 3 (julho de 2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.

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EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.

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15

Deletant, Dennis. "Ion Antonescu and the Holocaust in Romania". East Central Europe 39, n.º 1 (2012): 61–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633012x635627.

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Ion Antonescu’s obsession with what he saw as the Bolshevik menace drove his policy towards the Jews. The vast majority of those living in the provinces bordering on, and occupied by, the Soviet Union between 1940 and 1941—Bessarabia and Bukovina—were deported to Transnistria, where more than seventy percent of them were murdered or died of disease and starvation. Ukrainian militias and ethnic German Selbstschutz played a major role in the massacres, the former under the direction of Romanian gendarmes in Bogdanovka camp in the winter of 1941/1942, and the latter, independently, in southeastern Transnistria. This paper, based on the author’s research in the archives and library of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington DC and upon primary sources in Romania, seeks to bring into sharper focus Antonescu’s anti-Semitic actions, thereby highlighting the distinctive nature of the Holocaust in Romania and Antonescu’s part in it.

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Yakovlev, Vitaliy. "Organization and holding the trial of Nazi criminals in Kharkiv (December 15-18, 1943)". V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Bulletin "History of Ukraine. Ukrainian Studies: Historical and Philosophical Sciences", n.º 32 (12 de julho de 2021): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-6505-2021-32-04.

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The issues of preparation and conduct of the Nuremberg Trials (1945-1946) have sufficiently fully and comprehensively covered in domestic and foreign historical, legal, and journalistic literature, while Kharkiv Trial 1943 (December 15-18, 1943) has remained outside the field of vision of scholars. The purpose of the study is to highlight the issue of organizing and conducting the Kharkiv show trial over war criminals—servicemen of the Wehrmacht and the German police, as well as their collaborators. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematic scientific analysis and synthesis. The principle of historicism allows us to consider the issues of organizing and conducting the Kharkiv Trial in chronological sequence as a natural process that developed in accordance with the then sociopolitical situation and the global context. The objectivity of the study lies in the coverage and condemnation of the crimes of Nazism. Analysis and synthesis makes it possible to determine the role of the Kharkiv Tribunal in the process of forming international criminal legislation. Scientific novelty of the research. During 1941-1943, the Soviet justice has formed a legal framework, which made it possible to hold trials of war criminals involved in the massacres of civilians and prisoners of war in the territory of the USSR. The agreements reached between Great Britain, the USA, and the USSR at the Moscow Conference (1943) were used by the Soviet government for the preparation of the show trial over the servicemen of Hitlerite Germany. During the Trial, the facts of the mass destruction of the civilian population and prisoners of war by the Nazis in the territory of Kharkivshchyna were established. The verdict of the Kharkiv Tribunal in practice has implemented the thesis, which became the cornerstone of international criminal law: «A crime committed by order of the high command does not exempt the perpetrator from criminal liability». Conclusions. The Kharkiv Trial has become a legal precedent for the punishment of Nazi war criminals – German citizens, it has laid the foundations of international criminal law and given an acceleration in the decision to hold a trial of the main war criminals of Hitlerite Germany. Keywords: Nazi war crimes, Main Directorate of Counter-Intelligence “SMERSH”, Military Tribunal of the 4th Ukrainian Front, show trial, Kharkiv Trial 1943, World War II.

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Mačiulis, Dangiras. "The Commemoration of the 40th Anniversary of the Kražiai Massacre in Lithuania and Poland". Lithuanian Historical Studies 26, n.º 1 (13 de dezembro de 2022): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02601003.

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The Imperial Russian authorities closed the Benedictine convent church in Kražiai in 1893 and put down the Catholic community’s opposition with such brutality that the event came to be known as the Kražiai massacre. Soon after the events in Kražiai, a conflict broke out between Lithuanians and Poles over the division of the symbolic capital associated with the Kražiai massacre, as both sides argued over their respective merits in defending the church. On the eve of the First World War, the Kražiai massacre had become a place of memory for Lithuanians and Poles alike. This article presents an analysis of how the 40th anniversary of the Kražiai massacre was commemorated in Lithuania and in Poland in 1933. I try to answer the following questions: what prompted the need to commemorate the anniversary of this event, what meanings accompanied the commemoration of the event in Lithuania and Poland, and did the political elites of these countries try to exploit the Kražiai massacre’s anniversary to reduce political tensions between Lithuania and Poland due to the absence of diplomatic relations between these countries at the time.

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Rahman, Adnan, Amar Jahangir e Syed Mudasser Fida Gardazi. "The Criminal Acts Perpetrated during Jammu Massacre, 1947: An International Law Perspective". Global Legal Studies Review VI, n.º I (30 de março de 2021): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2021(vi-i).14.

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The Dogra Forces of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, with the support of the extremist armed groups of Hindus and Sikhs, perpetrated various criminal acts during Jammu Massacre,1947. A huge number of Muslims were killed, raped, maimed, and tortured, and thousands were forced to migrate to Pakistan in critical conditions. The massacre generally and nature, threshold, and scope of the seacts are retrospectively analyzed, to the extent of Genocide Convention, 1948 and Rome Statute of International Criminal Court, 1998, by the review of existing literature. The study suggests few viable and effective legal redressals under international law to the victims of the Jammu Massacre, including refugees and the living generations of the killed persons. The work is somehow useful and relevant for future studies around the multifarious nature and aspects of the criminal acts similar to the acts of Perpetrators involved in the Jammu Genocide.

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Motyka, Grzegorz. "Ćwiczenia z polityki wobec pamięci". Kultura i Społeczeństwo 59, n.º 2 (12 de maio de 2015): 247–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2015.59.2.15.

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This essay contains a description and critical appraisal of the contemporary Ukrainian state’s policy in regard to memory of the Volhynian and Galician massacres of 1943–1945. The author engages in polemics with Tomasz Stryjek, who recently published a book on this and other issues: Ukraina przed końcem Historii. Szkice o polityce państw wobec pamięci [Ukraine Before the End of History: Essays on State Policy in Regard to Memory]. In the author’s opinion, Stryjek one-sidedly, or even naively, places hope in the idea that the EU, in the not-too-distant future, will exert effective pressure on the government in Kiev to make it adapt its narrative about the activities of the OUN and UIA against Poles and Jews to European standards of memory about the Second World War. In the author’s opinion, the Ukrainian narrative about the activities of the OUN and UIA is based on the erroneous conviction—which is comfortable for the Ukrainian side—of equal guilt in the Polish-Ukrainian conﬂict of 1939–1947. He argues that there should be no cessation of efforts to remind Ukrainian historians and authorities about the responsibility to condemn, unambiguously, the mass crimes committed by national independence groups.

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Fein, Helen. "Accounting for genocide after 1945: Theories and some findings". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, n.º 2 (1993): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181193x00013.

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AbstractGenocide has been related in social theory to both social and political structure: i.e., plural society (ethnoclass exclusion and discrimination) and types of polities - revolutionary, totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. War has also been noted as an instigator or frequent context of genocide. This paper reviews theoretical expectations and examines the empirical relation between genocides (and other state massacres) and indices of ethnic discrimination, polity form, and war among states in Asia, Africa and the Mid-East from 1948 to 1988. Findings show that (1) most users of genocide are repeat offenders. (2) There is a high likelihood of political exclusion and discrimination of ethnoclasses producing rebellions which instigate genocides and other state-sponsored massacres. (3) As expected, unfree, authoritarian, and one-party communist states (in ascending order) are most likely to use genocide. Democratic states in this era are not perpetrators against their citizens but have been patrons and accomplices of genocidal regimes elsewhere. One-party communist states are 4.5 times more likely to have used genocide than are authoritarian states. (4) States involved in wars are many more times as likely to have employed genocide than other states. Exploring these cases, we find that genocides both lead to war and war leads to genocide through several processes. (5) The use of genocide in conflicts within the state in the regions surveyed tripled between 1968-88 compared to the preceding score of years (10:3 cases). Genocide and genocidal massacres occur so often that they may be considered normal in these regions. Both the theoretical and the policy implications of these findings are discussed. Observing on the latter, we note that journalists and scholars have often confused recognition of genocide and genocidal massacres by framing these cases as 'ethnic conflicts', by confounding the toll of war and massacre and by conflating concepts. To deter genocide, we should promote nonviolent change in order to eliminate ethnoclass domination and monitor civil wars to detect

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Grottanelli, Cristiano. "Fruitful Death: Mircea Eliade and Ernst Jünger on Human Sacrifice, 1937–1945". Numen 52, n.º 1 (2005): 116–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527053083449.

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AbstractMircea Eliade, the writer and historian of religions, and Ernst Jünger, the hero of the Great War, novelist, and essayist, met in the 1950s and co-edited twelve issues of the periodical Antaios. Before they met and cooperated, however, and while the German writer knew about Eliade from their common friend, Carl Schmitt, they both dealt with the subject of human sacrifice. Eliade began to do so in the thirties, and his interest in that theme was at least in part an aspect of his political activism on behalf of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, or the Iron Guard, the nationalistic and anti-Semitic movement lead by Corneliu Codreanu. Sacrificial ideology was a central aspect of the Legion's political theories, as well as of the practice of its members. After the Iron Guard was outlawed by its allies, and many of its members had been killed, and while the Romanian regime of Marshal Ion Antonescu was still fighting alongside the National Socialist regime in the Second World War, Eliade turned to other aspects of sacrificial ideology. In 1939 he wrote the play Iphigenia, celebrating Agamemnon's daughter as a willing victim whose death made the Greek conquest of Troy possible; and as a member of the regime's diplomatic service in Lisbon he published a book in Portuguese on Romanian virtues (1943), in which he presented what he called Two Myths of Romanian Spirituality, extolling his nation's readiness to die through the description of the sacrificial traditions of Master Manole and of the Ewe Lamb (Mioritza). Jünger's attitude to sacrifice ran along lines that were less traditional: possibly already while serving as a Wehrmacht officer, in his pamphlet Der Friede, the German writer attributed sacrificial status to all the victims of the Second World War, soldiers, workmen, and unknowing innocents, and saw their death as the ransom of a peace "without victory or defeat." In this article, the sacrificial ideologies of the two intellectuals are compared in order to reflect upon the complex interplay between traditional religious themes, more or less freely re-interpreted and transformed, political power, and violent conflict, in an age of warfare marked by fascisms and by the terrible massacre some refer to by the name of an ancient Greek sacrificial practice.

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Motyka, Grzegorz. "Czy zbrodnia wołyńsko-galicyjska 1943–1945 była ludobójstwem? Spór o kwalifikację prawną „antypolskiej akcji” UPA". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n.º 24/2 (29 de abril de 2016): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.15.

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The anti-Polish purges carried out by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which are known in Polish history as the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, claimed the lives of about 100,000 people. These purges were among the bloodiest episodes in Poland’s twentieth-century history and among the major mass killings of civilians during World War II. Moreover, they were committed by an irregular partisan formation. In terms of scale, the massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia can be compared to the mass pacification of Belarusian villages by German police formations and the massacres of Serbs by Croatian nationalists.Historical research indicates that, regardless of whether the objective of the OUN and the UPA was to exterminate or ‘only’ to expel the Poles, implementation of their plan must have assumed the killing of the Polish population, or at least part of it, in the disputed areas. Therefore, further research conducted in Poland confirmed the conviction about the genocidal nature of the UPA’s activities. Jędrzej Giertych was probably the first Pole to use the term ‘genocide’ in this context. He used it in the London-based literary weekly ‘Wiadomości’ [News] in 1951. In the second half of the 1990s, this opinion became dominant among scholars dealing with the issues in question. Similar conclusions were reached by prosecutors of the Institute of National Remembrance. It seems that their evaluation could not be different in the light of the definition of genocide specified in Article 118 of the Polish Criminal Code.Polish scholars argue, however, whether the term ‘genocide’ should be used in reference to all of the activities conducted by the OUN and UPA in the years 1939–1947, or only those conducted in the period from 9 February 1943 to 18 May 1945, known as the anti-Polish action (mass murders). They also argue whether the UPA’s actions were typical genocide, or should be considered as a specific example of cruel genocide (genocidum atrox) due to their ferocity. Some scholars are inclined to recognize the UPA’s ‘anti-Polish campaign’ as ethnic cleansing rather than genocide, but the scale of the crimes against the Polish population seems to undermine this opinion.The author suggests that the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia should be recognized as ‘genocidal ethnic cleansing’, or ‘ethnic cleansing that meets the definition of genocide’, as the terms indicate that from the very beginning perpetrators committed ethnic cleansing in the regions with intent to conduct mass murder of civilians.

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Lehnstaedt, Stephan. "Grzegorz Motyka, From the Volhynian massacre to Operation Vistula. The Polish-Ukrainian conflict 1943–1947, Paderborn [u. a.]: Schöningh 2023, VII, 321 S. (= Fokus. Neue Studien zur Geschichte Polens und Osteuropas, 6), EUR 99,00 [ISBN 978-3-506-79537-3]". Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 83, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2024): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2024-0050.

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Czerny, Boris. "Témoignages et œuvres littéraires sur le massacre de Babij Jar, 1941-1948". Cahiers du monde russe, n.º 53/4 (15 de dezembro de 2012): 523–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.9401.

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Glassheim, Eagle. "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak Germans in 1945". Central European History 33, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2000): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746428.

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Beginning in January of 1946, trains filled with Sudeten Germans—forty wagons, thirty passengers per wagon—left Czechoslovakia daily for the American Zone of occupied Germany. By the end of 1946, the Czechoslovak government completed the “organized transfer” of almost 2 million Germans, and it did so in a manner that in many respects fulfilled the mandate of the Potsdam agreement that the resettlement be “orderly and humane.” But a focus on these regularized trainloads of human cargo obscures the extent of the humanitarian disaster facing Germans during the summer months of 1945, immediately after the Nazi capitulation. By the end of 1945, Czech soldiers, security forces, and local militias had already expelled over 700,000 Sudeten Germans to occupied Germany and Austria. As many as 30,000 Germans died on forced marches, in disease-filled concentration camps, in summary executions, and massacres.

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Guillemot, François. "Autopsy of a Massacre On a Political Purge in the Early Days of the Indochina War (Nam Bo 1947)". European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, n.º 2 (2010): 225–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x548757.

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AbstractThis paper examines the history of an unknown “mass murder” perpetrated in 1947 in Southern Vietnam by the Viet Minh forces. It was organized in the outskirts of Saigon, mainly against Cao Dai and Hoa Hao religious forces that were portrayed as “reactionary” during their political revolutionary trials. Before presenting and analyzing the data of nearly 900 victims, the paper briefly presents the social, political and military conquest and context of French Cochinchina, as well as explains the political and military ambitions of the Viet Minh forces after the advent of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Hanoi on September 2, 1945. The focal point of this article is the review of the data related to the massacre and its uses, i.e.what they can reveal about the course of the massacre, its actors and victims. Finally, the paper's last section assesses the official historiography of the massacre, which has been recognized by the current regime in a 'soft' mea culpa. In conclusion, this article discusses the issue of violence in Southern Vietnam and its consequences for the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in a more long term perspective.

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Marchisio, Sergio. "The Priebke Case before the Italian Military Tribunals: A Reaffirmation of the Principle of Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity". Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 1 (dezembro de 1998): 344–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000222.

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The complex case of Erich Priebke can be analysed through two different phases. The first runs from the massacre of 335 Italian citizens at the Ardeatine Caves in Rome in 1944 to the conviction of Herbert Kappler and other Nazi officers involved in that shooting on 20 July 1948. During mis four-year period, Priebke became untraceable and escaped justice. The second phase starts when the former SS officer was detected in Argentina in May 1994 and, following extradition proceedings there, was extradited to Italy, where he underwent two criminal trials in front of the Italian military jurisdiction.

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Thomas, Martin, e Pierre Asselin. "French Decolonisation and Civil War: The Dynamics of Violence in the Early Phases of Anti-colonial War in Vietnam and Algeria, 1940–1956". Journal of Modern European History 20, n.º 4 (novembro de 2022): 513–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130231.

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This article draws together historical sources and political science insights to test the emergence of civil war at the end of empire. It focuses on civil conflict in two French colonial territories, Vietnam and Algeria, during and immediately after 1945. It investigates the civil war dynamics of local, often intra-ethnic contests among anticolonial oppositionists. Concentrating on the early, formative years of insurgent violence, we aim to demonstrate that elements of civil war pre-existed the supposed outbreak of decolonisation conflicts – 1946 in Vietnam and 1954 in Algeria. Our approach combines narrative assessments of the early phases of these conflicts with analysis of their civil war dynamics. As we seek to demonstrate, cycles of internecine killing, massacre and counter-massacre, normalized summary killing, maltreatment of detainees, and loss of distinction between civilians, seditionists, and ‘traitors’. Our argument is that decolonisation violence in both Vietnam and Algeria may be usefully rethought in civil war terms.

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Vickers, Adrian. "Solidarity for the Indonesian Revolution". Labour History 126, n.º 1 (maio de 2024): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2024.10.

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During the Indonesian Revolution of 1945–49, Australian unions and activist groups organised black bans on Dutch shipping from Australian ports to hamper Dutch attempts at recolonisation. Indonesian and Dutch-language sources demonstrate the importance of unions and communist organisations in these actions. These sources show that links between left-wing groups in Australia and Indonesia were significant in building relationships between the countries, even though such links were severed by anti-communist massacres in Indonesia in 1948 and 1965.

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Nikolić, Goran. "About the massacre in Bar, 1945." Pirotski zbornik, n.º 44 (2019): 87–146. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pirotzbor1944087n.

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Hare-Cuming, S. "Massacre at Oradour, France, 1944". French History 21, n.º 3 (3 de setembro de 2007): 368–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crm027.

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Friedrich, Klaus-Peter, e Bill Templer. "Le massacre des Juifs par les nazis vu par la presse polonaise, 1942-1947". Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah N° 197, n.º 2 (2012): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.197.0555.

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McBride, Jared. "Peasants into Perpetrators: The OUN-UPA and the Ethnic Cleansing of Volhynia, 1943–1944". Slavic Review 75, n.º 3 (2016): 630–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.3.0630.

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The Ukrainian nationalist-led ethnic cleansing campaign against Poles in Volhynia during 1943–44 has long been the subject of international tension and contentious public and scholarly debate. This article analyzes the topic through a microhistorical lens that looks at one ethnic cleansing operation in the Liuboml´ area of Volhynia that killed hundreds of Poles. Using newly declassified materials from Ukrainian secret police archives, alongside more traditional testimonial sources, I demonstrate that not all participants were prepared nationalist ideologues eager to kill. Rather, there was a range of actors involved in the massacres and the Ukrainian nationalist leadership was able to recruit average peasants to participate in ethnic cleansing through diverse mechanisms. This disaggregation of the killers and their motives not only contributes to growing social science research on mobilization for violence, but also challenges assumptions inherent in the double or triple occupation thesis frequently used to explain violence in Volhynia from 1939 to 1945.

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Fargettas, Julien. "« Sind Schwarze da ? » La chasse aux tirailleurs sénégalais. Aspects cynégétiques de violences de guerre et de violences raciales durant la campagne de France, mai 1940-août 1940". Revue Historique des Armées 271, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2013): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.271.0042.

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En mai et juin 1940, plusieurs centaines de soldats noirs de l’armée française sont exécutées par les troupes d’invasion allemandes. A plusieurs reprises, ces massacres prennent un fort caractère cynégétique : scènes de chasse à courre, tir au pigeon, chasse en meute. Le soldat noir est ainsi transformé en gibier. Le mot « massacre » a d’ailleurs lui-même une origine cynégétique remontant au 16ème siècle et désignant à la fois l’action de tuer en masse mais exprimant également la fierté du chasseur. Une fierté justement que ne manque pas d’exprimer le chasseur allemand qui photographie en masse le gibier tirailleur capturé ou mis à mort et s’empare de multiples trophées sur sa dépouille. Cette chasse aux soldats noirs est un des aspects de l’animalisation des soldats coloniaux qui trouve un épilogue jusque dans le sort réservé aux cadavres du gibier mis à mort souvent délaissés de tous moyens d’identification ou privés de toutes sépultures humaines. Une animalisation d’ailleurs favorisée par l’évolution même des combats. Nombre de tirailleurs sont ainsi assimilés à des francs tireurs alors que, dépassés par les pointes allemandes, ils combattent afin d’échapper à la capture.

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Klimó, Árpád von. "Remembering Cold Days". DÍKÉ 7, n.º 1 (22 de agosto de 2023): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2023.07.01.14.

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“Remembering Cold Days” is a book on the changing meanings of the 1942 massacre of Novi Sad. It answers questions about what we know and do not know about this specific war crime today and, most of all, how different individuals and communities have been remembering and interpreting the events since 1942. It also focuses on the changing international context – the massacre was one of hundreds of similar war crimes that marked World War II as one of the worst conflicts for civilians – and the various political regimes which altered the framework for these memories and interpretations. It further looks at a series of trials related to the massacre and the public debates in Hungary, Yugoslavia and elsewhere instigated by a popular novel and film since the mid-1960s. Finally, it analyzes how the end of communism in 1989 and the Yugoslavian wars of the 1990s changed the perspectives on the perpetrators and victims of 1942.

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Knight, G. Roger. "From Merdeka! to massacre: The politics of sugar in the early years of the Indonesian republic". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, n.º 3 (22 de agosto de 2012): 402–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000318.

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Between 1945 and 1965, what may be broadly defined as the politics of sugar in Indonesia passed through several critical stages. The industrial manufacture of sugar had begun in the Netherlands Indies in the mid-nineteenth century, but after a slump during the 1930s Depression, the industry virtually went into abeyance during the Japanese Occupation (1942–45). After the war, the years of struggle for Merdeka! (freedom) also saw a partial revival of the industry, which continued through national revolution and independence (1949) through to an incremental nationalisation in the late 1950s. Developments in the sugar industry culminated in massacre, rather than merdeka, however. The campaign against the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) which began in 1965 resulted in the murder of labour unionists and peasant activists associated with the sugar industry. This paper traces the course of events from Merdeka to massacre, focusing on the sugar industry of East Java's Brantas valley. Its themes, however, relate to the industry in Java as a whole, and the question of why the commodity production of sugar came to be so deeply embroiled in the politics of the new republic.

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Bosworth, R. J. B. "Roads and Ruins: The Symbolic Landscape of Fascist Rome. By Paul Baxa.Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. Pp. xvi+232. $55.00.War, Massacre, and Recovery in Central Italy, 1943–1948. By Victoria C. Belco. Toronto Italian Studies.Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. Pp. xii+574. $95.00." Journal of Modern History 83, n.º 3 (setembro de 2011): 677–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660335.

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Kadish, Alon, e Avraham Sela. "Myths and Historiography of the 1948 Palestine War Revisited: The Case of Lydda". Middle East Journal 59, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 2005): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/59.4.15.

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Arab and Israeli revisionist historiography has taken the events in the town of Lydda (Lod, al-Lud) during the 1948 Palestine War (Israeli War of Independence) as an example of Israel's premeditated expulsion of the Palestinian Arabs in 1948, coupled with a massacre of civilian Arabs by the Israeli forces. Using newly released documents, the article explains the origins of these claims. It concludes that the expulsion was not pre-meditated but a consequence of a complex and ill-conducted battle, nor is there any direct evidence that a massacre took place.

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ROGUSKI, Rafał. "Zbrodnia katyńska i zbrodnie stalinowskie z lat 1939-1941 w polskich podręcznikach historii". Historia i Świat 2 (8 de setembro de 2013): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2013.02.10.

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The theme of following article is presentation of Katyń massacre and Stalinist crimes in polish handbooks for teaching of polish history in high schools. The au-thor showed the way of presentation Stalinist crimes in the early fifties (the period of stalinism) and years, when knowledge about Katyń massacre and Stalinist crimes were banned - up to present when informations about Katyń forest massacre are in every polish handbooks for teaching history.

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Michlic, Joanna. "Odwrócenie historycznej prawdy o Jedwabnem". Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, n.º 3 (1 de dezembro de 2007): 493–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.264.

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Marek Jan Chodakiewicz’s Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, and After, (Mord w Jedwabnem 10 lipca 1941: przed, w czasie i po.) East European Monographs, Boulder, CO, 2005. Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York 2005. pp. 277.

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Vandendorpe, Clotilde. "Le massacre de Maillé (25 août 1944)". Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l'Ouest, n.º 124 (30 de abril de 2017): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abpo.3496.

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Hogan, Matthew. "The 1948 Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisited". Historian 63, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2000): 309–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2001.tb01468.x.

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Alfonsi, Gilles. "10. Histoire d’un massacre, 23 juin 1944". Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah N° 217, n.º 1 (22 de março de 2023): 261–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.217.0261.

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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, n.º 2 (2 de dezembro de 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.

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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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Czech-Jezierska, Bożena. "Two Polish Romanists’ Voices on the Subject of Law in Times of War". Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius) 70, n.º 3 (11 de janeiro de 2023): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/g.2023.70.3.135-148.

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Roman law scholars seldom leave the subject of their field of interest for contemporary law research studies, especially not for criminal law. Exceptional were views on law in times of World War II expressed by two famous Polish Romanists. The first of them was Rafał Taubenschlag – a famous Polish Romanist and papyrologist who lived in New York over the period 1940–1947. He published there in 1945 a paper Plea of Superior Order. Taubenschlag in his paper argued that the members of the German army could by no means plead obedience to superior orders as justification for their participation in the massacre of unoffending civilians, in the exercise of inhuman cruelties such as torturing and slaughtering of women and children, on the grounds that they regarded those orders as legal and that their superiors did not intend to commit a crime by these acts. They were not bound to obey such orders – he emphasized, and if they did, they did so at their own risk and must be held responsible, as such outrageous acts could not be considered as falling under the heading of military duty. Taubenschlag’s argumentation was used in the Nuremberg trials by Robert H. Jackson – the Chief United States Prosecutor at the International War Crimes Tribunal in Nuremberg. The other Polish Romanist was Kazimierz Kolańczyk from the University of Poznań, who published, due to his activity in the Institute for Western Affairs in Poznań, a paper German Legislation as a Crime Weapon. In this paper, based on numerous examples, he emphasized that German legislation imposed on Polish territories during World War II was not a manifestation of law but lawlessness and injustice.

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Karski, Karol. "NAJWYŻSZY TRYBUNAŁ NARODOWY A OSĄDZENIE SPRAWCÓW ZBRODNI POPEŁNIONYCH PODCZAS TŁUMIENIA POWSTANIA WARSZAWSKIEGO – NIEWYKORZYSTANY INSTRUMENT". Studia Iuridica, n.º 91 (12 de novembro de 2022): 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-91.7.

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The Supreme National Tribunal, which operated in Poland between 1946 and 1948, tried 49 Hitlerite criminals who had committed crimes against Poland and Poles during World War II. It was tasked not only with bringing individual perpetrators to justice but also with publicizing these matters to the world. It was in effect the Polish equivalent of the Nuremberg Tribunal. However, the suppression of the Warsaw Uprising, including the Wola Massacre (Wola Slaughter), was not covered by these trials, even though initially The Tribunal planned to try Germans responsible for the crimes committed during the Uprising. In practice. these crimes were carefully omitted from the seven trials conducted by the Tribunal. Even when the high officials of the occupation administration in Warsaw were tried, the period of the Warsaw Uprising was not, as a rule, the subject were subsequently tried by the Polish common courts. The fact is that the then Polish authorities were not keen to publicize the martyrdom of those who had taken part in the Warsaw Uprising because this would have inevitably led to questions as to why USSR military forces did not come to the aid of the Warsaw residents being murdered by the Germans and also to what was happening to the Polish Home Army soldiers who had fought vigorously at that time and who, after the war, were subject to persecution by the new authorities installed in Poland by the Soviet Union. The Tribunal, whose task was to judge the perpetrators of the most significant German crimes, ceased its activities without even considering what was probably the largest single massacre of civilians in Europe during World War II, and the largest single act of extermination in the history of the Polish Nation: the Wola Massacre.

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Bakhchinyan, Artsvi. "An Excerpt from Kud Mkhitarian’s Unpublished Memoires “Episodes from Armenian Golgotha”". Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, n.º 1 (20 de maio de 2022): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0030.

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The publication presents an excerpt from the unpublished memoirs, “Episodes from the Armenian Golgotha. 1912–1937” by Kud Mkhitarian - the chapter “Catholicos Sahak again in Aleppo.” Kud Mkhitaryan (1877-1940) in 1903–1919 worked at the Armenian Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia as the secretary of the Catolicos Sahak II Khabayan. In his memoires, in particular, he presented Catolicos’s activities on the background of political events in the Ottoman Empire. The presented excerpt presents Catholicos Sahak’s trip to Aleppo in May-July 1915, quotes from his correspondence with various figures, in which he testifies to the deportation and massacres of the Armenian population. Mention is made of the names of the Armenian creative intelligentsia – victims of the Genocide, as well as evidences of attempts to forcibly Islamize Armenians.

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Ádám, István Pál. "Pető, Andrea. The Forgotten Massacre: Budapest in 1944". East Central Europe 49, n.º 2-3 (19 de outubro de 2022): 349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49020011.

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Steinbach, Peter. "Andrea Petö: The Forgotten Massacre. Budapest in 1944." Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 70, n.º 1-4 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.70.1-4.291.

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Kim, Gang-San. "Issues and Problems Surrounding the 1923 Kanto Massacre". Critical Review of History 145 (30 de novembro de 2023): 112–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2023.11.145.112.

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