Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Massacre, 1943"

This paper is devoted to the analysis of the narrative displayed to the mass Soviet reader of the anti-Polish ethnic cleansing conducted by Ukrainian nationalists in 1943 in Volhynia. The sources used in this paper include the most widely published books of partisan commanders who were active in the region. These texts are examined as sources aimed to shape public opinion about the Ukrainian nationalists after the war. For the Soviet public, the memoirs of Soviet partisans operating in North-West Ukraine in 1943–1944 along with propagandist anti-nationalist literature were the main source of information about the Volhynian Massacre. In these books, the stories about the massacre appear, above all, to be a propaganda tool. The comparison of the depictions of the Volhynian Massacre provided by partisan authors with modern scholarly works shows us intentional distortions by the former. It may perhaps seem paradoxical to note that the partisan memoirists, who tended to discredit the Ukrainian nationalists, preferred to blame them only as perpetrators, but not as the initiators of the anti-Polish massacres in Volhynia. The anti-Polish “actions” were described primarily as a direct initiative of German occupational authorities, whereas the detachments of nationalists’ organisations were portrayed as its faithful executors. The memoirists stressed the disinterestedness and unwillingness of ordinary Ukrainian peasants to participate in the massacres and the alienation of its organizers from the broad masses of working people. In this light, the Soviet partisan memoirs give us little help in understanding the Volhynian massacre itself but serve as an excellent example of Soviet propaganda efforts aimed at modelling representations of the past.

This article analyses the initiatives aimed at Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation that took place on the 70th anniversary of the Volhynia Massacre in 2013. The study is based on published sources and interviews with the participants in the Polish-Ukrainian dialogue. Special attention is paid to escalating public debates about the Volhynia Massacre in the mid-2000s and reconciliation actions organised by intellectuals and leaders of churches in 2013. When the state could not conduct the dialogue, intellectuals and church leaders attempted to fulfil this function. The article states that the Polish-German model of reconciliation, ‘We forgive and ask for forgiveness’, transferred to Polish-Ukrainian relations, had limited success in the Volhynian issue. A significant obstacle in the process of Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation is a lack of strong institutions that would implement the initiatives of intellectuals and church leaders.

The Nazi looting of works of art and cultural goods during 1933–1945 is usually divided into institutionalized and unauthorized, that is, wild one. The former was conducted by state and party special organizations and authorities, while the latter, widespread extensively in the east, was practiced by many Germans on their own account. The author suggests introducing a separate category of “specialized looting”, encompassing those who engaged in looting with full awareness – on their own account and/or on commission – and who were proficient in evaluation of the artistic goods and knew where and in whose possession they could be found. In the Reich and in occupied France and Holland there were many such expert robbers. In Poland their number remained small after the initial wave of official confiscations. The most notable exception was the Dutchman, Pieter Nicolaas Menten (1899–1987), who after the war became one of the wealthiest citizens of Holland and owner of a private art collection unavailable to the public. The scope, character, and methods of the looting conducted by Menten for his private use in Kraków and Lvov during the German occupation between early 1940 and the end of 1942 make him a very special case in the history of Nazi looting. These aspects are analyzed on the basis of extensive archival materials and evidence collected in Holland and Poland during the investigations and trials against Menten (the first one took place in the late 1940s and was followed by next ones in the late 1970s), who was accused of collaboration with the Germans and the massacre of Jewish inhabitants of the Galician villages of Urycz and Podhorodce in the summer of 1941. Menten was never sentenced for the looting of works of art in Kraków, where he was an appointed forced administrator of four Jewish artistic salons, or in Lvov, where he appropriated art collections and furnishings of several Lvov professors murdered on 4 July 1941. He was never found guilty even though when in January 1943 he left the General Government and went to Holland he took – with Himmler’s special permission – four railway carriages of valuable works of art, gold and silverware, antique furniture, and Oriental rugs. The post-war collection of works of art in Menten’s possession wasn’t liable to confiscation under Dutch law and has become dispersed.

An object-relations concept of transmission of turbulence illuminates the phantom structure of Thomas Kyd’s Elizabethan metatheatrical play The Spanish Tragedy and my response to it. In 1972, interpreting the arbor imagery and the rhetoric of reversal and self-cancellation in the play, I wrote, “Kyd is his father attacking himself in the womb he is in”. After researching my suppressed family history, this peculiar sentence suggested to me unconscious knowledge of a run of murders in my family line, going back to the 1760 Long Cane Massacre of Irish settlers by Cherokee Indians in what is now South Carolina; continuing in the 1799 murder of Major William Love near what is now Harpe’s Head, Kentucky; the suicide of my maternal grandfather in Philadelphia in 1931; and culminating in a Mafia-style execution of my father near Cleveland, Ohio in 1943. Objectification of violence drives Hieronimo and informs this essay.

This dissertation examines the trial of Japanese war crimes conducted by Australia between 1945 and 1951; although the study commences in 1943, when the Government first focussed on the issue, and ends in 1961, when the issue was closed. Beyond providing an overview of the trials the thesis addresses the major criticism of the trials by looking at whether the trails were fair and if they fulfilled Australian aims. This is addressed within the context of the two elements of international law, the political, and the legal, and examined in each of the three sections. The Policy section establishes the political context of the trials by examining the influence of the international community and the Australian Government. Both influenced structure and progress rather than the final application of the law. When Australian attitudes were incongruous with international views, a perception that Australia was harsh and repressive developed even though justice was an important part of the Government???s agenda. A study of legal aspects of the trials commences in the Procedures section. Australia???s legislation and regulations are explained with particular emphasis on the more controversial aspects, and a comparison is made with the war crimes instruments of other Allies trying the Japanese showing many similarities between the regulations used by other nations and Australia???s. Procedures also discusses the framework for the Australian trials, the procedures used to bring a case to trial, the process used in court, the review process and the carrying out of sentences. Such a thorough study of the procedural basis is necessary to evaluate the individual trials. Practical examples of some of the procedural problems are also discussed in the following section ??? Practice. This section reviews a number of trials and the various types of crimes and the claims made in defence to show how Australia applied and interpreted the law. The study finds many similarities between Australia???s application of the law and the practice of other nations, indicating that Australian courts were applying what was considered to be customary expectations of behaviour. Throughout the trials there was little evidence of vindictiveness or revenge, either by Government or in the courts. Both were faced with significant problems, which were not always dealt with well but overall the trials were fair and those involved were concerned that justice should not only be seen to be done, but actually be done.

Les partisans soviétiques ont formé pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale un des principaux mouvements de résistance armée à l'occupation allemande en Europe, implanté dans les vastes forêts de Biélorussie, du nord de l'Ukraine et de Russie occidentale. En croisant les archives allemandes et soviétiques, les sources institutionnelles, celles des unités de partisans elles-mêmes et des ego-documents, ce travail explore l'expérience et la culture de guerre des partisans soviétiques, en centrant l'analyse autour de la nature, des racines et des effets de la violence politique telle que subie et exercée par les partisans. Il analyse l'impact de la violence d'occupation allemande, l'émergence et la structuration du mouvement partisan, les relations complexes des partisans avec l'Etat-Parti soviétique, leurs conceptions de la patrie soviétique, les relations entre civils et combattants et les dynamiques de radicalisation de la violence en territoire occupé. Il montre que les partisans soviétiques étaient le produit à la fois d'une culture politique spécifique héritée de la Révolution et de la violence d'occupation allemande: ils comprenaient leur action comme un moment essentiel d'une apocalypse révolutionnaire ouverte en 1917, sans que leur mouvement s'inscrive dans la simple continuité des conflits qui avaient marqué l'URSS jusqu'à la guerre.

Cette thèse, au croisement de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie, prend pour objet les représentations d’un massacre colonial, la répression sanglante de tirailleurs sénégalais survenue au camp de Thiaroye, à proximité de Dakar, le 1er décembre 1944. Il s’agit d’abord de mieux documenter l’événement historique lui-même qui, soixante-dix ans après les faits, reste un sujet de controverse historiographique. D’autre part, inscrire les réappropriations passées et actuelles de ce drame dans diverses temporalités donne à lire la trajectoire de la nation sénégalaise postcoloniale à travers le prisme de la mobilisation de référents historiques. Ce travail sur la mémoire de cet événement s’appuie sur plus de soixante entretiens, l’analyse des œuvres d’art traitant de cet événement, un travail d’archives – des sources coloniales mais aussi différents journaux depuis 1945 jusqu’à aujourd’hui –, enfin une dimension ethnographique de recherche action, notamment auprès de lycéens sénégalais. Aujourd’hui, au Sénégal, les représentations attachées à l’événement du 1er décembre 1944 apparaissent comme un des paradigmes de la mémoire coloniale. Tenter de décrire ces usages du passé sur plus de soixante-dix ans permet alors d’envisager l’articulation entre des mémoires dominantes – officielles ou non –, des formes particulières de rappel du passé et le rôle de ce passé dans certaines dynamiques identitaires
By connecting history and anthropology, this thesis analyses the representations of the Thiaroye massacre, a repression of the tirailleurs sénégalais, Western African conscripts of the French army, in the Thiaroye camp on the outskirts of Dakar that took place on December 1st, 1944. First, it aims at documenting the event that, sixty years after, remains a controversial issue among the historians. Secondly, this thesis aims at analysing both the past and current use of this tragedy in different periods of time-scales. As a consequence, it helps to read the path of the post-colonial senegalese nation through the use of historical referents. This work dealing with the history of Thiaroye massacre is based on more than sixty interviews, the analysis of the works of art representing the event, different kind of archives (colonial sources and press journals published since 1945 until today), and the ethnographic investigation (for instance among the college students). The representation of the December 1st 1944 is currently one of the paradigms of the colonial memory in Senegal. By trying to describe the use of the past during more than sixty years, it is possible to consider the links between the dominant memory – official as well as unofficial – or the specific forms of remembrance and the role of this past in the some identity dynamics

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wollongong, 2003.
Title from PDF title page (viewed on Aug. 13, 2005). Ill., maps, and facsims. in print version are lacking in electronic version. Includes bibliographical references.

À Guelma dans l'Est de l'Algérie française, le 8 mai 1945, plutôt qu'un soulèvement nationaliste comme on le pensait, il y eut une subversion des Européens. Son origine est à rechercher dans la peur d'être submergés par des Musulmans de plus en plus nombreux et dans l'opposition aux réformes coloniales du gouvernement. Cette réaction prit la forme d'un massacre de Musulmans et d'une politique de terreur. Elle bénéficia de la complicité des autorités civiles et de la police dans le département de Constantine. Cette réaction subversive dans une région rurale et peuplée par une large majorité de Musulmans préfigura celle de TOAS dans les métropoles algériennes en 1960-1962,. Des institutions illégales remplacèrent les pouvoirs légaux et défièrent les autorités de l'État. Les Musulmans tués par les miliciens furent officiellement portés disparus. Entre 1945 et 1954, ces faits furent insidieusement recouverts par la raison d'État. Les gouvernements de la IVe République pensèrent que c'était le prix à payer pour poursuivre leur politique de réformes en Algérie à un moment où le monde entrait dans une période de décolonisation
On the day of the WW II victory, on may 8th, 1945, instead of a nationalist uprising in Guelma, there was a reaction of a subversive nature on the part of the French, triggered by their fear of being outnumbered by the Muslims and their opposition to the reforms of the government. It took the form of a massacre of Muslims and a terrorist policy, with the complicity of the civil authorities and police of the Constantine département. This subversive reaction in a rural and predominantly Muslim département, prefigured that of the OAS in the Algerian cities in 1960-1962, at the end of the Algerian War. It was a challenge to the metropolitan and French Algerian authorities and their reforms. Illegal institutions replaced legal ones. French militiamen killed large numbers of Muslims, officially declared missing. Between 1945 and 1954, under pressure from the settlers, the facts were shrouded by reasons of state, from the bottom to the top of the state apparatus. The French governments of the Quatrième République agreed to keep those violent and illegal acts secret, in the hope of saving their reform policies in Algeria, when the world was entering a period of decolonisation

Le massacre de Sharpeville du 21 mars 1960, faisant 69 morts et près de 200 blessés, est considéré dans l'historiographie et la vie politique sud-africaines comme un tournant majeur de l'histoire nationale. Depuis l'origine pourtant, deux versions dites antagonistes des faits coexistent et s'alimentent : d'une part, celle d'une tentative de soulèvement et de renversement du pouvoir, d'autre part celle d'une manifestation patente de la nature violente et inhumaine du régime. L'onde de «mystère» qui entoure les circonstances exactes du drame et la crise qu'il provoqua ont entretenu l'affrontement de ces thèses et, selon les périodes, conditionné les analyses historiques, la transmission mémorielle du fait, de même que la nature de ces commémorations. La chape de plomb qui, depuis lors, s'abattit sur le pays jusqu'en 1976 a également favorisé la dimension légendaire et symbolique de l'événement souvent au détriment de sa connaissance historique. Ce travail, fondé sur la comparaison et l'étude critique de sources primaires et secondaires, retrace le processus complexe de construction des narrations et évocations du massacre au cours des quarante dernières années et leurs utilisations politiques. Plutôt que d'invalider simplement la portée symbolique de l'événement, cette étude, à l'appui d'une enquête historique, vise à décrire et expliquer cette dimension au regard des évolutions de la société sud-africaine au cœur et au sortir de l'apartheid
The Sharpeville massacre (March 21, 1960), where the police shot down 69 South Africans and wounded almost 200, is regarded, both in history and politics, as a major historical turning point. From the very beginning, two (apparently) antagonistic interpretations of the event were developed : the first one sees it as a failed attempt to overcome the appartheid regime, and the second one as an obvious evidence of the violent and barbaric nature of apartheid. A shadow of mystery on the very circumstances of the tragedy, as well as the crisis that followed, have influenced, for forty years historical analyses, transmissions of the memory of the event, and the nature of its commemorations. From 1960 up to 1976, a wall of silence has surrounded the country and favoured the legendary and symbolic dimension of the event often to the detriment of historical knowledge. This study based on the comperative critics of primary and secondary sources, draws on the complicated building process of the narratives and evocations of the massacre, along forty years, and their use in politics. Instead of simply disqualifying the symbolistic scope as such, this work describes and explains that dimension, on the ground of historical investigations and in the eyes of the evolutions of the South African society in the mists and the fall of apartheid

Abstract Operation Reinhard was the codename given by the Nazi regime to the programme to exterminate the Jews of the Generalgouvernement of Poland. From 1942 to 1943 r.7 million Jews were exterminated at Belzec, Sobibor, and Treblinka. Not only the Jews of the Generalgouvernement, but Jews from all over Europe perished in these camps. In these passages Yitzhak Arad summarizes the findings of his study of Operation Reinhard.The largest single massacre action of the Holocaust, Operation Reinhard, which lasted twenty-one months, from March 1942 to November 1943, was carried out by, and accomplished according to the plans of, the Nazi extermination machine.

Andréa Rocha Pires, who claims to be of African descent, grew up on the outskirts of Bauru/SP, started working at the age of 10 in her family's small business, and until she graduated as a social worker, she worked as a gas station attendant, secretary and computer teacher. What led the author to choose the course to work as a social worker was the massacre at candelária in 1993. She started her social worker course at a private university in Bauru, finishing it at the public university as a scholarship student in 2000.

If killing a single person is considered as a major crime that forbidden by Sharia and law at the international level and at the level of all religions and divine legislation, so what about the concept of genocide!! Here, not just an individual with a weak influence on society is killed, but thousands of individuals, that means an entire nation, a future, energy and human and intellectual capabilities that can tip the scales, and on the other hand, broken and half-dead hearts are left behind from the horrific scenes of killing they witnessed before their eyes, moreover, the massacres of genocide continues to excrete its remnants and consequences for long years and for successive generations, and it may generate grudges of revenge among generations that did not receive the adequate awareness and psychological support which are necessary to rehabilitate these generations to benefit from the tragedies and bitter experiences of life to turn them into lessons and incentives to achieve progress and advancement. Genocide is a deadly poison whose toxic effect extends from generations to others unless it is wisely controlled. Here the role of the international community and its legal, legislative and humanitarian stance from these crimes is so important and supportive. Genocide can be occurred on two levels: external and internal. As for genocide on the external level: this is what happened at the hands of foreign powers against a certain people for colonial and expansionist goals in favor of the occupier or usurper. There are many examples throughout history, such as the Ottoman and British occupations...etc Whereas genocide at the internal level, can be defined as the repressive actions that governments practice against their own people for goals that could be extremist, racist or dictatorial, such as t ""Al-Anfal"" massacre in 1988 carried out by the previous regime against the Kurds in the Kurdistan region. The number of victims amounted at one hundred thousand martyrs, most of them were innocent and unarmed people from children, women and the elderly, and also the genocide which was practiced against of the organizers of Al-Shaibania Revolution in 1991 was another example of genocide in the internal level. It is possible to deduce a third level between the external and internal levels, which is the genocide that is done at the hands of internal elements from the people of the country, but in implementation of external agendas, for example, the scenes of organized and systematic sectarian killing that we witnessed daily during (2007) and (2008), followed by dozens of bloody explosions in various regions throughout the capital, which unfortunately was practiced by the people of the country who were misguided elements in order to destabilize the security of the country and we did not know until this moment in favor of which external party!! In the three aforementioned cases, nothing can justify the act of killing or genocide, but in my personal opinion, I see that genocide at the hands of foreign forces is less drastic effects than the genocides that done at the hands of internal forces that kill their own people to impose their control and to defense their survival, from the perspective of ""the survival for the strongest, the most criminal and the most dictatorial. The matter which actually dragged the country into the abyss and the ages of darkness and ignorance. As for the foreign occupier, he remains an occupier, and it is so natural for him to be resentful and spiteful and to keep moving with the bragging theory of that (the end justifies the means) and usurping lands illegally, but perhaps recently the occupier has begun to exploit loopholes in international laws and try to gain the support of the international community and international organizations to prove the legitimacy of what has no legitimacy, in the end to achieve goals which pour into the interest of the occupiers' country and from the principle of building the happiness and well-being of the occupiers' people at the expense of the misery and injustice of other peoples!! This remains absolutely dehumanizing societal crime, but at least it has a positive side, which is maximizing economic resources and thus achieving the welfare of a people at the expense of seizing the wealth of the occupied country. This remains the goal of the occupier since the beginning of creation to this day, but today the occupation associated with the horrific and systematic killing has begun to take a new template by framing the ugliness of the crime with humanitarian goals and the worst, to exploit religion to cover their criminal acts. A good example of this is the genocide that took place at the hands of the terrorist organization ISIS, that contradictory organization who adopted the religion which forbids killing and considers it as one of the greatest sins as a means to practice the most heinous types of killing that contemporary history has witnessed!! The ""Spiker"" and ""Sinjar"" massacres in 2014 are the best evidence of this duality in the ideology of this terrorist organization. We may note that the more we advance in time, the more justification for the crimes of murder and genocide increases. For example, we all know the first crimes of genocide represented by the fall of Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol leader ""Hulagu"" in 1258. At that time, the crimes of genocide did not need justification, as they were practiced openly and insolently for subversive, barbaric and criminal goals!! The question here imposes itself: why were the crimes of genocide in the past practiced openly and publicly without need to justify the ugliness of the act? And over time, the crimes of genocide began to be framed by pretexts to legitimize what is prohibited, and to permit what is forbidden!! Or to clothe brutality and barbarism in the patchwork quilt of humanity?? And with this question, crossed my mind the following ""Aya"" from the Glorious Quran (and do not kill the soul that God has forbidden except in the right) , this an explicit ""Aya"" that prohibits killing and permits it only in the right, through the use of the exception tool (except) that permits what coming after it . But the"" right"" that God describes in the glorious Quran has been translated by the human tongues into many forms and faces of falsehood!! Anyway, expect the answer of this controversial question within the results of this study. This study will discuss the axis of (ideologies of various types and genocide), as we will analyze excerpts from the speeches of the former regime that were announced on the local media after each act of genocide or purification, as the former regime described at that time, but the difference in this study is that the analysis will be according to a scientific and thoughtful approach which is far from the personal ideology of the researcher. The analysis will be based on a model proposed by the contemporary Dutch scientist ""Teun A. Van Dijk"". Born in 1943, ""Van Dijk"" is a distinguished scholar and teaching in major international universities. He has authored many approved books as curricula for teaching in the field of linguistics and political discourse analysis. In this study, Van Dijk's Model will be adopted to analyze political discourse ideologies according to forty-one criteria. The analysis process will be conducted in full transparency and credibility in accordance with these criteria without imposing the researcher's personal views. This study aims to shed light on the way of thinking that the dictatorial regimes adopt to impose their existence by force against the will of the people, which can be used to develop peoples' awareness to understand and analyze political statements in a scientific way away from the inherited ideologies imposed by customs, clan traditions, religion, doctrine and nationalism. With accurate scientific diagnosis, we put our hand on the wounds. So we can cure them and also remove the scars of these wounds. This is what we seek in this study, diagnosis and therefore suggesting the suitable treatment "

"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."