Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Maori (New Zealand people)"

Background: A comparable number of advanced aged New Zealand Maori and non-Maori are either still driving, have decided to cease to drive or have never driven. However regardless of which ever group they may fall into there remains a high degree of independence. Method: Under the Transport, Nottingham Extended Activities of Daily Living and Screen II, Neighbourhood subsections questions were directed towards whether the sample group had ever driven, when they stopped driving and why they had decided to cease driving; were they able to get in/out of their car, have any problems obtaining groceries and difficulties in going to their shops. Methods of analysis included binomial logistic regression, chi-square lest for association, ordinal logistic regression analysis, Mann -Whitney U test, questionnaire and descriptive analysis.Results: Participants totalled 931 with 421 New Zealand Maori and 510 New Zealand Maori non-Maori.New Zealand Maori: New Zealand Maori aged between 83-86 years presented the highest figures for those found to be (still) driving. Overall New Zealand Maori females also had 1.028 times higher odds of having ever driven compared to that of New Zealand Maori males. Those that had ceased driving both New Zealand Maori males and females had made that decision more than twelve months ago (with the most notable number being 88 years of age). Despite a list of possible reasons for ceasing to drive it was personal motivation supplied by respondents that presented a more detailed/informative picture. Both male and female indicated that did get in and out of their car on the own or with difficulty. Of those that did not, it was New Zealand Maori females who made use of outside family members or external sources rather than close family/closer relations. New Zealand Maori males indicated that they either never or rarely had any problems in obtaining their groceries compared to the greater number of New Zealand Maori females. Primarily New Zealand Maori males and females indicated that transporting themselves to the shops was not a problem for them. New Zealand Maori males also walked, were as New Zealand Maori females obtained help. Reasons given for any complications New Zealand Maori males highlighted lack of public transport while New Zealand Maori females said it was due to their health.New Zealand non-Maori: Similarly, the results of New Zealand non-Maori females also offered greater numbers in those who either continued or had ceased driving. Of those who had stopped driving both New Zealand non-Maori males and females had also made that decision more than twelve months ago. Likewise, with personal incentives being the prime cause behind their decision. New Zealand non-Maori also indicated that they could get in and out of their car on their own or with difficulty. However, some males did go on to say that they did utilise family or household members; whereas females made use of outside help. A lack of transport was particularly identified by the New Zealand non-Maori males when asked about problem in obtaining groceries. Both New Zealand non-Maori males and females expressed health concerns as being their prime reason for having difficulty in getting to their shops. However, females also indicated a feeling of being unsafe, inadequate footpaths and or public transport.Conclusion: Ceasing to drive primarily resulted through personal motivation with the decision being made generally more than twelve months ago. Continued transportation of themselves to required destinations was not a problem but respondents did indicate possible consequences such as health, lack of public transport facilities, inadequate amenities and unsafe environment.

Background: A comparable number of advanced aged New Zealand Maori and non-Maori are presently driven by someone else or use other forms of transport.Method: Everyday Interests and Activities – Transport subsection of the LiLAC study provided the question area for analysis. Enquiry focused on whether older people did use private car transport driven by someone else, were questioned who was their most regular driver, how often did someone else drive them in a typical week and what distance they drove in a typical journey, whether they had used other forms of transportation, if they had problems obtaining their groceries and did they provide transport in the form of car/assistance for others Methods of analysis included binomial logistic regression, chi-square test for association, ordinal logistic regression, Mann-Whitney U test and descriptive analysis.Results: Participants totaled 931 with 421 New Zealand Maori and 510 New Zealand Maori non-Maori.New Zealand Maori: A higher ratio of New Zealand Maori males were transported making use of their daughter. Most of such trips were made only once a week with more males travelling between 1.5-20.5 kilometres, while both males and females covered longer distances of 25.5-80+ kilometres. New Zealand Maori were not seen to have not made use of other forms of transport in the last twelve months and very rarely had any problem obtaining their groceries. New Zealand Maori females aided other members of the family, while New Zealand Maori males provided such a service to people outside of their family.New Zealand non-Maori: Similarly, New Zealand non-Maori males were also seen to have made greater use of private transport provided by their daughter. In comparison there was almost a 50:50 split between those New Zealand non-Maori females who did and those who did-not make use of such a service. Of those who did such a service was primarily provided by their spouse followed by their daughter. Like New Zealand Maori, non-Maori New Zealanders generally only made use of such transport once a week or not at all. Trips taken by either male and female New Zealand non-Maori was firstly between 1.5-8, and then between 8.2-20.5 kilometres. More New Zealand non-Maori males had use of other forms of transport; while again there was practically a 50:50 split between those females who did and those who did not. Like New Zealand Maori, New Zealand non-Maori male and female very rarely had any problem obtaining their groceries. Both New Zealand non-Maori males and females were seen to provide care/assistance for that outside of the family. Conclusion: Although as is often expected the majority both New Zealand Maori and New Zealand non-Maori representatives were seen to utilise family (daughters and spouse) for transportation. However, use of such a provision was generally restricted to only once a week and in assessing distance, consideration also needs to be made of respondent geographical location, especially in line with placement of main services. However, despite the use of such a transportation facility independent mobility remained with both rural and urban population groups. Future older generations will have experienced a closer relationship with motor vehicle use. Consequently, any transportation policy needs to be designed in line with sustaining the provision of goods, services, employment, social opportunities and membership of the community.

New Zealand has been inhabited by the indigenous Maori people for more than 1000 years. The first European (Pakeha) to see the country, in 1642, was the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman. But the English explorer James Cook, who landed there in 1769, was responsible for New Zealand becoming part of the British Empire and, later, the British Commonwealth. In 1840 the Treaty of Waitangi was signed between Maori leaders and Lieutenant-Governor Hobson on behalf of the British Government. The three articles of the Treaty gave powers of Sovereignty to the Queen of England; guaranteed to the Maori Chiefs and tribes full, exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands, estates, forests and fisheries; and extended to the Maori people Royal protection and all the rights and privileges of British subjects.

Background: Both New Zealand M?ori and non-Maori males were most notable in the number who did not make use of public transport in the last twelve months. Method: Transport subsection of the LiLAC study provided the question area for analysis. Enquiry focused on whether older people had travelled on public transport in the last twelve months, how often they made use of the service and why they did not employ such facility. Methods of analysis included binomial logistic regression, Mann-Whitney U test, regression analysis and descriptive analysis.Results: Participants totaled 931 with 421 New Zealand Maori and 510 New Zealand Maori non-Maori.New Zealand Maori: The greater majority of New Zealand Maori signified that they did not use public transport. Of those that did, it was the females either on their own or with some difficulty. Of those that had engaged the service, (83-88 years), it was only once a week. Reasons given for not using public transport comprised primarily revolved around personal choice and knowledge of possible facilities. Other reasons given included continued use of a car, again not wanting to, no available facilities, family, health and the use of other methods of transportation.New Zealand non-Maori: A significant number of male New Zealand non-Maori indicated that had not used the service in the last twelve months. Although of those that did, a comparable number of both male and female non-Maori had similarly either completed the journey on their own or with difficulty. When asked how often they used the service, the majority indicated that they did not. Reasons being routes either not going where respondents wanted or needed to go; and females expressing concern about accessible bus stops or were inconvenient to use. Conclusion: National and/or local government have the opportunity to make improvements in route design, scheduling and diversity in type of bus being made available with the present and future growth of the older population. Also, in line with future developments such authorities could similarly work in conjunction with other providers such as service groups like Lions and Rotary; Retired Serviceman/women Association, Workingmen’s Clubs, Age Concern, Driving Miss Daisy, private organisations, taxi firms, or the provision of Uber sharing, in considering the type and style of public transport being made available to the public.

INTRODUCTION: Preventive medications such as statins are used to reduce cardiovascular risk. There is some evidence to suggest that people of lower socioeconomic position are less likely to be prescribed statins. In New Zealand, Maori have higher rates of cardiovascular disease. AIM: This study aimed to investigate statin utilisation by socioeconomic position and ethnicity in a region of New Zealand. METHODS: This was a cross-sectional study in which data were collected on all prescriptions dispensed from all pharmacies in one city during 2005/6. Linkage with national datasets provided information on patients’ age, gender and ethnicity. Socioeconomic position was identified using the New Zealand Index of Socioeconomic Deprivation 2006. RESULTS: Statin use increased with age until around 75 years. Below age 65 years, those in the most deprived socioeconomic areas were most likely to receive statins. In the 55–64 age group, 22.3% of the most deprived population received a statin prescription (compared with 17.5% of the mid and 18.6% of the least deprived group). At ages up to 75 years, use was higher amongst Maori than non-Maori, particularly in middle age, where Maori have a higher risk of cardiovascular disease. In the 45–54 age group, 11.6% of Maori received a statin prescription, compared with 8.7% of non-Maori. DISCUSSION: Statin use approximately matched the pattern of need, in contrast to other studies which found under-treatment of people of low socioeconomic position. A PHARMAC campaign to increase statin use may have increased use in high-risk groups in New Zealand. KEYWORDS: Ethnic groups; New Zealand; prescriptions; socioeconomic status; statins

Background: Advanced aged people continue to use their vehicles, utlising them for a wide variety of purposes. Within that age group female drivers from both New Zealand Maori and non-Maori are predominantly noticeable. Method: Following the first wave of the LiLAC Study the present study examined the results of the Transport and Nottingham Extended Activities of Daily Living sub-sections involving New Zealand Maori aged between 75-95 years and non-Maori participants only aged 85 years. Questions asked of the recipients involved whether they had ever driven, did the still drive, how often and how far they drove in a typical week; and why they drove. Analysis of the results were conducted using a scaled questionnaire, binomial logistic regression, chi-square tests for association, ordinal logistic regression and descriptive analysis.Results: Participant number totalled 931 with 421 New Zealand Maori and 510 New Zealand Maori non-Maori. New Zealand Maori: Nearly double the number of females had ever driven. Of those who do drive both male (73) and female (69) indicated that they did, although females also offered the service of driving to both family and non-family members. Females also presented 1.028 higher odds of having ever driven a car. However, as New Zealand Maori aged a reduction in having ever driven was shown in the results (0.688). Typical weekly use of the car by New Zealand Maori males was grouped (p-value = 0.063), whereas female Maori took the car out daily. Increase in age was found not to be associated with how often New Zealand Maori drove. The odds ratio of Maori males was greater than that of females (p-value = 0.463), similarly with age (p-value = 0.192). In comparison both male and female covered a wide distance, although most noticeable were ones made 1.5-25 kilometres.New Zealand non-Maori: New Zealand non-Maori like New Zealand Maori females were also in the majority as to the number having ever driven. Of those still driving a higher number of males (154) compared to female (136) non-Maori were shown to be still driving. However, unlike New Zealand Maori, none of the non-Maori indicated that they offered their driving services to someone else. Typical weekly driving scores between male and female were not statistically significant different (p = 0.201). Median driving distances for male and female were the same (3.00). A varied use of the car was apparent by both New Zealand Maori and non-Maori.Conclusion: Maintaining independence is of primary concern to both New Zealand Maori and non-Maori. To enable this population group to remain as a contributing part of their community further research is required into their decision making, the licensing procedure and surrounding support facilities.

International travel can provide the unique opportunity to experience other cultures. For nurses, it can also provide a window through which different health care structures and services can be viewed. Many similarities and differences can be found between the country visited and the United States in terms of health issues, nursing education, roles, and responsibilities. This article explores a number of ways health services are provided to school-age children in New Zealand. Nearly 20% of New Zealand’s population are native Maori people. Not only is cultural sensitivity in health service delivery a priority, but the Maori people are guaranteed participation in health care decisions by law. School nurses in the United States can benefit from examining the models of care used by New Zealand nurses for managing the health care needs of school-age children.

The aim of the current study is to examine the impacts of gambling among four different ethnic groups within New Zealand (i.e., Maori, Pakeha, Pacific peoples, and Chinese and Korean peoples). Four thousand and sixty-eight Pakeha, 1,162 Maori, 1,031 Pacific people, and 984 Chinese and Korean people took part in a telephone interview that assessed their gambling participation and their quality of life. Results showed a number of differences between ethnic groups. For the Maori and Pacific samples, there were significant associations between gambling participation (especially time spent on electronic gaming machines) and lower ratings in a number of life domains. In contrast to the findings for the Maori and Pacific peoples, which showed predominantly negative associations between gambling modes and people's self ratings of their domains of life, the findings for Pakeha and for Chinese and Korean peoples were more mixed and the associations predominantly positive.

Background: World Health Organisation estimated that diabetes and obesity are responsible for 1.6 million and 4 million mortalities, globally. Likewise, New Zealanders also face the serious consequences of diabetes and obesity mainly impacted Maori due to existence of various health disparities. Presently, researches showed that people with pre-existing diabesity conditions are more susceptible to acquire COVID-19 and resulted in 48% mortality, globally. Aim: This literature review was aimed to identify the effects of Non-Pharmacological (lifestyle) interventions implemented for managing diabetes and obesity among adult Maori in New Zealand especially during COVID-19. Method: To conduct a comprehensive literature review, the universally acclaimed peer-reviewed electronic databases such as PubMed, ProQuest, EIT online and cross-references of included articles were used to discover the most relevant, recent studies on the present topic. Reviewer screened the articles based on inclusion criteria. Electronically available peer-reviewed journal articles which include the interventions on diabetes and obesity for adult Maori of New Zealand and should be conducted between 2015 to 2020 were included. Results: Reviewer searched 35 articles in total. Out of which 07 articles were selected according to inclusion criteria. From total 07, 02 articles included lifestyle interventions exclusively on adult Maori men and 05 studies included adult Maori and other ethnic groups. Findings of the review revealed that non-pharmacological interventions without incentives showed more retention rate of Maori adults as compared to intervention with incentives. All the included articles use Maori culturally acceptable approach in implementing lifestyle interventions for diabetes and obesity prevention. Conclusion: More research needs to be conducted for diabetes and obesity prevention among Maori adults in New Zealand as there is limited literature available which becomes insufficient during special circumstances such as COVID-19 Pandemic.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of New Zealand, 1910.
"Abound" is the pseudonym of Sir Peter Buck. Photocopied material. Title from title screen (viewed on 19 June 2009). Creation of machine-readable version: Planman Technologies. Conversion to TEI.2-conformant markup: Planman Technologies. Creation of digital images: Planman Technologies. Originally published in print: University of New Zealand, 1910.

Indigenous peoples around the world have been involved, especially since the 1970s, in nationalist or sovereigntist movements, as well as in struggles for decolonization, self-determination, and recognition of their rights. Maaori of Aotearoa/New Zealand are engaged in just such processes and, particularly since the 1960s and 1970s, as part of the Maaori "cultural renaissance". Since about 70% of Maaori live in urban areas, cities---Auckland in particular---have become important sites of affirmation and struggle. This study, which falls within the field of urban anthropology, is an investigation of what being Maaori today means and how it is experienced, in particular in the city. The sense of place of Maaori living in Auckland and the appropriation of space in the urban context are important dimensions of this study. It explores the complexity of Maaori relationships to the urban milieu, which is often perceived as an alien and colonized site; the ways they create places and spaces for themselves; and the ongoing struggles to (re)affirm Maaori identities and cultural aspects considered important elements of these identities. The focus of this research is on everyday life and "ordinary" Maaori (in contrast to elites). It reveals the significance and importance to Maaori affirmation and resistance of the extended family and certain types of "city houses" which are based on "traditional" marae (Maaori traditional meeting places) principles. In contrast to many studies that have stressed the assimilation pressures of the urban milieu and global forces on indigenous societies, this research underlines processes of (re)affirmation. It shows how indigenous visions, and ways of being are maintained and even strengthened through changes and openness to the larger society. Coming to understand these processes also led to the exploration of Maaori realms of interpretation or figured worlds, the heteroglossic and complex ways people engage in or rel

Thesis (MA--Maori Development) -- AUT University, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references. Also held in print (v, 105 leaves : col. ill. ; 30 cm.) in the Archive at the City Campus (T 305.899442 RAE)

Maria Maori Motuhake or Maori self determination is developing into one of the most pressing political and legal issues in modern New Zealand. The Maori struggle for recognition of that right is a long one. It began with contact with British colonisers, and has continued in different forms throughout New Zealand's history. The following thesis suggests that that struggle is one which the Maori share with Indigenous peoples throughout the world. The recognition in law of Mana Maori Motuhake in New Zealand will come from an understanding, by both Maori and Pakeha, of the international nature of that struggle. Accordingly the essential purpose of this thesis is to put the issue of Maori rights into an international and colonial perspective. In Part I, the question of Indigenous self determination is discussed in the context of historical and contemporary developments in international law. It is concluded firstly that there is room for the proposition that a right of Indigenous self determination can be drawn from the current state of international law. Secondly, it is argued that recent developments in the United Nations suggest positive recognition of that right will occur in the near future. In Part II, the development of colonial law in the United States, Canada and New Zealand add a further dimension to this international perspective. In this part parallel developments in the three countries are highlighted to prove the 'indivisibility' of colonialism, and the inexorable development in modern law toward recognition of the 'colonial paradigm'- Native title and Native sovereignty.
Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate

The goal of this study was to review Maori oral health services utilising a kaupapa Maori framework. The aims of the study were to identify the issues in the development, implementation and operation of Maori dental health services within each of the three types of Maori health providers (mainstream, iwi-based, partnership). The three Maori oral health services are: (i) Te Whare Kaitiaki, University of Otago Dental School, Dunedin. (ii) Te atiawa Dental Service, New Plymouth. (iii) Tipu Ora Dental Service, in partnership with the School Dental Service, Lakeland Health, Rotorua. Method: A literature review of kaupapa Maori research was undertaken to provide the Maori framework under which this study was conducted. The kaupapa Maori methodology utilised the following criteria: (i) Rangatiratanga: The assertion of Maori leadership; (ii) Whakakotahitanga: A holistic approach incorporating Te Whare Tapa Wha; (iii) Whakapapa: The origins and development of oranga niho; (iv) Whakawhanuitanga: Recognising and catering for the diverse needs of Maori; (iv) Whanaungatanga: Culturally appropriate forms of relationship management; (v) Maramatanga: Raising Maori awareness, health promotion and education; and (vi) Whakapakiri: Recognising the need to the build capacity of Maori health providers. Ethical approval was granted by the Otago, Bay of Plenty and Taranaki Ethics Committees to undertake interviews and focus groups with Maori oral health providers in Dunedin, Rotorua and New Plymouth. Information was also sought from advisors and policy analysts within the Ministry of Health. A valuable source of information was hui korero (speeches and/or discussion at Maori conferences). An extensive literature was undertaken including an historical search of material from private archives and the now defunct Maori Health Commission. Results: An appropriate kaupapa Maori methodology was developed which provided a Maori framework to collate, describe, organise and present the information on Maori oral health. In te ao tawhito (the pre-European world of the Maori) there was very little if any dental decay. In te ao hou (the contemporary world of the Maori) Maori do not enjoy the same oral health status as non-Maori across all age groups. The reasons for this health disparity are multifactorial but include the social determinants of health, life style factors and the under-utilisation of health services. In order to address the disparities in Maori oral health, Maori providers have been very eager to establish kaupapa Maori oral health services. The barriers to the development, implementation, and operation of a kaupapa Maori oral health service are many and varied and include access to funding, and racism. Maori health providers have overcome the barriers through two strategies: firstly, the establishment of relationships within both the health sector and the Maori community; and secondly, through their passion and commitment to oranga niho mo te iwi Maori (oral health for all Maori). The outcome of this review will contribute to Maori health gain through the recognition of appropriate models and strategies which can be utilised for the future advancement of Maori oral health services, and hence to an improvement in Maori oral health status. Conclusion: This review of Maori oral health services has found that there are oral health disparities between Maori and non-Maori New Zealanders. In an effort to overcome these disparities Maori have sought to provide kaupapa Maori oral health services. Whilst there is a diversity in the provision of Maori oral health services, kaupapa Maori services have been developed that are appropriate, effective, accessible and affordable. They must have the opportunity to flourish.

The paper applied a content analysis method to examine how myths and legends have been employed by the promotional organization in portraying New Zealand on the official tourism website. The assessment of the website uncovered six main legends which have been presented in the promotion of New Zealand to potential tourists. These traditional tales have been incorporated into the website chiefly as part of Maori heritage attributes in which purakau (the Maori term for legends) represents among crucial aspects in understanding their worldviews and cultural identities. Legends narrating fishing voyages involving demi gods offers a mythological explanation of the origin of the geological formation of islands of New Zealand were presented more than once on the website. Among the legends presented to readers on the websites encompass stories of Tane Mahuta, which depicts the tale of the sky father, the earth mother, and the creation of the world of light that humans live in today. Another unique legend, Paikea the whale rider, is featured as part of the description of a whale-watching attraction in Kaikoura, Christchurch. The overall analysis uncovered that legendary tales are incorporated into the website as the part historical origin of Maori people and in the promotion of several tourist attractions in New Zealand. From a tourism perspective, the representation of these tales enhances the appeal of destinations and make them stand out to visitors. The inclusion of the purakau offers tourists a deeper understanding of the cultural heritage of this country. Furthermore, Maori worldviews on the creation of the universe and formation of the natural environment are transpired. It is noticeable through these legends that Maori people strongly respect their ancestors and highly appreciated natural resources. Finally, the emphasis on environmental conservation and sustainability as ingrained in the tales further supported the overall promotional tagline of 100% Pure New Zealand and the inclusion of Tiaki Promise a commitment to care for New Zealand, for now, and for future generations on the official tourism website.

We examine how accurately the belief system or cultural concepts of Maori, the indigenous people of New Zealand, is reconstructed in the virtual world of the Internet. Nine Maori web sites were searched using a list of 44 key concepts in Maori culture. We registered how many pages within a particular web site contain each of the key concepts. These numbers were set up in a data matrix for further statistical analysis. The Multidimensional Scaling method was used to construct a spatial representation of Maori web sites in the space generated by the key concepts in Maori culture. Using the correlation coefficients between derived dimensions and the key concepts we interpreted three dimensions as General Cultural, Intra-tribe Dynamics and Educational. The position of each Maori web site in this space has been located and described.

This paper takes up one of the conference themes, «Reflection of language contacts in proper names». It deals with the situation in New Zealand where there are some 12,000 gazetted (or official) and an estimated 35,000 nongazetted (or recorded) place names. These names are almost all in Māori and English. The country was settled by the Māori people in the fourteenth century and today about 650,000 people, out of a total population of about 4.3 million, claim Māori descent. Māori named almost all of the country, the names being closely linked to iwi (tribal) histories. Foreigners, almost all English speaking, started visiting the country and giving their names to various places, and from the early nineteenth century two place name systems – Māori and nonMāori – have existed. This paper details the contact between the Māori language, the English language and New Zealand’s place names. It deals with seven matters: (1) Māori settlement and naming; (2) Early nonMāori settlement and naming; (3) the Treaty of Waitangi; (4) post Treaty of Waitangi names; (5) spelling of Māori place names; (6) prounciation of Māori names; and (7) dual and alternative Māori-English place names. Reasons are advanced to explain matters associated with the interlingual problems in the spelling and pronunciation of the place names and the emergence of dual place names.

"E-health has transformed healthcare by improving access and reach of health services, which is now more critical than ever given the COVID-19 pandemic. One aspect of e-health is the delivery of health interventions via the internet or through smartphone apps, known as digital interventions (DI). These DI can improve physical and mental health for people, by modifying behaviour and improving illness management. Despite, the benefits of DI use remains low. One explanation for this low usage is people’s attitudes towards DI. Indeed, having a positive attitude towards DI is associated with an increased likelihood of wanting to engage with DI. Therefore, people’s attitudes towards digital interventions are important in understanding if people are willing to engage with them. To date, limited research exists about attitudes and much of this varies based on region and population. Along, with understanding people’s attitudes it is important to understand what shapes people’s attitudes towards these interventions. Therefore, this study sought to determine New Zealand (NZ) adults’ attitudes towards DI and what shapes these attitudes. In order to address these questions a cross-sectional survey was used. Results indicate that NZ adults have neutral to somewhat positive attitudes to DI and their attitudes are influenced by common factors including: beliefs about accessibility of DI and the COVID-19 experience. These findings suggest that some NZ adults have a positive attitudes to DI, but overall people’s attitudes needed to be addressed to ensure people are ready to use DI."

The arts do not exist in vacuum and cannot be valued in abstract ways; their value is how they make people feel, what they can empower people to do and how they interact with place to create legacy. This research presents insights across Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand about the value of arts and culture that may be factored into whole of government decision making to enable creative, vibrant, liveable and inclusive communities and nations. The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed a great deal about our societies, our collective wellbeing, and how urgent the choices we make now are for our futures. There has been a great deal of discussion – formally and informally – about the value of the arts in our lives at this time. Rightly, it has been pointed out that during this profound disruption entertainment has been a lifeline for many, and this argument serves to re-enforce what the public (and governments) already know about audience behaviours and the economic value of the arts and entertainment sectors. Wesley Enoch stated in The Saturday Paper, “[m]etrics for success are already skewing from qualitative to quantitative. In coming years, this will continue unabated, with impact measured by numbers of eyeballs engaged in transitory exposure or mass distraction rather than deep connection, community development and risk” (2020, 7). This disconnect between the impact of arts and culture on individuals and communities, and what is measured, will continue without leadership from the sector that involves more diverse voices and perspectives. In undertaking this research for Australia Council for the Arts and Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage, New Zealand, the agreed aims of this research are expressed as: 1. Significantly advance the understanding and approaches to design, development and implementation of assessment frameworks to gauge the value and impact of arts engagement with a focus on redefining evaluative practices to determine wellbeing, public value and social inclusion resulting from arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. 2. Develop comprehensive, contemporary, rigorous new language frameworks to account for a multiplicity of understandings related to the value and impact of arts and culture across diverse communities. 3. Conduct sector analysis around understandings of markers of impact and value of arts engagement to identify success factors for broad government, policy, professional practitioner and community engagement. This research develops innovative conceptual understandings that can be used to assess the value and impact of arts and cultural engagement. The discussion shows how interaction with arts and culture creates, supports and extends factors such as public value, wellbeing, and social inclusion. The intersection of previously published research, and interviews with key informants including artists, peak arts organisations, gallery or museum staff, community cultural development organisations, funders and researchers, illuminates the differing perceptions about public value. The report proffers opportunities to develop a new discourse about what the arts contribute, how the contribution can be described, and what opportunities exist to assist the arts sector to communicate outcomes of arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand.

This Evidence Check Review, commissioned by the Cancer Institute NSW, reviewed recent evidence relating to cancer care for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) peoples and Indigenous peoples from New Zealand and Canada. It aimed to identify barriers to accessing screening, diagnosis, treatment, and management; and effective approaches and interventions for improving access to and coordination of care. The review identifies a number of barriers and summarises effective approaches to improving care. It includes identified strategies and models, and presents a set of key considerations and principles that should be at the forefront of all efforts, policies and initiatives to improve cancer outcomes for ATSI Australians.

The global population is getting older. In 2019 there were 703 million people aged ≥65 years. This figure is predicted to double to 1.5 billion, or 16% of the global population, by 2050 (United Nations, 2020). By comparison, Aotearoa New Zealand is expected to see a 36% increase in people aged ≥65 years for the ten years between 2021 and 2031 (Stats NZ, 2020). Since age is the most significant predictor for the most common health conditions, and the prevalence of chronic diseases and disability is also set to increase, pressures on most healthcare services are likely to escalate (Inouye et al., 2021). The Better Later Life (2019–2034) strategy sets out key areas of action for addressing a response to our ageing population. It recognises the importance of promoting healthy ageing and improving access to services as a fundamental part of the realisation of the strategy. A key factor underpinning this action is the education of health professionals. Nurses are at the front line of healthcare and are ideally placed to respond to the changing demographic. As a profession, we need to analyse how well we are preparing nurses for undertaking the work that will be required. As educators, we need to anticipate curriculum developments which may be required to support a well-prepared profession.

Executive Summary Education and health are interrelated. Education is positively associated with health behaviours, life expectancy, and morbidity and is an established social determinant of health. However, for learning to occur, children must be healthy, ready, and able. All too frequently, ill-health compromises learning and school attendance, leading to long-term negative consequences throughout life. Positioning health services alongside schools, and upholding collaborative intersectoral working, has positively impacted education and health outcomes for children and young people internationally. In New Zealand, however, the education and health sectors work in silo with no formal directive to do otherwise. Achieving and maintaining inter-sectoral collaboration is therefore challenging, piecemeal, and time-consuming. It is further complicated by system structure, competing priorities, and differing perspectives of the two sectors and those working within them. This multicase study of three urban primary schools explored the relationship between school staff and health services and the influences on this relationship. The study focused on the experiences and perspectives of participant principals, teachers, teacher aides, administrative staff, and Special Educational Needs Co-ordinators (SENCO) working with health services. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, observations, and reviews of staff professional development and other related learning opportunities. The findings highlighted the uncoordinated working relationship between the health and education sectors in New Zealand and the current barriers to achieving workable, inter-sectoral collaboration. This study has confirmed the need for better inter-sector alignment while acknowledging the interdependence of both sectors. Collaborative inter-sectoral work between education and health is critical. The findings from this study recommend developing and implementing a national policy enabling these sectors to work together to achieve optimal education and health outcomes for children and young people in New Zealand.

How can education in Aotearoa New Zealand respond to climate change? This report, part of our wider education and climate change project, outlines findings from 17 in-depth interviews with individuals with a range of viewpoints about climate change and the role of education. Five priority perspectives are covered: youth (aged 16–25); educators; Māori; Pacific New Zealanders; and people with an academic, education system, or policy perspective. Key findings are: Education offers an important opportunity for diverse children and young people to engage in positive, solutions-focused climate learning and action. Interviewees shared local examples of effective climate change educational practice, but said it was often down to individual teachers, students, and schools choosing to make it a focus. Most interviewees said that climate change needs to be a more visible priority across the education system. The perspectives and examples shared suggest there is scope for growth and development in the way that schools and the wider education system in Aotearoa New Zealand respond to climate change. Interviewees’ experiences suggest that localised innovation and change is possible, particularly when young people and communities are informed about the causes and consequences of climate change, and are engaged with what they can do to make a difference. However, effective responses to climate change are affected by wider systems, societal and political structures, norms, and mindsets. Interviewee recommendations for schools, kura, and other learning settings include: Supporting diverse children and young people to develop their ideas and visions for a sustainable future, and to identify actions they can take to realise that future. Involving children and young people in collective and local approaches, and community-wide responses to climate change. Scaffolding learners to ensure that they were building key knowledge, as well as developing ethical thinking, systems thinking, and critical thinking. Focusing on new career opportunities and pathways in an economic transition to a low-carbon, changed climate future. Getting children and young people engaged and excited about what they can do, rather than disengaged, depressed, or feeling like they have no control of their future.

The micro-geography of people’s wellbeing depends on house and neighbourhood characteristics. We show that the form of tenancy is also important. Identical people in identical settings may have different wellbeing outcomes depending on their security of housing tenure. Our findings utilise a survey administered to residents in public rental housing, private rentals and owner-occupiers in New Zealand, focusing on the capital city, Wellington. Despite selection effects which are likely to bias findings against higher wellbeing for public housing tenants, we find that public tenants have higher subjective wellbeing (WHO-5 and Life satisfaction) than do private tenants, and similar wellbeing to owner-occupiers. Length of tenure helps to explain wellbeing differences between public and private tenants, likely reflecting New Zealand law under which private renters have insecure tenure (relative to many overseas jurisdictions). We find also that wellbeing is associated with residents’ perceptions of house suitability and neighbourhood suitability. House suitability reflects house quality, condition, cold and dampness. Neighbourhood suitability reflects the importance of social capital and of living in a safe area. Some characteristics are more important for certain population groups than for others; hence analysts should be wary of generalising about relationships between microgeographic factors and wellbeing.

How can a socially defined project facilitate meaningful knowledge transfer between community, corporate and institution? In order to address this question, this paper focuses on an ongoing live project in suburban Auckland New Zealand begun in 2010, undertaken by a post-graduate student and researcher collective. The collective currently creates subtle interventions sited within local cyberspace, and through this current project will employ impermanent and small-scale design to advocate for a series of neglected and disputed sites. It explores the impact and value the presence of artists and designers working within local communities can have, and “champions the role of the artist in the development of the public realm, and their intuitive response to spaces, places, people and wildlife” (Wood 2009, p.26). The significance of this project is that it promotes a collaborative and multidisciplinary methodology that works with community groups to advocate to corporate entities for a wider social and environmental awareness of specific sites. This paper aims to explain the processes and findings of the project to date through both its successes and failures. It also proposes the possibility of the methodology being transferred to undergraduate and post-graduate study as a tool to promote multi-disciplined collaborate project briefs that focus on community well being.

How can a socially defined project facilitate meaningful knowledge transfer between community, corporate, and institution? In order to address this question, this paper focuses on an ongoing live project in suburban Auckland New Zealand began in 2010, undertaken by a post-graduate student and researcher collective. The collective currently creates subtle interventions sited within local cyberspace, and through this current project will employ impermanent and small-scale design to advocate for a series of neglected and disputed sites. It explores the impact and value the presence of artists and designers working within local communities can have, and “champions the role of the artist in the development of the public realm, and their intuitive response to spaces, places, people and wildlife” (Wood 2009, p.26). The significance of this project is that it promotes a collaborative and multidisciplinary methodology that works with community groups to advocate to corporate entities for a wider social and environmental awareness of specific sites. This paper aims to explain the processes and findings of the project to date through both its successes and failures. It also proposes the possibility of the methodology being transferred to undergraduate and post-graduate study as a tool to promote multi-disciplined collaborate project briefs that focus on community well being.

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.

Banco de la República is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2023. This is a very significant anniversary and one that provides an opportunity to highlight the contribution the Bank has made to the country’s development. Its track record as guarantor of monetary stability has established it as the one independent state institution that generates the greatest confidence among Colombians due to its transparency, management capabilities, and effective compliance with the central banking and cultural responsibilities entrusted to it by the Constitution and the Law. On a date as important as this, the Board of Directors of Banco de la República (BDBR) pays tribute to the generations of governors and officers whose commitment and dedication have contributed to the growth of this institution.1 Banco de la República’s mandate was confirmed in the National Constitutional Assembly of 1991 where the citizens had the opportunity to elect the seventy people who would have the task of drafting a new constitution. The leaders of the three political movements with the most votes were elected as chairs to the Assembly, and this tripartite presidency reflected the plurality and the need for consensus among the different political groups to move the reform forward. Among the issues considered, the National Constitutional Assembly gave special importance to monetary stability. That is why they decided to include central banking and to provide Banco de la República with the necessary autonomy to use the instruments for which they are responsible without interference from other authorities. The constituent members understood that ensuring price stability is a state duty and that the entity responsible for this task must be enshrined in the Constitution and have the technical capability and institutional autonomy necessary to adopt the decisions they deem appropriate to achieve this fundamental objective in coordination with the general economic policy. In particular, Article 373 established that “the State, through Banco de la República, shall ensure the maintenance of the purchasing power of the currency,” a provision that coincided with the central banking system adopted by countries that have been successful in controlling inflation. In 1999, in Ruling 481, the Constitutional Court stated that “the duty to maintain the purchasing power of the currency applies to not only the monetary, credit, and exchange authority, i.e., the Board of Banco de la República, but also those who have responsibilities in the formulation and implementation of the general economic policy of the country” and that “the basic constitutional purpose of Banco de la República is the protection of a sound currency. However, this authority must take the other economic objectives of state intervention such as full employment into consideration in their decisions since these functions must be coordinated with the general economic policy.” The reforms to Banco de la República agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly of 1991 and in Act 31/1992 can be summarized in the following aspects: i) the Bank was assigned a specific mandate: to maintain the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy; ii) the BDBR was designatedas the monetary, foreign exchange, and credit authority; iii) the Bank and its Board of Directors were granted a significant degree of independence from the government; iv) the Bank was prohibited from granting credit to the private sector except in the case of the financial sector; v) established that in order to grant credit to the government, the unanimous vote of its Board of Directors was required except in the case of open market transactions; vi) determined that the legislature may, in no case, order credit quotas in favor of the State or individuals; vii) Congress was appointed, on behalf of society, as the main addressee of the Bank’s reporting exercise; and viii) the responsibility for inspection, surveillance, and control over Banco de la República was delegated to the President of the Republic. The members of the National Constitutional Assembly clearly understood that the benefits of low and stable inflation extend to the whole of society and contribute mto the smooth functioning of the economic system. Among the most important of these is that low inflation promotes the efficient use of productive resources by allowing relative prices to better guide the allocation of resources since this promotes economic growth and increases the welfare of the population. Likewise, low inflation reduces uncertainty about the expected return on investment and future asset prices. This increases the confidence of economic agents, facilitates long-term financing, and stimulates investment. Since the low-income population is unable to protect itself from inflation by diversifying its assets, and a high proportion of its income is concentrated in the purchase of food and other basic goods that are generally the most affected by inflationary shocks, low inflation avoids arbitrary redistribution of income and wealth.2 Moreover, low inflation facilitates wage negotiations, creates a good labor climate, and reduces the volatility of employment levels. Finally, low inflation helps to make the tax system more transparent and equitable by avoiding the distortions that inflation introduces into the value of assets and income that make up the tax base. From the monetary authority’s point of view, one of the most relevant benefits of low inflation is the credibility that economic agents acquire in inflation targeting, which turns it into an effective nominal anchor on price levels. Upon receiving its mandate, and using its autonomy, Banco de la República began to announce specific annual inflation targets as of 1992. Although the proposed inflation targets were not met precisely during this first stage, a downward trend in inflation was achieved that took it from 32.4% in 1990 to 16.7% in 1998. At that time, the exchange rate was kept within a band. This limited the effectiveness of monetary policy, which simultaneously sought to meet an inflation target and an exchange rate target. The Asian crisis spread to emerging economies and significantly affected the Colombian economy. The exchange rate came under strong pressure to depreciate as access to foreign financing was cut off under conditions of a high foreign imbalance. This, together with the lack of exchange rate flexibility, prevented a countercyclical monetary policy and led to a 4.2% contraction in GDP that year. In this context of economic slowdown, annual inflation fell to 9.2% at the end of 1999, thus falling below the 15% target set for that year. This episode fully revealed how costly it could be, in terms of economic activity, to have inflation and exchange rate targets simultaneously. Towards the end of 1999, Banco de la República announced the adoption of a new monetary policy regime called the Inflation Targeting Plan. This regime, known internationally as ‘Inflation Targeting,’ has been gaining increasing acceptance in developed countries, having been adopted in 1991 by New Zealand, Canada, and England, among others, and has achieved significant advances in the management of inflation without incurring costs in terms of economic activity. In Latin America, Brazil and Chile also adopted it in 1999. In the case of Colombia, the last remaining requirement to be fulfilled in order to adopt said policy was exchange rate flexibility. This was realized around September 1999, when the BDBR decided to abandon the exchange-rate bands to allow the exchange rate to be freely determined in the market.Consistent with the constitutional mandate, the fundamental objective of this new policy approach was “the achievement of an inflation target that contributes to maintaining output growth around its potential.”3 This potential capacity was understood as the GDP growth that the economy can obtain if it fully utilizes its productive resources. To meet this objective, monetary policy must of necessity play a countercyclical role in the economy. This is because when economic activity is below its potential and there are idle resources, the monetary authority can reduce the interest rate in the absence of inflationary pressure to stimulate the economy and, when output exceeds its potential capacity, raise it. This policy principle, which is immersed in the models for guiding the monetary policy stance, makes the following two objectives fully compatible in the medium term: meeting the inflation target and achieving a level of economic activity that is consistent with its productive capacity. To achieve this purpose, the inflation targeting system uses the money market interest rate (at which the central bank supplies primary liquidity to commercial banks) as the primary policy instrument. This replaced the quantity of money as an intermediate monetary policy target that Banco de la República, like several other central banks, had used for a long time. In the case of Colombia, the objective of the new monetary policy approach implied, in practical terms, that the recovery of the economy after the 1999 contraction should be achieved while complying with the decreasing inflation targets established by the BDBR. The accomplishment of this purpose was remarkable. In the first half of the first decade of the 2000s, economic activity recovered significantly and reached a growth rate of 6.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, inflation gradually declined in line with inflation targets. That was how the inflation rate went from 9.2% in 1999 to 4.5% in 2006, thus meeting the inflation target established for that year while GDP reached its potential level. After this balance was achieved in 2006, inflation rebounded to 5.7% in 2007, above the 4.0% target for that year due to the fact that the 7.5% GDP growth exceeded the potential capacity of the economy.4 After proving the effectiveness of the inflation targeting system in its first years of operation, this policy regime continued to consolidate as the BDBR and the technical staff gained experience in its management and state-of-the-art economic models were incorporated to diagnose the present and future state of the economy and to assess the persistence of inflation deviations and expectations with respect to the inflation target. Beginning in 2010, the BDBR established the long-term 3.0% annual inflation target, which remains in effect today. Lower inflation has contributed to making the macroeconomic environment more stable, and this has favored sustained economic growth, financial stability, capital market development, and the functioning of payment systems. As a result, reductions in the inflationary risk premia and lower TES and credit interest rates were achieved. At the same time, the duration of public domestic debt increased significantly going from 2.27 years in December 2002 to 5.86 years in December 2022, and financial deepening, measured as the level of the portfolio as a percentage of GDP, went from around 20% in the mid-1990s to values above 45% in recent years in a healthy context for credit institutions.Having been granted autonomy by the Constitution to fulfill the mandate of preserving the purchasing power of the currency, the tangible achievements made by Banco de la República in managing inflation together with the significant benefits derived from the process of bringing inflation to its long-term target, make the BDBR’s current challenge to return inflation to the 3.0% target even more demanding and pressing. As is well known, starting in 2021, and especially in 2022, inflation in Colombia once again became a serious economic problem with high welfare costs. The inflationary phenomenon has not been exclusive to Colombia and many other developed and emerging countries have seen their inflation rates move away from the targets proposed by their central banks.5 The reasons for this phenomenon have been analyzed in recent Reports to Congress, and this new edition delves deeper into the subject with updated information. The solid institutional and technical base that supports the inflation targeting approach under which the monetary policy strategy operates gives the BDBR the necessary elements to face this difficult challenge with confidence. In this regard, the BDBR reiterated its commitment to the 3.0% inflation target in its November 25 communiqué and expects it to be reached by the end of 2024.6 Monetary policy will continue to focus on meeting this objective while ensuring the sustainability of economic activity, as mandated by the Constitution. Analyst surveys done in March showed a significant increase (from 32.3% in January to 48.5% in March) in the percentage of responses placing inflation expectations two years or more ahead in a range between 3.0% and 4.0%. This is a clear indication of the recovery of credibility in the medium-term inflation target and is consistent with the BDBR’s announcement made in November 2022. The moderation of the upward trend in inflation seen in January, and especially in February, will help to reinforce this revision of inflation expectations and will help to meet the proposed targets. After reaching 5.6% at the end of 2021, inflation maintained an upward trend throughout 2022 due to inflationary pressures from both external sources, associated with the aftermath of the pandemic and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and domestic sources, resulting from: strengthening of local demand; price indexation processes stimulated by the increase in inflation expectations; the impact on food production caused by the mid-2021 strike; and the pass-through of depreciation to prices. The 10% increase in the minimum wage in 2021 and the 16% increase in 2022, both of which exceeded the actual inflation and the increase in productivity, accentuated the indexation processes by establishing a high nominal adjustment benchmark. Thus, total inflation went to 13.1% by the end of 2022. The annual change in food prices, which went from 17.2% to 27.8% between those two years, was the most influential factor in the surge in the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Another segment that contributed significantly to price increases was regulated products, which saw the annual change go from 7.1% in December 2021 to 11.8% by the end of 2022. The measure of core inflation excluding food and regulated items, in turn, went from 2.5% to 9.5% between the end of 2021 and the end of 2022. The substantial increase in core inflation shows that inflationary pressure has spread to most of the items in the household basket, which is characteristic of inflationary processes with generalized price indexation as is the case in Colombia. Monetary policy began to react early to this inflationary pressure. Thus, starting with its September 2021 session, the BDBR began a progressive change in the monetary policy stance moving away from the historical low of a 1.75% policy rate that had intended to stimulate the recovery of the economy. This adjustment process continued without interruption throughout 2022 and into the beginning of 2023 when the monetary policy rate reached 12.75% last January, thus accumulating an increase of 11 percentage points (pp). The public and the markets have been surprised that inflation continued to rise despite significant interest rate increases. However, as the BDBR has explained in its various communiqués, monetary policy works with a lag. Just as in 2022 economic activity recovered to a level above the pre-pandemic level, driven, along with other factors, by the monetary stimulus granted during the pandemic period and subsequent months, so too the effects of the current restrictive monetary policy will gradually take effect. This will allow us to expect the inflation rate to converge to 3.0% by the end of 2024 as is the BDBR’s purpose.Inflation results for January and February of this year showed declining marginal increases (13 bp and 3 bp respectively) compared to the change seen in December (59 bp). This suggests that a turning point in the inflation trend is approaching. In other Latin American countries such as Chile, Brazil, Perú, and Mexico, inflation has peaked and has begun to decline slowly, albeit with some ups and downs. It is to be expected that a similar process will take place in Colombia in the coming months. The expected decline in inflation in 2023 will be due, along with other factors, to lower cost pressure from abroad as a result of the gradual normalization of supply chains, the overcoming of supply shocks caused by the weather, and road blockades in previous years. This will be reflected in lower adjustments in food prices, as has already been seen in the first two months of the year and, of course, the lagged effect of monetary policy. The process of inflation convergence to the target will be gradual and will extend beyond 2023. This process will be facilitated if devaluation pressure is reversed. To this end, it is essential to continue consolidating fiscal sustainability and avoid messages on different public policy fronts that generate uncertainty and distrust. 1 This Report to Congress includes Box 1, which summarizes the trajectory of Banco de la República over the past 100 years. In addition, under the Bank’s auspices, several books that delve into various aspects of the history of this institution have been published in recent years. See, for example: Historia del Banco de la República 1923-2015; Tres banqueros centrales; Junta Directiva del Banco de la República: grandes episodios en 30 años de historia; Banco de la República: 90 años de la banca central en Colombia. 2 This is why lower inflation has been reflected in a reduction of income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient that went from 58.7 in 1998 to 51.3 in the year prior to the pandemic. 3 See Gómez Javier, Uribe José Darío, Vargas Hernando (2002). “The Implementation of Inflation Targeting in Colombia”. Borradores de Economía, No. 202, March, available at: https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/5220 4 See López-Enciso Enrique A.; Vargas-Herrera Hernando and Rodríguez-Niño Norberto (2016). “The inflation targeting strategy in Colombia. An historical view.” Borradores de Economía, No. 952. https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/6263 5 According to the IMF, the percentage change in consumer prices between 2021 and 2022 went from 3.1% to 7.3% for advanced economies, and from 5.9% to 9.9% for emerging market and developing economies. 6 https://www.banrep.gov.co/es/noticias/junta-directiva-banco-republica-reitera-meta-inflacion-3