Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Manque de fluidité"

Abstract The present article investigates the concept of naturalness in literary translation. The aim of the investigation is to delineate an integrated approach to 'natural' translation, the essence of which lies in creating a compromise between accurate rendition and literary reproduction. Such a compromise entails attaining an artistic verbal smoothness which transcends the level of ordinary language. To this end, natural translation calls for a utilization of the target language's resources that will make the translation read like an authentic target language (TL) work, while preserving the content intact. The article thus identifies naturalness as the achievement of authentic TL style, and unnaturalness as the hybrid language of literal rendition, i.e. translationese that may be unacceptable or unintelligible. It detects the actualization of an authentic style of Arabic rendition on several levels: lexical, sentential, cohesive and idiomatic. On the lexical level, naturalness is delimited in terms of proper choice of appropriate vocabulary. On the sentential level, well-formedness is posited as the feature of naturalness which outlines a rhetorically natural sentence, besides other concomitant features. On the cohesive level, the features of a natural target text are based on the use of cohesive devices to a greater or lesser degree than the source text in general and on the propriety of their use in particular instances. At the idiomatic level, we mention idioms and proverbs but concentrate, with examples, on collocations. Résumé Cet article examine la notion de naturel dans la traduction des textes littéraires dans le but de cerner une approche intégrée de la traduction 'naturelle' qui consiste essentiellement à obtenir un compromis entre un rendu fidèle et une reproduction littéraire. Ce compromis exige une fluidité verbale artistique qui dépasse le niveau de la langue ordinaire. La traduction naturelle doit donc utiliser toutes les ressources de la langue d'arrivée pour que la traduction se lise comme ouvrage littéraire rédigé dans cette langue d'arrivée, tout en respectant fidèlement le contenu. Dans leur article, les auteurs définissent donc le naturel comme l'obtention d'un style authentique dans la langue d'arrivée, et le manque de naturel comme un langage hybride avec un rendu littéral, c'est-à-dire des traductions susceptibles d'être inacceptables ou incompréhensibles. L'article analyse comment mettre en oeuvre, à différents niveaux, un style authentique en arabe: lexicologie, phraséologie, cohérence et usage d'expressions idiomatiques. En ce qui concerne le niveau lexicologique, le naturel se définit comme étant le choix correct d'un vocabulaire approprié. Au niveau phraséologi-que, des phrases formées correctement sont la caractéristique du naturel qui fait apparaître, à côté d'autres propriétés, la rhétorique naturelle de la phrase. Au niveau de la cohérence, les caractéristiques d'un texte rédigé avec naturel dans la langue cible sont basées sur des mécanismes utilisés plus ou moins intensivement que dans le texte d'origine en général et sur leur utilisation appropriée dans certains cas particuliers. Au niveau des expressions idiomatiques, les auteurs mentionnent de telles expressions ainsi que des proverbes, mais se concentrent, en donnant des exemples, sur des collocations.

Le 1 er janvier 2021, soit quatre ans et demi après le référendum en faveur du Brexit, le Royaume-Uni est sorti de l’union douanière, et donc de la libre-circulation des marchandises, entraînant un rétablissement des formalités douanières. L’impact est particulièrement fort pour la France, du fait de la volumétrie des échanges sur la façade Manche – mer du Nord (30 millions de voyageurs et 4,2 millions de poids lourds), de la fréquence des rotations (50 rotations de ferries par jour à Calais), des temps de traversée très brefs. Cela a conduit à mettre en place des procédures d’identification des moyens de transport, de traitement de déclarations en douane sur les marchandises transportées, et la construction d’infrastructures de contrôle sur des sites qui avaient été conçus dans un contexte de libre-circulation. La douane a relevé le défi du rétablissement d’une frontière et de contrôles tout en maintenant la fluidité des échanges.

The increasing demand for freight services and the use of larger vessels to meet this demand has led to challenges related to storage space and logistics activities, highlighting the need for improvements in port infrastructure for better logistics management. At a crucial phase in its growth, the Port of Trois-Rivières in Canada is planning a major expansion, including the construction of a new terminal to enhance its hosting capacities and freight services. This expansion faces potential access congestion problems during the planned construction, exacerbated by the port’s urban setting. In response to the needs identified by the port authorities for this event, the study’s objective is to assess the implications of increased construction and freight truck flows on access gate fluidity and the impact of additional access infrastructure investment to mitigate potential congestion. These evaluations aim to define effective access management strategies throughout the construction period of the new terminal. To address these complexities, our approach is based on scenario analysis in variants co-constructed with the partner. These scenarios are evaluated using simulation models, configured according to parameters calibrated with a granularity that allows congestion detection. The results enabled an evaluation of the capability of existing and potential gates to manage access. Subsequently, recommendations were shaped in accordance with the expected objectives to manage access traffic effectively. These recommendations concern the optimization of construction activity planning, the layout and planning of access, and the importance of enhanced collaboration between municipal and port authorities for more controlled road traffic management. Recognizing the importance of synchromodality, road network centrality management, and the outsourcing of capacity through inter-port cooperation and with dry ports to manage congestion, these tools will be discussed in this work. The study proposes an approach that reconciles scientific rigor with the implementation constraints of the proposed solutions, allowing this study wider applicability in various port contexts facing challenges in this field of study.

Respiratory tract infections (RTIs) are usually characterized by mucus hypersecretion. This condition may worsen and prolong symptoms and signs. For this reason, reducing mucus production and improving mucus removal represent relevant aspects of managing patients with RTIs. In this regard, mucoactive drugs may be effective. Mucoactive agents constitute a large class of compounds characterized by different mechanisms of action. Sobrerol is a monoterpene able to fluidify mucus, increase mucociliary clearance, and exert antioxidant activity. Sobrerol is available in various formulations (granules, syrup, nebulized, and suppository). Sobrerol has been on the market for over 50 years. Therefore, the present article revised the evidence concerning this compound and proposed new possible strategies. The literature analysis showed that several studies investigated the efficacy and safety of sobrerol in acute and chronic RTIs characterized by mucus hyperproduction. Seven pediatric studies have been conducted with favorable outcomes. However, the regulatory agencies recently reduced the treatment duration to three days. Therefore, a future study will test the hypothesis that a combination of oral and topical sobrerol could benefit children and adults with frequent respiratory tract infections. The rationale of this new approach is based on the concept that mucus accumulation could be a risk factor for increased susceptibility to infections.

Calais a toujours été au centre des grands enjeux internationaux entre le Royaume-Uni et l’Europe, en raison de sa situation géographique, mais aussi de ses liens historiques avec la Grande-Bretagne. Le premier enjeu est économique avec deux plateformes transmanche – le port de Calais et le Tunnel sous la manche – qui agissent comme un vrai poumon économique aux niveaux local et régional. Calais est également l’épicentre d’une forte pression migratoire, au cœur des politiques et des relations gouvernementales françaises et britanniques, et dont la physionomie est changeante (problématique des « small-boats », troubles à l’ordre public…). Le Brexit a par ailleurs complexifié la gestion de la frontière franco-britannique de Calais en imposant désormais des contrôles sur les marchandises et les voyageurs, tout en assurant le défi de la fluidité du trafic qui est la base du modèle économique local. Si les différents accords entre la France et le Royaume-Uni ont permis d’avoir une frontière juxtaposée spécifique à Calais et d’accompagner financièrement la lutte contre l’immigration clandestine, c’est bien toujours grâce à l’adaptation des services de l’État et à la bonne coopération franco-britannique sur le terrain – au plan opérationnel et sur le volet du renseignement – que ces défis frontaliers peuvent être relevés au quotidien.

This study examines the intergenerational transmission of family resources (class, education and income) on people’s educational and occupational attainment in their early career life. It asks whether parental resources remain effective or fall into insignificance. It also asks whether the resources operate in a similar way for the ethnic minorities as for the majority. Drawing on data from the Longitudinal Study of Young Persons in England, the study focuses on resource transmission in degree attainment, access to elite class position, unemployment rates, labour market earnings, and continuous income. In each aspect, we test not only the net effects of parental resources, but also the differential transmission between the majority and ethnic minority groups. The analysis shows strong effects of parental resources on educational and occupational attainment for whites but rather weak effects for the ethnic minorities. Ethnic minority children tend to grow up in poor families, yet even those whose parents manage to achieve socio-economic parity with whites do not enjoy similar benefits. Reducing inequality in family socio-economic conditions and inequality in labour market opportunities is key to achieving social justice.

The body has come to play an increasingly crucial role in social context, where appearance represents the privileged sphere for self-expression and identity construction. Among the many ways of decorating, adorning and camouflaging the body, some traditional techniques (tattoing, piercing, scarification) are competing with newer and technological ones (aesthetic surgery, implants) to shape and portray individualities. On the one hand, those techniques are borrowing from the world of fashion purposes and codes of presentation, on the other hand, they challenge that fluidity and continuous change by materializing long term identity projects aimed at resisting transformation.In both cases individuals refer to the body as a privileged realm to narrate and reflect upon their own personal story, they also seem more capable to manage the different techniques, and to mix them for their expressive purposes. The result is a combination of visual codes that can reveal different bodily models as well as different ways of experiencing corporeality and embodiment.The article tries to account for this variety by referring to a research carried out on four techniques (tattoing, scarification, aesthetic surgery and piercing) among a group of users and professionals.

This article compares the practice of great power federalism in terms of global/local economic policy and relations in a context of expanding regional influence and transcontinental reach. The authors contrast China's recent decentralization experience with that of the FRG and the United States with respect to management of productive ventures, regulation of the economy, trade and commerce, fiscal relations, monetary policy and labor mobility. The three great-power states manage their complex and far-reaching economies through systems of multi-level governance that exhibit elements of convergence at the same time as each is headed in a defining direction. German federalism is making room for supranational involvement, US federalism emphasizes new managerialism at all levels of government and China's post Mao de facto federalism is launching provincial and sub-provincial governments on a booming economic trajectory. China's recent performance is particularly impressive given the size of its population and the extent to which its economy has been transformed and energized. In key respects, China's administrative system is the most decentralized and fluid. The effective participation of Chinese sub-national entities in transterritorial economic undertakings is particularly striking. China's experience suggests that the requisite energy and capacity to tackle trans-national economic challenges might lie at the sub-national level. Given the shifting nature of global pressures and local priorities, the extra-organizational sensitivities and linkages of sub-national public managers must include proximate and distant economic conditions, central government overseers and trans-national actors. In this dynamic context, the most fluid forms of federalism are likely to have an edge.

ABSTRACTThis paper will propose methods to use leaf vasculature formations to advance a material to act as an infrared block. The research shows the use of microfluidics based flows to direct the structural assembly of a polymer into a thermally functional material. To manage IR radiation stop-band to lower a polymer device phase transition temperature. This paper will determine this functionality by hierarchical multi microchannel network scaling, to regulate laminar flow rate by analysis as a resistor circuit.Nature uses vasculature formations to modulate irradiance absorption by laminar fluidic flow, for dehydration and autonomous self-healing surfaces as a photoactive system. This paper will focus specifically on pressure drop characterization, as a method of regulating fluidic flow. This approach will ultimately lead to desired morphology, in a functional material to enhance its ability to capture and store energy. The research demonstrates a resistor conduit network can define flow target resistance, that is determined by iterative procedure and validated by CFD. This algorithm approach, which generates multi microchannel optimization, is achieved through pressure equalization in diminishing flow pressure variation. This is functionality significant in achieving a flow parabolic profile, for a fully developed flow rate within conduit networks. Using precise hydrodynamics is the mechanism for thermal material characterization to act as a switchable IR absorber. This absorber uses switching of water flow as a thermal switching medium to regulate heat transport flow. The paper will define a microfluidic network as a resistor to enhance the visible transmission and solar modulation properties by microfluidics for transition temperature decrease.

AbstractThe Xinjiang Class (Xinjiang neidi ban, or Xinjiangban) has far-reaching implications for Beijing's governance of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. Existing literature has focused primarily on the Uyghur–Han dichotomy, with limited attention being paid to the actual multi-ethnic interactions that constitute the situated dynamics of policy implementation. Utilizing the notions of the space of prescription and the space of negotiation to develop an analytical framework, this paper argues that social relations in the Xinjiangban are ongoing constructions borne by everyday experiences of domination and negotiation, and that space is constitutive of this situated dynamic. Based on nearly four years of research at a Xinjiangban, we make a case for the fluidity and incoherence of the implementation of the Xinjiangban policy. Those who implement it at the school level produce a space of prescription that deploys specific spatial–temporal arrangements to manage expressions of ethnic identity. Driven by the need to achieve upward mobility, minority students are open-minded about the Han- and patriotism-centred education. However, they use innovative and improvised tactics to create spaces of negotiation to re-assert their ethnicities. In the Xinjiangban, minority students do comply with spaces of prescription, but they simultaneously keep their ethnic and religious practices alive.

Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has emerged as a global health threat, necessitating immediate actions to develop novel antimicrobial strategies and enforce strong stewardship of existing antibiotics to manage the emergence of drug-resistant strains. This issue is particularly concerning when it comes to Gram-negative bacteria, which possess an almost impenetrable outer membrane (OM) that acts as a formidable barrier to existing antimicrobial compounds. This OM is an asymmetric structure, composed of various components that confer stability, fluidity, and integrity to the bacterial cell. The maintenance and restoration of membrane integrity are regulated by envelope stress response systems (ESRs), which monitor its assembly and detect damages caused by external insults. Bacterial communities encounter a wide range of environmental niches to which they must respond and adapt for survival, sustenance, and virulence. ESRs play crucial roles in coordinating the expression of virulence factors, adaptive physiological behaviors, and antibiotic resistance determinants. Given their role in regulating bacterial cell physiology and maintaining membrane homeostasis, ESRs present promising targets for drug development. Considering numerous studies highlighting the involvement of ESRs in virulence, antibiotic resistance, and alternative resistance mechanisms in pathogens, this review aims to present these systems as potential drug targets, thereby encouraging further research in this direction.

Abstract Tissue-engineered living machines is an emerging discipline that employs complex interactions between living cells and engineered scaffolds to self-assemble biohybrid systems for diverse scientific research and technological applications. Here, we report an adaptive, autonomous biohybrid pumping machine with flow loop feedback powered by engineered living muscles. The tissue is made from skeletal muscle cells (C2C12) and collagen I/Matrigel matrix, which self-assembles into a ring that compresses a soft hydrogel tube connected at both ends to a rigid fluidic platform. The muscle ring contracts in a repetitive fashion autonomously squeezing the tube, resulting in an impedance pump. The resulting flow is circulated back to the muscle ring forming a feedback loop, which allows the pump to respond to the cues received from the flow it generates and adaptively manage its pumping performances based on the feedback. The developed biohybrid pumping system may have broad utility and impact in health, medicine and bioengineering.

Artificial technologies are rapidly becoming one of the most powerful and popular technologies for solving complicated problems involving distributed systems. Nevertheless, their potential for application to advanced artificial transportation systems has not been sufficiently explored. This paper presents a traffic optimization system based on agent technology and fuzzy logic that aims to manage road traffic, prioritize emergency vehicles, and promote collective modes of transport in smart cities. This approach aims to optimize traffic light control at a signalized intersection by acting on the length and order of traffic light phases in order to favor priority flows and fluidize traffic at an isolated intersection and for the whole multi-intersection network, through both inter- and intra-intersection collaboration and coordination. Regulation and prioritization decisions are made on real-time monitoring through cooperation, communication, and coordination between decentralized agents. The performance of the proposed system is investigated by implementing it in the AnyLogic simulator, using a section of the road network that contains priority links. The results indicate that our system can significantly increase the efficiency of the traffic regulation system.

Evidence shows that verbal communication is just one of the ways patients indicate their wishes. For a sufficiently careful communication, we should also grasp other five unusual though evident languages: (a) body language, (b) the way patients manage their environment, (c) unconscious language, (d) lab-evidenced language, and (e) the way they master technology. So, we have six languages that should be intertwined to understand the real language of the sick. Grasping these languages helps health professionals frame the patient's mood, their level of suffering or mental growth, and understand what words alone cannot express. Words cannot express completely what a patient senses: for subjection, shyness, because some patients are still non-verbal or because verbal communication is just a useful way of freezing concept but has not the same fluidity and liberty of the other above-described languages. It is mandatory for caregivers to wonder how many of these languages they are actually decrypting during an interview with the patient. On the other hand, caregivers unconsciously communicate much through two unexpected languages: the architectural language and the language of medical procedures. The way they welcome or obstruct the patient, their hesitations across a treatment, or in showing a serene collegiality are forms of subtle communication. A paradigmatic scenario where all these languages should be implemented is the “informed consent” process, which should be turned into a “shared therapeutic pathway”, summing up all the communicative modes illustrated in the text.

Human bone marrow-derived mesenchymal stem cells (hBM-MSCs) have been studied for their application to manage various neurological diseases, owing to their anti-inflammatory, immunomodulatory, paracrine, and antiapoptotic ability, as well as their homing capacity to specific regions of brain injury. Among mesenchymal stem cells, such as BM-MSCs, adipose-derived MSCs, and umbilical cord MSCs, BM-MSCs have many merits as cell therapeutic agents based on their widespread availability and relatively easy attainability and in vitro handling. For stem cell-based therapy with BM-MSCs, it is essential to perform ex vivo expansion as low numbers of MSCs are obtained in bone marrow aspirates. Depending on timing, before hBM-MSC transplantation into patients, after detaching them from the culture dish, cell viability, deformability, cell size, and membrane fluidity are decreased, whereas reactive oxygen species generation, lipid peroxidation, and cytosolic vacuoles are increased. Thus, the quality and freshness of hBM-MSCs decrease over time after detachment from the culture dish. Especially, for neurological disease cell therapy, the deformability of BM-MSCs is particularly important in the brain for the development of microvessels. As studies on the traditional characteristics of hBM-MSCs before transplantation into the brain are very limited, omics and machine learning approaches are needed to evaluate cell conditions with indepth and comprehensive analyses. Here, we provide an overview of hBM-MSCs, the application of these cells to various neurological diseases, and improvements in their quality and freshness based on integrated omics after detachment from the culture dish for successful cell therapy.

Abstract. The tradition of memorialising people and events through physical constructions such as statues and monuments like in many countries, has shaped the public space of a modern South Africa. Considering the colonial and apartheid history of South Africa, these physical markers, often uncontextualized, continue to maintain positions of prominence within the modern streetscape.Since the turn of the democratic era in South Africa, a pressing need has existed to assess the impact of the markers on the heritage landscape of the country. An endeavour made more difficult by a lack of a comprehensive inventory of these resources across the country.The National Audit of Monuments and Memorials (NAMM) was designed to address this gap through a full national survey of monuments and memorials, conducted under the auspices of a job creation stimulus package designed to create short term employment in the wake of the economic fallout from the Covid-19 pandemic. Undertaking this project under this funding mechanism required that all phases of the project be undertaken within a six-month period.The compressed timeframes associated with this project required an approach that could support a level of fluidity to address the challenges of undertaking a project of this nature, whilst ensuring that the data collected by field surveyors can be monitored and included in the inventory of the national estate in an effective manner.The aim of this paper is to discuss and showcase the tools and workflows used to roll out and manage the large-scale national audit of monuments and memorials across South Africa.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to encourage initiatives to train large cohorts of undergraduate students for creativity understanding. The authors describe a case study of a creativity exercise developed within a corporate setting that accommodates a large cohort and discuss the results of empirical research on this teaching experience at a French Business School. The authors reflect on the transferability of this exercise by other educators to similar educational contexts and the usefulness of training future managers to a structured creativity methodology to be exploited in the workplace. Design/methodology/approach – A case study explains the features of the exercise. Hard data on students’ perceptions and motivation/satisfaction prior to and after the creativity exercise was collected through an internet self-completed survey instrument. In total, 245 pairs of survey responses from first-year students were analysed using prototypical analysis, paired samples t-test and content analysis. Findings – The exercise proved an effective tool to help large cohorts of undergraduates to better understand that creativity is a managerial competence that can be trained. The authors particularly underlined the need for fluidity in the organisation of the exercise; use of a clear creativity process and methodology; the necessity to involve an external creativity consultant; and the importance of the chosen topic being non art related. In the workplace, this understanding of creativity methodologies will enable future managers to support, promote and manage creativity endeavours. Originality/value – This paper encourages initiatives and provides insights into the difficulties of training large cohorts of undergraduate students for understanding the concept of creativity.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the orientations of collaborative networks (CNs) for managing integrated information flow. It seeks to analyse and shed light into the main priorities of firms for sharing and coordinating information with CN partners. These priorities are needed to enhance practices to trade-off and integrate flows where appropriate for maximising profits and performance. Design/methodology/approach – In this study, inductive multiple-case logic is applied to research how six industrial firms manage integrated information flow in relation to their collaborative networked organisations (CNOs). Guided by an interpretivism epistemology, 22 face-to-face and 13 telephonic semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 key informants in six industrial firms. Interview data were analysed in line with the research agenda to understand orientations for integrated information flow. Findings – The research finds that CN management is enhanced when flow integration for industrial firms is skill, project, agreement and relationship oriented. The investigation also finds that CNO flow integration could be enhanced when industrial firms confront and prioritise schemes for fluidity prevention, systematised templates, procedural prompts, implementation checklists, confidence building, issuance policies and concern separation. Originality/value – The major contribution of this paper is an exposition on priorities for integrated information flow within CNs. It also offers insights that suggest industrial firms can boost the performance of their CNOs by: working in small knit highly skilled teams, tactically implementing manufacturability and marketability programmes, strategising their production contracts and strengthening their company-customer-supplier ties.

Alternative drug delivery approaches to treat cardiovascular diseases are currently under intense investigation. In this domain, the possibility to target the heart and tailor the amount of drug dose by using a combination of magnetic nanoparticles (NPs) and electromagnetic devices is a fascinating approach. Here, an electromagnetic device based on Helmholtz coils was generated for the application of low-frequency magnetic stimulations to manage drug release from biocompatible superparamagnetic Fe-hydroxyapatite NPs (FeHAs). Integrated with a fluidic circuit mimicking the flow of the cardiovascular environment, the device was efficient to trigger the release of a model drug (ibuprofen) from FeHAs as a function of the applied frequencies. Furthermore, the biological effects on the cardiac system of the identified electromagnetic exposure were assessed in vitro and in vivo by acute stimulation of isolated adult cardiomyocytes and in an animal model. The cardio-compatibility of FeHAs was also assessed in vitro and in an animal model. No alterations of cardiac electrophysiological properties were observed in both cases, providing the evidence that the combination of low-frequency magnetic stimulations and FeHAs might represent a promising strategy for controlled drug delivery to the failing heart.

Microscale gas chromatography (μGC) systems are miniaturized instruments that typically incorporate one or several microfabricated fluidic elements; such systems are generally well suited for the automated sampling and analysis of gas-phase chemicals. Advanced μGC systems may incorporate more than 15 elements and operate these elements in different coordinated sequences to execute complex operations. In particular, the control software must manage the sampling and analysis operations of the μGC system in a time-sensitive manner; while operating multiple control loops, it must also manage error conditions, data acquisition, and user interactions when necessary. To address these challenges, this work describes the investigation of multithreaded control software and its evaluation with a representative μGC system. The μGC system is based on a progressive cellular architecture that uses multiple μGC cells to efficiently broaden the range of chemical analytes, with each cell incorporating multiple detectors. Implemented in Python language version 3.7.3 and executed by an embedded single-board computer, the control software enables the concurrent control of heaters, pumps, and valves while also gathering data from thermistors, pressure sensors, capacitive detectors, and photoionization detectors. A graphical user interface (UI) that operates on a laptop provides visualization of control parameters in real time. In experimental evaluations, the control software provided successful operation and readout for all the components, including eight sets of thermistors and heaters that form temperature feedback loops, two sets of pressure sensors and tunable gas pumps that form pressure head feedback loops, six capacitive detectors, three photoionization detectors, six valves, and an additional fixed-flow gas pump. A typical run analyzing 18 chemicals is presented. Although the operating system does not guarantee real-time operation, the relative standard deviations of the control loop timings were <0.5%. The control software successfully supported >1000 μGC runs that analyzed various chemical mixtures.

Transitions are part of the experience of Higher Education. These include beginnings, endings and also frequent transitions across physical and online settings, particularly for those on professional programmes where continual movements between work-based placements and university environments are commonplace. This paper argues that such transitions can be regarded as chronotopic movements. A chronotope (Bakhtin, 1981) is a space:time configuration where time and space are dialectically related and where such relationships help to make transitions meaningful. Rather than seeing space as a container and time as immutable, chronotopes allow us to understand how spatiality and temporality can act as resources in learning (Lemke, 2004). Networked learning can also be understood chronotopically through shifting and evolving forms of digital and physical space that are constructed through time and changes in culture. The paper draws on findings from a study of third year medical students on clinical placements going through daily transitions between clinical and educational settings. Students were transitioning between different cultures and practices involving new ways of working, access to and use of technology and where the culture of clinical specialisms heavily influenced both available tools and practices. Networked technologies helped students create stability, as they were learning whilst on the move and needed to transport work with them. Moving between different settings and contexts was very time and resource intensive and assumptions were made by tutors about the ease of transitions. Students constructed new artefacts, in response to the need to manage and make sense of multiple resources and types of information. Working across boundaries and in new space:time configurations was also found to involve frequent adaptations of roles where student agency and resourcefulness were critical. Digital media are culturally situated tools and artefacts, forming part of students' identity performances (Holland et al, 1998) as they moved between different specialisms and settings. The paper concludes that networked learning environments helped in managing the fluidity and changes of space and time when working and learning across changing contexts. Chronotopes acted as resources to help students make sense of their education and manage the continual changes of culture and identity, contingent on agency and available tools and artefacts. Networked learning environments offer distinct and dynamic chronotopes, allowing new forms of practice and discourse to emerge which are critical for students' sense making when transitioning between contexts and cultures.

Renewables should become more continuously available, reliable and cost-efficient to manage the challenges caused by the energy transition. Thus, analytic and numerical investigations for the layout of a pilot plant of a concept called Fluidisation-Based Particle Thermal Energy Storage (FP-TES)—a highly flexible, short- to long-term fluidised bed regenerative heat storage utilising a pressure gradient for hot powder transport, and thus enabling minimal losses, high energy densities, compact construction and countercurrent heat exchange—are presented in this article. Such devices in decentralised set-up—being included in energy- and especially heat-intensive industries, storing latent or sensible heat or power-to-heat to minimise losses and compensate fluctuations—can help to achieve the above-stated goals. Part I of this article is focused on geometrical and fluidic design via numerical investigations utilising Computational Particle Fluid Dynamics (CPFD). In the process a controlled transient simulation method called co-simulation of FP-TES is developed forming the basis for test bench design and execution of further co-simulation. Within this process an advanced design of rotational symmetric hoppers with additional baffles in the heat exchanger (HEX) and internal pipes to stabilise the particle mass flow is developed. Moreover, a contribution bulk heat conductivity is presented to demonstrate low thermal losses and limited needs for thermal insulation by taking into account the thermal insulation of the outer layer of the hopper.

Neste artigo objetiva-se compreender a regulamentação do voto plural, bem como se pode ser instrumento de controle dos minoritários em sociedades empresárias emergentes. As alterações promovidas da Lei de Sociedade Anônima apresentaram possibilidades de utilização do voto plural na realidade empresarial brasileira. Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, além da revisão bibliográfica, optou-se pela utilização do método dedutivo, com base na pesquisa doutrinária, no exame de textos constitucionais e legais. Reduziu-se a incidência da regra one share, one vote (uma ação, um voto), o que permitiu a introdução de ações dual-class share (compartilhamento de classe dupla), que possibilita a supressão ou o incremento quantitativo do direito de voto dos acionistas. Observa-se que as alterações visam assegurar aos acionistas maior liberdade na condução de seus negócios, incrementando a atividade econômica brasileira, e permitindo a plena fluidez dos bens e capital do investidor na atividade econômica. Com a elaboração deste trabalho, espera-se contribuir para a discussão sobre o voto plural em sociedades empresariais no Brasil, no sentido de que poderá ser utilizado como mecanismo anti-diluição, sobretudo em sociedades anônimas simplificadas. Portanto, o voto plural é mecanismo que se incorporado, com boas práticas de governança, permitirá à sociedade a plena gestão dos fatores de produção, com a pluralidade de opções e o incremento da atividade econômica brasileira, sobretudo para start-ups que necessitam do mecanismo para a melhor gestão do sócio fundador, que por muitas vezes, não possui o capital suficiente para evitar a sua diluição, sobretudo nos primeiros anos de sua formação. Palavras-chave: Empresa. Lei de Sociedade Anônima. Alteração Legislativa. Voto Plural. Controle dos Acionistas Minoritários. Abstract This article aims to understand the regulation of plural voting, as well as whether it can be an instrument of control of minorities in emerging business companies. The amendments made to the Corporation Law presented possibilities for the use of plural voting in the Brazilian business reality. For the development of the work, in addition to the bibliographic review, it was decided to use the deductive method, based on doctrinal research, on the examination of constitutional and legal texts. The incidence of the one share, one vote rule was reduced, which allowed the introduction of dual-class share shares, which allows the suppression or quantitative increase of voting rights of the shareholders. It can be seen that the amendments aim to assure shareholders greater freedom in conducting their business, increasing Brazilian economic activity, and allowing full fluidity of the investor's assets and capital in economic activity. With the elaboration of this work, it is expected to contribute to the discussion about plural voting in business companies in Brazil, in the sense that it can be used as an anti-dilution mechanism, especially in simplified corporations. Therefore, plural voting is a mechanism that, if incorporated, with good governance practices, will allow society to fully manage production factors, with a plurality of options and an increase in Brazilian economic activity, especially for start-ups that need the mechanism for the better management of the founding partner, who often does not have enough capital to avoid dilution, especially in the early years of its formation. Keywords: Company. Corporation Law. Legislative change. Plural vote. Control of Minority Shareholders.

Toxicological Science, especially in the last five decades, has witnessed rapid evolution of different tools and techniques developed to address diverse issues related to studies dealing with adverse health effects of a variety of poisons, drugs, chemicals,ever-growing list of xenobiotics and human diseases. Traditionally these studies are performed using suitable animal (in vivo) models. There was a time when toxicologists/pharmacologists were searching models alternate to animal toxicity testing (Doke and Dhawale, 2015). Improved cell culture techniques, knowledge on stem cells and other microbiological systems led to the development of in vitro toxicology. It was soon followed by DNA chips, micro fluidics, in silico toxicology , toxicogenomics and computational toxicology. Several platforms are now discussing machine learning (ML) and artificial intelligence (AI) together as future tools of computational toxicology. For decades, quantitative structure-activity relationship (QSAR) methods have been employed to study the effects of drugs/chemicals (Cai et al., 2022). However, AI methods for toxicity assessment ranging from ADMEtox to AI4TOX provide evidence to the immense potential of AI. Intriguingly, a few problems between theoretical developments and practice of AI by end users have been recognized. AI is now being employed in cancer care. According to WHO (2022), cancer is responsible for 9.3 million deaths per year. AI is being used for cancer grading, classification, follow up services and diagnostic accuracy. However, certain limitations viz. testing, validation, certification and auditing need to be addressed (Cabral et al., (2023). Potential of AI in diabetic care and management has recently been recognized. The huge burden of diabetic patients in India can be managed through AI tools. Diabetic risk can be predicted using genomic data, to diagnose diabetes using EHR data and to identify diabetes related complications i.e. retinopathy and nephropathy (Singhla et al., 2019). Application of AI in the management of cardiovascular diseases like myocardial infarction has been highlighted with special reference to Chinese medicine (Chen et al., 2022). There exists experimental evidence that AI tools can be used to assess, monitor and manage Parkinsons' disease (Bounsall et al., 2023). Perspectives of the application of AI in complimentary and alternative medicine were reviewed by Chu et al. (2022). Several regulatory agencies are now adopting the concept of 3R ie., replacement, reduction and refinement of animal testing (EU REACH/3R principles; Toxicology 21 of U.S. Government) ( Maestri, 2021).The application of AI in clinical toxicology through converging data resources, algorithms, real world information from sensors and health records has also been discussed (Sinha et al. 2021). Plausibility of toxicity prediction using AI tools was recently reviewed by Santin et al. (2021). Application of AI in recently emerged science of nanotoxicology is also being sought. The need for nanotoxicity databases, powerful nano descriptors, new modeling approaches, molecular mechanism analyses and designing of next generation nanomaterials are being debated ( Jha et al., 2014; Yan et al., 2023). U.S. Food and Drug Administration (USFDA) has recently initiated and AI program in Toxicology known as AI4TOX. This program mainly consists of four initiatives- AnimalGAN- to predict animal toxicology data for untested chemicals ( /about –fda/nctr-research-focus-areas/animalgan-initiative); SafetAI- to develop novel deep learning methods for toxicological endpoints (/about-fda/nctr-research-focus-areas/safetai-initiative); BERTox- to develop the most advanced AI powered Natural Language Processing (NPL) (/about-fda/nctr-research-focus-areas/bertox initiative) and PathologAI- to develop an effective and accurate framework for analysis of histopathological data from animal studies (/ about-fda/nctr-research-focus-areas/pathologai-initiative). Recently, Society of Toxicology (SOT) annual meeting held at Nashville from March 19-23, focused on a question-“How could AI be used for risk assessment?” There exists some skepticism weather AI may be used in human health risk assessment? How AI could be applied -to prioritize pharmaceutical/environmental chemicals, to identify potential off targets and decipher the mechanisms of toxicity and detect pathological effects? A Symposium session devoted to AI summarized international collaborative computational projects like CERaPP, COmPara and CATOMOS that have been designed to streamline the regulatory and safety assessments (Hartung, 2023). High throughput screening data (HTS) to predict drug induced liver injury (DILI) using AI is also being generated. AI can identify mechanisms for off target effects in drug development. AI can also be plausibly used to predict genotoxicity. Can AI tools automate the analysis of developmental or physiologically based assays? These discussions held during the symposium indicate exciting potential of AI in health risk assessment. It is speculated that, tools of nanotechnology hybridized with AI can metamorphose human health risk assessment to an extent that has never been achieved before.

À l’instar de toutes infrastructures techniques, celles du traitement et de l’assainissement participent à construire la relation qu’entretient la société avec l’eau. C’est particulièrement le cas depuis les années 1960, époque à laquelle un intérêt croissant s’éveille un peu partout dans le monde, et plus récemment en France, autour de la pratique consistant à réutiliser les eaux usées traitées (Reut) pour agir face au manque d’eau. La Reut fait alors figure d’un nouvel ajustement technique à la pénurie, qui se veut différent des infrastructures plus classiques (barrage, transfert d’eau). Or, en France, cette pratique pose la question du mode d’existence de ces eaux usées, puisque chargées en éléments pathogènes, elles ont été pendant longtemps synonymes de problème sanitaire à évacuer. Désormais, elles sont envisagées comme une ressource à valoriser et dont l’enjeu consiste à les réintroduire dans une société qui les a historiquement éloignées. À partir d’une étude empirique, cet article rend compte des effets performatifs de cet ajustement technique sur le rapport qu’entretiennent avec ces eaux les habitants d’un territoire situé en région Occitanie et confronté au manque d’eau. Les discours recueillis témoignent plus largement du projet politique qui sous-tend La Reut, à travers l’idée d’un recyclage vertueux et d’une fluidité prometteuse.

Résumé L’aisance à l’oral constitue l’un des facteurs majeurs qui témoignent d’une compétence orale développée chez l’apprenant du FLE. Néanmoins, des constats sur le terrain universitaire algérien ont soulevé des difficultés manifestées par les étudiants en matière de fluidité et de continuité dans leur prise de parole. La raison pour laquelle, le présent article se donne pour mission de déterminer l’une des causes de ce manque d’aisance à travers l’étude du rapport qui peut exister entre cette dernière et les compétences émotionnelles. Pour ce faire, les étudiants ont été soumis à des tests d’intelligence émotionnelle élaborés par Brasseur et al. (2013) dans le but de mesurer leur quotient émotionnel. De même, des analyses ont été effectuées sur des productions orales de ces derniers dans l’objectif de mesurer leur aisance verbale. Les résultats de cette étude ont attesté une corrélation significative entre l’aisance verbale et les compétences émotionnelles des étudiants universitaires interrogés. Mots-clés : Compétences Emotionnelles ; Intelligence Emotionnelle ; Aisance à l’Oral; Compétence Orale ; Etudiants Universitaires ; Français Langue Etrangère.

Collateral is becoming increasingly important in the post-crisis world, driven by both a need for more secured funding as well as regulatory requirements to reduce credit risk. In many ways, collateral has become the new cash, underpinning the smooth functioning of funding and capital markets, while, in turn, providing the basis for economic growth. The expected increase in demand for collateral may lead to demand-supply imbalances; however, what is more important is collateral fluidity, which allows collateral to move around the system to meet varying demand conditions across the financial markets landscape. This requires both robust and efficient settlements infrastructure (the ‘plumbing’), as well as bank funding desks that are able to source, price, manage and mobilise collateral (the ‘pump’). There exist a number of market and regulatory initiatives that may impact collateral fluidity, either positively or negatively. Some relate directly to the ability of bank funding desks to function effectively, while others affect the providers and takers of collateral. The systemic risks arising out of regulations that inhibit collateral fluidity would have broad and severe repercussions, not only for the financial markets, but also throughout the real economy. Ultimately, sound regulation is essential for the efficient and stable functioning of global funding and capital markets that support our economies. These markets are already significantly safer than before the financial crisis. As collateral becomes an increasingly important feature of the new market and regulatory landscapes, so regulation should avoid inhibiting, and ideally seek to enhance, collateral fluidity.

The European Union (EU) is increasingly relying on regional policy networks to govern climate change outside its borders, both in the areas of climate change adaptation and mitigation. Although the functioning of such policy networks has consequences for climate policy in participating countries, little is known about the role of such networks. This article focuses on the example of climate cooperation with the European Neighbourhood Policy region, conceptualizing the EU as a network manager. Using a novel dataset on climate networks in the European Neighbourhood Policy region for the period 2013–2017, we show that the EU uses climate networks for multiple purposes. The results suggest that the EU uses climate networks not only to mitigate the risks associated with climate change, but also to manage varying contexts in the region.

Malawi's COVID-19 response has evinced a measure of fluidity. This has been manifested by, among other things, the adoption of two sets of subsidiary legislation on COVID-19, the judicial intervention striking down proposed lockdown measures and the constant change in the institutional arrangements meant to spearhead the country's response. A key challenge that the response has had to contend with is the balance between saving lives and preserving livelihoods. This article analyses Malawi's response to COVID-19 and establishes that aside from its rather haphazard nature, serious questions of legality have been implicated by the measures adopted. Specifically in relation to lives and livelihoods, the articles focuses on the right to economic activity, to highlight some of the challenges that Malawi's response generated to the preservation of livelihoods. The human rights implications of some of the measures adopted are also briefly analysed.

AbstractWe present an in-depth case study of a learning network that aims to transform infrastructure and practice across the research enterprise to advance societal impacts. The theory of social morphogenesis guides our processual qualitative analysis of the network. We describe how different types of boundary work, both building and navigating across boundaries, operate in tension while contributing to transformative capacity. We conclude that learning networks can play a robust role in fostering transformation by drawing together and holding together forces which expand knowledge and authority over time iteratively and recursively. In addition to this theoretical contribution, we provide practical guidance for how network leaders can dynamically manage boundaries, shifting emphasis between strength and fluidity to support transformative change across sites and scales.

AbstractDespite two decades of evolution as an area of research and practice, talent management faces ongoing criticism for being overly static in its approach, offering little in terms of enabling strategic agility. This is problematic as organizations increasingly rely on strategic agility to manage their dynamic business operations. Drawing on matching theory and adopting an agility lens, we explore the link between talent management and strategic agility. Through a qualitative research design, encompassing 34 interviews in 15 organizations, we explicate a skills‐matching perspective on talent management, including initial and dynamic skills‐matching in external and internal labor markets. Through this process, organizations can build a set of dynamic capabilities, underlying two meta‐capabilities, strategic sensitivity and resource fluidity, which enable strategic agility. In doing so, we portray skills‐matching as an illustration of a processual view on talent management and create a model of developing strategic agility through skills‐matching, responsive to external and internal demands.

Background: Socioeconomically challenged students are the prospective source of relevant development in higher education to actualize an inclusive education. Their situation shapes their individual skills which are integral, especially in learning and subsequently becoming contributors to national development as they become productive members of the community instead of becoming a part of the attrition or unemployment statistics. Objectives: This study analyzes the narratives of working students, particularly self-management practices, specific academic arrangements, and curriculum features that can be integrated into the higher education curriculum. Methods: Four (4) working students, four (4) professionals who were working students in their college years, and four (4) curriculum designers were interviewed to shed valuable narratives and information for the intent of this research. Results: The current and former working students were in unison in saying that they needed more priority in the guidelines of educational engagements because they are already economically disadvantaged and do not have the fluidity of time. Narratives reflect the opportunities for higher education to integrate new forms of learning that are inclusive to those socioeconomically challenged. Conclusion: Curriculum designers recommend that working students are already tailored to succeed because of their ability to manage resources but would be able to self-manage in reducing retention or longer time elapses in their stay in college if the curriculum and policies in the schools were flexible and lenient to their state.

Abstract Non-territorial autonomy (NTA) is a concept to ensure political and cultural participation of national minorities in society and thus a tool to manage diversity without challenging territorial integrity. This article relates to the experience of Schleswig, which is widely perceived as a model of successful border-delineation based on national self-determination and subsequent reconciliation and accommodation of national, linguistic, and cultural binarity in a majority-minority framework. Minority membership is based on subjective self-identification and not registered. The principle of subjective self-identification and its fluidity challenge attempts to implement a legitimate, democratic structure of minority self-government. The non-definition of “minority” based on objective, measurable criteria is due to the apparent social integration of the Schleswig society: today, it is socially more divided by the national border drawn 100 years ago than by respective majority-minority divisions. It has become apparent that the territorial restriction to the boundaries of the former Duchy of Schleswig does not cohere with social practices and mobility frameworks and thus questions the present NTA infrastructure, which is restricted to a historic territory no longer relevant in contemporary administrative frameworks or in patterns of social practices.

The submarine detection is the most significant research area of Under Water Acoustic (UWA) environment with extensive application in commercial and navy domains. The environmental complexity and variable nature of the UWA makes Underwater Wireless Sensor Network (UWSN) to exhibit fluidity, sparse deployment, time unpredictability, frequency selectivity, limited accessible bandwidth and energy constraints pose problems in the underwater positioning technology. Thus, an adaptable, scalable, and highly efficient UWA is required for the submarine routing systems. The depth-based routing has received lots of interest as it is capable of delivering effective operation without requiring full-dimensional position information of nodes. However, it has issues of vacant regions and detouring forwards. To delineate the aforementioned problems, this paper proposes an Opportunity-based Distance Vector Routing (ODVR) technique. The distance vectors, which have lowest hop counts in the direction of sink for underwater sensor nodes are determined by ODVR through a query method. Depending on the distance vectors, a dynamic routing is created to manage the packet forwarding. In the opportunistic forwarding, the ODVR has a minimal signaling cost and minimum energy consumption with the potential of eliminating the long detours issues. The outcomes of simulations demonstrate that the ODVR outperforms the conventional routing algorithms.

Abstract Societies create material, social, and moral boundaries that define who and what is dirty. “Dirt” encompasses literal and figurative things—objects, beings, ideas—that transgress these boundaries and thus are “out of place.” Previous research describing how consumers avoid and manage dirt assumes that dirt is aversive. The concept of consumer dirtwork emerged from our examination of self-described “dirtbag” wilderness consumers. Dirtwork reveals the potential usefulness of dirt. Instead of cleaning, dirtworkers redraw dirt boundaries, revealing resources they then work to capture. Boundary redrawing describes a continuum of adjustments to dirt boundaries, ranging from small shifts to complete inversions. Resourcing work describes the efforts required to capture the resources that are uncovered by boundary redrawing. Dirtwork results in challenges and rewards, and offers the possibility of continued dirtwork-resourced consumption. Dirtwork contributes by revealing the process wherein consumers make use of dirt, thus demonstrating the usefulness of dirt and fluidity of dirt boundaries. Dirtwork provides a useful lens for understanding consumer behaviors that do not aspire or cannot conform to socially-imposed cleanliness rules, including stigmatized, mundane, and extraordinary consumption. Dirtwork challenges assumptions that clean is good, socially-valuable, safe, and sustainable, and implicit associations of dirt with danger, stigma, and unsustainability.

AbstractThis paper will explore a model of best practice, the Leverkusen Model, as well as its impact on both the city and the refugees it serves by utilising key stakeholder interviews, civil servants, non-profits, and Syrian refugees living in Leverkusen. The core argument to be presented here is that the dynamic fluidity of the Leverkusen Model, where three bodies (government, Caritas, and the Refugee Council) collaborate to manage the governance responsibilities, allows for more expedited refugee integration into society. This paper utilises an analytical model of multi-level governance to demonstrate its functional processes and show why it can be considered a model of best practice. Started in 2002, the Leverkusen Model of refugee housing has not only saved the city thousands of euros per year in costs associated with refugee housing, but has aided in the cultivation of a very direct, fluid connection between government, civil society, and the refugees themselves. Leverkusen employs a different and novel governance structure of housing for refugees: with direct consultations with Caritas, the largest non-profit in Germany, as well as others, refugees who arrive in Leverkusen are allowed to search for private, decentralised housing from the moment they arrive, regardless of protection status granted by the German government. This paper fills a gap in the existing literature by addressing the adaptation of multi-level governance and collaborative governance in local refugee housing and integration management.

Low temperature stress significantly threatens crop productivity and economic sustainability. Plants counter this by deploying advanced molecular mechanisms to perceive and respond to cold stress. Transmembrane proteins initiate these responses, triggering a series of events involving secondary messengers such as calcium ions (Ca2+), reactive oxygen species (ROS), and inositol phosphates. Of these, calcium signaling is paramount, activating downstream phosphorylation cascades and the transcription of cold-responsive genes, including cold-regulated (COR) genes. This review focuses on how plants manage freeze-induced damage through dual strategies: cold tolerance and cold avoidance. Tolerance mechanisms involve acclimatization to decreasing temperatures, fostering gradual accumulation of cold resistance. In contrast, avoidance mechanisms rely on cryoprotectant molecules like potassium ions (K+), proline, glycerol, and antifreeze proteins (AFPs). Cryoprotectants modulate intracellular solute concentration, lower the freezing point, inhibit ice formation, and preserve plasma membrane fluidity. Additionally, these molecules demonstrate antioxidant activity, scavenging ROS, preventing protein denaturation, and subsequently mitigating cellular damage. By forming extensive hydrogen bonds with water molecules, cryoprotectants also limit intercellular water movement, minimizing extracellular ice crystal formation, and cell dehydration. The deployment of cryoprotectants is a key adaptive strategy that bolsters plant resilience to cold stress and promotes survival in freezing environments. However, the specific physiological and molecular mechanisms underlying these protective effects remain insufficiently understood. Therefore, this review underscores the need for further research to elucidate these mechanisms and assess their potential impact on crop productivity and sustainability, contributing to the progressive discourse in plant biology and environmental science.

IntroductionThe shea ecosystem provides critical ecosystem services. However, rapid peri-urbanization threatens the governance of peri-land and shea tree resources and poses multiple risks to urban and peri-urban households. Yet, studies on tree tenure in Ghana have focused on cocoa though shea possesses similar economic prospects. This study examines the customary land tenure systems in the Wa Municipality and their impacts on land and shea through a governance lens.MethodsThis study was purely qualitative and relied on data from focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with 64 purposely selected participants. To enable the retelling of the participants' stories, the data was first coded, thematised, and analyzed using NVivo 10 software.ResultsThe results show that land and shea rights have been decoupled in peri-urban areas, and the grant of land for farming or housing is sequestered from the right to access and use shea trees without authorization. In view of this, urban usufructs cut shea trees to communicate their opposition to land transactions. Due to the fluidity of customary tenure, some family heads are redefining usufruct entitlements to land and counterclaiming the land and shea trees. In addition, the lack of incentives for smallholders to plant and manage shea trees inhibits shea governance and sustainability.DiscussionThis is exacerbated by the widespread tenure insecurity over land and investments in shea trees. Under family land jurisdictions, family heads must involve usufructs in all the processes of land transactions and assign them a clear mandate and entitlements in customary land administration to facilitate efficient land and shea governance.

Biomarkers have been of considerable interest in military medicine as a strategy to identify objective measures of resilience in the context of the cumulative trauma exposure of combat as well defining the emerging neurobiological dysregulation associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This body of work has been driven by the imperative of developing strategies to optimally manage the long-term health outcomes of personnel and finding novel treatment approaches. However, the challenge of defining the relevant phenotypes of PTSD and in the context of the multiplicity of biological systems of interest has hampered the identification of biomarkers that have clinical utility. One key strategy to improve the utility of precision medicine in military settings is to use a staging approach to define the relevant phenotypes. A staging model of PTSD captures the progression of the disorder and the transitions from being at risk to subsyndromal disorder and the path to chronic disorder.A staging approach addresses the longitudinal course of PTSD and the fluidity of the disorder across time. Staging describes how symptoms evolve into more stable diagnostic syndromes and the stepwise changes in clinical status which is key to the identification of phenotypes that can be tied to relevant biomarkers. When a population is exposed to a trauma, the individuals will be at different stages in the emergence of risk and the development of PTSD. The staging approach provides a method of capturing the matrix of phenotypes that need to be demarcated to study the role of multiple biomarkers. This paper forms part of the Special issue ofBMJ Military Healthdedicated to personalised digital technology for mental health in the armed forces.

Paralleling globalisation, wars, social and economic insecurities, and the desire for a better life push people to cross those borders. The case of postcolonial migration between the former colonies and Great Britain tells a different story of border crossing. Although the physical borders are open for the newcomer, the psychological and social borders are hard to cross. In this regard, the migrants manage to cross these unseen borders through their fluid transnational identities. This fluidity enables them to carry on their background while passing the other side. However, it is clear that the experiences of the migrant as a woman are far more different and precarious. In Brick Lane, Monica Ali depicts the lives of migrant Bangladeshi women who live in Brick Lane, London, and provides versatile pictures of different experiences. Nazneen is the main character, whose transnational identity helps to transgress the boundaries between the host culture and her origin. Throughout the novel, she transforms from a shy, insecure immigrant young girl to a strong and self-confident woman with a fluid transnational identity. On the other hand, in Hot Water Man, Deborah Moggach presents a reverse migration from Great Britain to Pakistan and depicts Christine’s struggle to cross borders and gain a transnational identity. Although they share the difficulties of being a woman in the host culture, their experiences differ because of their positions and the representation of their background as a former coloniser and colonised. This study aims to examine the experiences of these two women, Nazneen and Christine, while crossing the invisible borders in their journeys to gain transnational identities.

<b><i>Introduction:</i></b> The purpose of this study was to explore the innovation and thought leadership of women in healthcare during the COVID-19 pandemic. <b><i>Methods:</i></b> We used a phenomenological qualitative design. Participants were women health leaders (WHLs) from multiple hospital administration levels. Their thought leadership profile and innovation were assessed. <b><i>Results:</i></b> All WHLs indicated awareness of strengths and weaknesses, actively prioritised tasks, showed openness to feedback, and effectively assessed sources of conflict. Most were willing to listen to others, accept advice, and open to change. They were confident of their credibility and comprehensibility of their messages, felt capable of solving problems and handling conflict, utilised a negotiating style, and showed situation-appropriate emotion. They were confident in managing teamwork, allocated resources efficiently, and supported employee work preferences. <b><i>Conclusion:</i></b> This study provides evidence of WHLs’ capabilities in leading healthcare organisations during crisis and the shift to virtual care in Saudi Arabia. Establishing women’s leadership programs that focus on placing women in healthcare executive positions is necessary to utilise their untapped potential. Facilitating research on women’s leadership capacity, administrative skill, and impact on providing the highest quality healthcare would be valuable. Evaluating infrastructure and preparedness of healthcare organisations to expand virtual care and the potential for innovation to sustain performance during crises are crucial. Supportive hospital culture provides confidence to WHLs to manage and achieve organisational goals with relative fluidity.

Abstract Background Chiropractors, osteopaths and physiotherapists (COPs) can assess and manage musculoskeletal conditions with similar manual or physical therapy techniques. This overlap in scope of practice raises questions about the boundaries between the three professions. Clinical settings where they are co-located are one of several possible influences on professional boundaries and may provide insight into the nature of these boundaries and how they are managed by clinicians themselves. Objectives To understand the nature of professional boundaries between COPs within a co-located clinical environment and describe the ways in which professional boundaries may be reinforced, weakened, or navigated in this environment. Methods Drawing from an interpretivist paradigm, we used ethnographic observations to observe interactions between 15 COPs across two clinics. Data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis principles. Results We identified various physical and non-physical ‘boundary objects’ that influenced the nature of the professional boundaries between the COPs that participated in the study. These boundary objects overall seemed to increase the fluidity of the professional boundaries, at times simultaneously reinforcing and weakening them. The boundary objects were categorised into three themes: physical, including the clinic’s floor plan, large and small objects; social, including identities and discourse; and organisational, including appointment durations and fees, remuneration policies and insurance benefits. Conclusions Physical, social, organisational related factors made the nature of professional boundaries between COPs in these settings fluid; meaning that they were largely not rigid or fixed but rather flexible, responsive and subject to change. These findings may challenge patients, clinicians and administrators to appreciate that traditional beliefs of distinct boundaries between COPs may not be so in co-located clinical environments. Both clinical practice and future research on professional boundaries between COPs may need to further consider some of these broader factors.

Objective: Recent days, medical data are stored in the cloud for easy access and sharing the data of patients between the health center for treatments. In such a situation, the data stored in the cloud should be of lesser size to accommodate more information. To perform this size reduction a compression process is implemented to reduce the data without loss of information. Methodology/ investigation: This paper performs such an operation in two ways one is to fast routing operation in the DMFB approach and to perform the compression from the chip. To implement this compression process, the data obtained from the chip is converted into image and then Image compression is implemented using ring cross over based Genetic Algorithm. So, First of all 8x8 arrays biochip is implemented with the module of ring cross for efficient process of consumption in power and area. The process of the system is leads to manipulate and manage the droplets as per the function of Micro fluidic (MF). Also, for avoiding pin-actuation conflicts, optimization process is processed with the merging of corresponding pin actuation sequences in parallel process along with the control pins. It synchronized the length by the optimization process. Conclusion: In this study, this suggested technique reduces the consumption of area, and power miserably. The simulation result shows the improvement in the static power, dynamic power and delay. With the help of this algorithm image compression is implemented. And also this genetic algorithm compression application is compared with wavelet compression for better results.

Ce numéro de Regards économiques se penche sur la situation économique et sociale en Wallonie. Il en dresse un large portrait, en souligne les points positifs et négatifs, et ébauche quelques pistes de réflexion sur les mesures propices à donner à l’économie wallonne un nouvel élan. Dans ce numéro, nous avons pris l’initiative de nous exprimer sur un sujet qui nous préoccupe : "le malaise économique wallon". Nous avons pour ce faire regroupé l’avis de spécialistes de la question dont la renommée est établie. Ces experts sont issus de différentes universités francophones. Nous leur avons demandé d’offrir aux citoyens un portrait nuancé mais sans concession de la situation wallonne. En "officialisant" la situation économique et sociale de la Wallonie, nous espérons obliger les acteurs sociaux et les partis politiques à "reconnaître" les points faibles de l’économie wallonne. Nous refusons cette stratégie qui consiste à dissimuler la situation réelle pour ne pas saper le moral des troupes. "Cachez ce sein que je ne saurais voir" disait déjà Tartuffe, avant d’ajouter quelques scènes plus loin : "le scandale du monde est ce qui fait l’offense et ce n’est pas pécher que pécher en silence". Ce "nominalisme" ‑ on veut bien de la chose mais à condition qu’on ne la nomme pas ‑ et ce double langage constituent l’une des manifestations les plus préoccupantes de la difficulté de nos politiciens à assumer la vérité et à sortir de la représentation complaisante qu’ils ont d’eux-mêmes. Fin mai 2005, le gouvernement wallon a enfin explicitement reconnu ce qu’il a appelé "le malaise économique wallon". L’étape suivante est de dresser un constat précis de la nature du malaise, de manière à pouvoir concevoir une stratégie de politique économique adaptée au problème. C’est dans cette perspective que se situe ce numéro de Regards économiques. Notre objectif est donc d’apprécier la situation économique et sociale en Wallonie sur base d’éléments objectifs, et de la comparer à la situation en Flandre et en Europe. Nous comprenons le risque qu’une comparaison avec la Flandre peut présenter. Cependant, sans vouloir alimenter les tensions communautaires, nous avons la conviction que cette comparaison entre les deux régions est vraiment utile étant donné que celles-ci partagent un environnement économique et un contexte institutionnel et culturel fort semblables. Cela s’inscrit aussi dans l’esprit de la "Méthode Ouverte de Coordination" de l’Union européenne, visant à créer une émulation entre régions au travers d’une concurrence par comparaison. Cette comparaison est surtout utile pour comprendre les sources éventuelles des dysfonctionnements et les pistes d’amélioration possibles. Ce numéro de Regards économiques comporte quatre contributions, sur les thèmes suivants : Bruxelles et: une lecture en termes de géographie économique (Jacques-François Thisse) PIB et PRB de la: des diagnostics contrastés (Michel Mignolet et Marie Eve Mulquin) Le portrait social de la Wallonie : responsabilités et gouvernance (Pierre Pestieau) Le marché du travail en: un tableau en clair-obscur (Béatrice Van Haeperen). Dans la suite de ce communiqué, nous résumons brièvement les éléments principaux de chaque contribution, en regroupant les points positifs et les points négatifs que chacune d’elles donne de la situation économique et sociale en Wallonie. 1. Les points positifs Les dynamiques de croissance entre régions se rapprochent progressivement. L’écart inter-régional de croissance annuelle moyenne diminue entre la Flandre et la : celui-ci ne s’élevait plus qu’à 0,80 % de 1975 à 1995, pour se replier encore plus à 0,54 % de 1995 à 2003. Le différentiel se réduit davantage si on ne considère que les dernières années, où il se chiffre à 0,37 % de 1999 à 2003. Si l’on mesure la croissance régionale sur base du lieu de résidence et non du lieu de production (pour prendre en compte l’activité croissante des wallons à Bruxelles), depuis 1999, la part de la Wallonie dans la production totale belge s’est légèrement redressée. Une analyse par branche de la structure de production ne permet pas de conclure à un manque de dynamisme généralisé de l’industrie en Wallonie. Le retard de croissance en Wallonie est imputable à une sous-représentation des secteurs les plus dynamiques et une moindre performance des secteurs les plus importants. Le Brabant wallon est la province belge qui a connu la croissance la plus forte de 1995 à 2002, avec une évolution de la production sur la période de 8 % au-dessus de la moyenne de l’UE 15 et de presque 10 % au-dessus de la moyenne belge. Le Brabant wallon est aussi la seule province wallonne dont le revenu par habitant est supérieur à la moyenne de l’UE 15. L’emploi salarié en Wallonie a augmenté de 9 % entre 1992 et 2002. Les croissances les plus fortes sont dans le Brabant wallon (28 %), les provinces de Luxembourg (16 %) et de Namur (13 %), à comparer à une croissance moyenne de l’emploi salarié en Flandre de 13 %. Depuis 1997, le rythme de progression de l’emploi privé est comparable dans les deux régions. A partir de 2000, le nombre d’emplois des secteurs à haute et moyenne technologies et des services à haute technologie et à haut niveau de savoir progresse en Wallonie mais régresse en Flandre. La proportion de personnes très qualifiées dans la population wallonne augmente et la proportion de peu qualifiés diminue. Le profil de qualification par catégorie d’âge en Wallonie en 2003 est très proche de la moyenne belge. Les dépenses intra-muros des entreprises en R&D progressent plus rapidement en Wallonie. Entre 2001 et 2002, le taux de croissance était de 11,% en Wallonie contre 3,6 % en Flandre. 2. Les points négatifs Un rapprochement des taux de croissance est insuffisant pour assurer un rattrapage des économies régionales. Etant donné son retard de développement, la Wallonie devrait enregistrer des taux de croissance supérieurs à la Flandre, ce qui est loin d’être le cas. La part de la Wallonie dans la production totale belge continue donc à diminuer, passant de plus de 30 % en 1995 à moins de 25 % en 2003. La productivité marginale du capital est plus faible en Wallonie qu’en Flandre, ce qui donne lieu à un taux d’investissement moindre en Wallonie. Sur la période 1995-2001, le rendement brut du capital est de 14,% en Wallonie contre 17,5 % en Flandre. Cela pose problème pour l’attractivité relative de la Wallonie pour l’investissement. Le revenu moyen par habitant en Wallonie est 25 % inférieur à celui de la Flandre en 2002 (équivalent à la moyenne de l’UE 15). Les disparités entre provinces wallonnes s’accentuent. Sur la période 1995-2002, le Brabant wallon enregistre une augmentation de 8 % de sa production par rapport à la moyenne de l’UE15 alors que les provinces de Liège, du Hainaut et du Luxembourg enregistrent chacune une baisse supérieure à 6 %. En 2003, le taux d’emploi en Wallonie de 55,4 % reste significativement inférieur à celui de la Flandre (62,9 %) et celui de l’UE15 (64,2 %). La Wallonie est donc encore loin de l’objectif de taux d’emploi de 70 %. La structure de l’emploi est aussi fort différente entre régions avec en 2002, 2/3 des emplois dans le secteur privé en Wallonie pour 3/4 des emplois dans le secteur privé en Flandre. Le taux de chômage est resté stable autour de% en Wallonie entre 1995 et 2002 du fait d’une augmentation de la population active égale à l’augmentation de l’emploi. En 2002, le taux de chômage en Flandre est passé en dessous de 5 %. Le taux de chômage des jeunes (15-24 ans) en Wallonie est le plus élevé d’Europe avec un taux de 26,5 % en 2002 contre 11,6 % en Flandre. Plus alarmant encore, plus de 40 % des chômeurs en Wallonie sont des chômeurs de longue durée (>2 ans) contre moins de 20 % en Flandre. Le pourcentage de la population de 18-24 ans sans diplôme de l’enseignement secondaire et qui ne suit ni enseignement, ni formation est de% en Wallonie contre 11,7 % en Flandre. En outre, selon la dernière enquête PISA, l’enseignement secondaire en Communauté française figure en 31e position sur 41 pays contre une 3e position pour la Flandre pour un budget équivalent sinon moindre. 3. Que faire ? Face à ce constat que pouvons-nous faire ? Quelques pistes de réflexion sont présentées dans ce numéro de Regards économiques. Parmi celles-ci, nous relevons la nécessité de cesser la politique de saupoudrage et de concentrer les efforts autour d’une grande métropole urbaine comme Bruxelles en reconnaissant que les échanges se développent de plus en plus entre régions urbaines. La Wallonie se doit de travailler en partenariat stratégique avec Bruxelles dans une perspective économique moderne. La zone d’influence de Bruxelles doit dépasser le Brabant wallon. Il faut aussi chercher à améliorer l’efficacité dans l’utilisation des fonds publics en évitant les doublons et en recourant systématiquement à des études d’efficacité rigoureuses et impartiales. Par exemple, on pourrait explorer ce que coûte l’existence des provinces, des multiples réseaux d’enseignement et des cabinets ministériels. On peut aussi s’interroger sur le grand nombre d’intercommunales et le manque de transparence de leur gestion. Il faut aussi s’attaquer de toute urgence au scandale du chômage des jeunes par une politique de remédiation volontariste. On doit investir massivement dans le système éducatif pour élever le niveau de qualification des jeunes et faciliter la transition enseignement et emploi. Il faut élargir la mission du FOREM au-delà de la diffusion des offres d’emploi pour lui confier la fonction critique de placement et d’accompagnement des demandeurs d’emploi. Il faut aussi mettre en place des outils d’évaluation des politiques de l’emploi. C’est inadmissible que depuis l’année 2004, la Wallonie est incapable de publier des statistiques sur les offres d’emploi satisfaites et insatisfaites (alors que Bruxelles et la Flandre continuent à publier ces chiffres). Nous poursuivrons notre analyse de la situation wallonne dans un prochain numéro de Regards économiques. Nous attendons aussi des hommes politiques qu’ils reconnaissent cette situation et le traduisent dans leurs actes en poursuivant une politique économique adaptée, cohérente et stable. Il n’y a pas de fatalité. Nous en voulons pour preuve l’expérience danoise qui en 10 ans a réduit son chômage de moitié par un système novateur de "flexicurité" (en partenariat avec les syndicats). Son marché du travail s’est fluidifié avec plus d’un danois sur trois changeant de travail au cours d’une année et un effort substantiel du gouvernement sur la formation, l’orientation et l’accompagnement des chômeurs. Un sondage récent montre que les travailleurs danois ne sont pas plus mécontents avec ce système que les travailleurs belges. L’Angleterre, avec un taux de syndicalisme plus élevé que chez nous, a aussi réussi par son "New Deal" à réduire de moitié le chômage des jeunes. Ces deux pays connaissent aujourd’hui un taux de chômage de 5 %, bien inférieur à la moyenne européenne. Comprendre pourquoi pourrait être fortement utile à la Wallonie.

Ce numéro de Regards économiques se penche sur la situation économique et sociale en Wallonie. Il en dresse un large portrait, en souligne les points positifs et négatifs, et ébauche quelques pistes de réflexion sur les mesures propices à donner à l’économie wallonne un nouvel élan. Dans ce numéro, nous avons pris l’initiative de nous exprimer sur un sujet qui nous préoccupe : "le malaise économique wallon". Nous avons pour ce faire regroupé l’avis de spécialistes de la question dont la renommée est établie. Ces experts sont issus de différentes universités francophones. Nous leur avons demandé d’offrir aux citoyens un portrait nuancé mais sans concession de la situation wallonne. En "officialisant" la situation économique et sociale de la Wallonie, nous espérons obliger les acteurs sociaux et les partis politiques à "reconnaître" les points faibles de l’économie wallonne. Nous refusons cette stratégie qui consiste à dissimuler la situation réelle pour ne pas saper le moral des troupes. "Cachez ce sein que je ne saurais voir" disait déjà Tartuffe, avant d’ajouter quelques scènes plus loin : "le scandale du monde est ce qui fait l’offense et ce n’est pas pécher que pécher en silence". Ce "nominalisme" ‑ on veut bien de la chose mais à condition qu’on ne la nomme pas ‑ et ce double langage constituent l’une des manifestations les plus préoccupantes de la difficulté de nos politiciens à assumer la vérité et à sortir de la représentation complaisante qu’ils ont d’eux-mêmes. Fin mai 2005, le gouvernement wallon a enfin explicitement reconnu ce qu’il a appelé "le malaise économique wallon". L’étape suivante est de dresser un constat précis de la nature du malaise, de manière à pouvoir concevoir une stratégie de politique économique adaptée au problème. C’est dans cette perspective que se situe ce numéro de Regards économiques. Notre objectif est donc d’apprécier la situation économique et sociale en Wallonie sur base d’éléments objectifs, et de la comparer à la situation en Flandre et en Europe. Nous comprenons le risque qu’une comparaison avec la Flandre peut présenter. Cependant, sans vouloir alimenter les tensions communautaires, nous avons la conviction que cette comparaison entre les deux régions est vraiment utile étant donné que celles-ci partagent un environnement économique et un contexte institutionnel et culturel fort semblables. Cela s’inscrit aussi dans l’esprit de la "Méthode Ouverte de Coordination" de l’Union européenne, visant à créer une émulation entre régions au travers d’une concurrence par comparaison. Cette comparaison est surtout utile pour comprendre les sources éventuelles des dysfonctionnements et les pistes d’amélioration possibles. Ce numéro de Regards économiques comporte quatre contributions, sur les thèmes suivants : Bruxelles et: une lecture en termes de géographie économique (Jacques-François Thisse) PIB et PRB de la: des diagnostics contrastés (Michel Mignolet et Marie Eve Mulquin) Le portrait social de la Wallonie : responsabilités et gouvernance (Pierre Pestieau) Le marché du travail en: un tableau en clair-obscur (Béatrice Van Haeperen). Dans la suite de ce communiqué, nous résumons brièvement les éléments principaux de chaque contribution, en regroupant les points positifs et les points négatifs que chacune d’elles donne de la situation économique et sociale en Wallonie. 1. Les points positifs Les dynamiques de croissance entre régions se rapprochent progressivement. L’écart inter-régional de croissance annuelle moyenne diminue entre la Flandre et la : celui-ci ne s’élevait plus qu’à 0,80 % de 1975 à 1995, pour se replier encore plus à 0,54 % de 1995 à 2003. Le différentiel se réduit davantage si on ne considère que les dernières années, où il se chiffre à 0,37 % de 1999 à 2003. Si l’on mesure la croissance régionale sur base du lieu de résidence et non du lieu de production (pour prendre en compte l’activité croissante des wallons à Bruxelles), depuis 1999, la part de la Wallonie dans la production totale belge s’est légèrement redressée. Une analyse par branche de la structure de production ne permet pas de conclure à un manque de dynamisme généralisé de l’industrie en Wallonie. Le retard de croissance en Wallonie est imputable à une sous-représentation des secteurs les plus dynamiques et une moindre performance des secteurs les plus importants. Le Brabant wallon est la province belge qui a connu la croissance la plus forte de 1995 à 2002, avec une évolution de la production sur la période de 8 % au-dessus de la moyenne de l’UE 15 et de presque 10 % au-dessus de la moyenne belge. Le Brabant wallon est aussi la seule province wallonne dont le revenu par habitant est supérieur à la moyenne de l’UE 15. L’emploi salarié en Wallonie a augmenté de 9 % entre 1992 et 2002. Les croissances les plus fortes sont dans le Brabant wallon (28 %), les provinces de Luxembourg (16 %) et de Namur (13 %), à comparer à une croissance moyenne de l’emploi salarié en Flandre de 13 %. Depuis 1997, le rythme de progression de l’emploi privé est comparable dans les deux régions. A partir de 2000, le nombre d’emplois des secteurs à haute et moyenne technologies et des services à haute technologie et à haut niveau de savoir progresse en Wallonie mais régresse en Flandre. La proportion de personnes très qualifiées dans la population wallonne augmente et la proportion de peu qualifiés diminue. Le profil de qualification par catégorie d’âge en Wallonie en 2003 est très proche de la moyenne belge. Les dépenses intra-muros des entreprises en R&D progressent plus rapidement en Wallonie. Entre 2001 et 2002, le taux de croissance était de 11,% en Wallonie contre 3,6 % en Flandre. 2. Les points négatifs Un rapprochement des taux de croissance est insuffisant pour assurer un rattrapage des économies régionales. Etant donné son retard de développement, la Wallonie devrait enregistrer des taux de croissance supérieurs à la Flandre, ce qui est loin d’être le cas. La part de la Wallonie dans la production totale belge continue donc à diminuer, passant de plus de 30 % en 1995 à moins de 25 % en 2003. La productivité marginale du capital est plus faible en Wallonie qu’en Flandre, ce qui donne lieu à un taux d’investissement moindre en Wallonie. Sur la période 1995-2001, le rendement brut du capital est de 14,% en Wallonie contre 17,5 % en Flandre. Cela pose problème pour l’attractivité relative de la Wallonie pour l’investissement. Le revenu moyen par habitant en Wallonie est 25 % inférieur à celui de la Flandre en 2002 (équivalent à la moyenne de l’UE 15). Les disparités entre provinces wallonnes s’accentuent. Sur la période 1995-2002, le Brabant wallon enregistre une augmentation de 8 % de sa production par rapport à la moyenne de l’UE15 alors que les provinces de Liège, du Hainaut et du Luxembourg enregistrent chacune une baisse supérieure à 6 %. En 2003, le taux d’emploi en Wallonie de 55,4 % reste significativement inférieur à celui de la Flandre (62,9 %) et celui de l’UE15 (64,2 %). La Wallonie est donc encore loin de l’objectif de taux d’emploi de 70 %. La structure de l’emploi est aussi fort différente entre régions avec en 2002, 2/3 des emplois dans le secteur privé en Wallonie pour 3/4 des emplois dans le secteur privé en Flandre. Le taux de chômage est resté stable autour de% en Wallonie entre 1995 et 2002 du fait d’une augmentation de la population active égale à l’augmentation de l’emploi. En 2002, le taux de chômage en Flandre est passé en dessous de 5 %. Le taux de chômage des jeunes (15-24 ans) en Wallonie est le plus élevé d’Europe avec un taux de 26,5 % en 2002 contre 11,6 % en Flandre. Plus alarmant encore, plus de 40 % des chômeurs en Wallonie sont des chômeurs de longue durée (>2 ans) contre moins de 20 % en Flandre. Le pourcentage de la population de 18-24 ans sans diplôme de l’enseignement secondaire et qui ne suit ni enseignement, ni formation est de% en Wallonie contre 11,7 % en Flandre. En outre, selon la dernière enquête PISA, l’enseignement secondaire en Communauté française figure en 31e position sur 41 pays contre une 3e position pour la Flandre pour un budget équivalent sinon moindre. 3. Que faire ? Face à ce constat que pouvons-nous faire ? Quelques pistes de réflexion sont présentées dans ce numéro de Regards économiques. Parmi celles-ci, nous relevons la nécessité de cesser la politique de saupoudrage et de concentrer les efforts autour d’une grande métropole urbaine comme Bruxelles en reconnaissant que les échanges se développent de plus en plus entre régions urbaines. La Wallonie se doit de travailler en partenariat stratégique avec Bruxelles dans une perspective économique moderne. La zone d’influence de Bruxelles doit dépasser le Brabant wallon. Il faut aussi chercher à améliorer l’efficacité dans l’utilisation des fonds publics en évitant les doublons et en recourant systématiquement à des études d’efficacité rigoureuses et impartiales. Par exemple, on pourrait explorer ce que coûte l’existence des provinces, des multiples réseaux d’enseignement et des cabinets ministériels. On peut aussi s’interroger sur le grand nombre d’intercommunales et le manque de transparence de leur gestion. Il faut aussi s’attaquer de toute urgence au scandale du chômage des jeunes par une politique de remédiation volontariste. On doit investir massivement dans le système éducatif pour élever le niveau de qualification des jeunes et faciliter la transition enseignement et emploi. Il faut élargir la mission du FOREM au-delà de la diffusion des offres d’emploi pour lui confier la fonction critique de placement et d’accompagnement des demandeurs d’emploi. Il faut aussi mettre en place des outils d’évaluation des politiques de l’emploi. C’est inadmissible que depuis l’année 2004, la Wallonie est incapable de publier des statistiques sur les offres d’emploi satisfaites et insatisfaites (alors que Bruxelles et la Flandre continuent à publier ces chiffres). Nous poursuivrons notre analyse de la situation wallonne dans un prochain numéro de Regards économiques. Nous attendons aussi des hommes politiques qu’ils reconnaissent cette situation et le traduisent dans leurs actes en poursuivant une politique économique adaptée, cohérente et stable. Il n’y a pas de fatalité. Nous en voulons pour preuve l’expérience danoise qui en 10 ans a réduit son chômage de moitié par un système novateur de "flexicurité" (en partenariat avec les syndicats). Son marché du travail s’est fluidifié avec plus d’un danois sur trois changeant de travail au cours d’une année et un effort substantiel du gouvernement sur la formation, l’orientation et l’accompagnement des chômeurs. Un sondage récent montre que les travailleurs danois ne sont pas plus mécontents avec ce système que les travailleurs belges. L’Angleterre, avec un taux de syndicalisme plus élevé que chez nous, a aussi réussi par son "New Deal" à réduire de moitié le chômage des jeunes. Ces deux pays connaissent aujourd’hui un taux de chômage de 5 %, bien inférieur à la moyenne européenne. Comprendre pourquoi pourrait être fortement utile à la Wallonie.

Contemporary culinary discourse in Australia has been dominated by the notion that migration and the increased mobility of Australians is responsible for filling a culinary void, as though, because we have had no peasantry we have no affinity with either the land or its produce. This argument serves to alienate Australians of British descent and its validity is open to questioning. It's an argument in urgent need of debate because cuisine stands out as the signifier of a 'multicultural' nation. Despite all the political posturing, food has 'long been the acceptable face of multiculturalism' (Gunew 13). We argue that the rhetoric of multiculturalism serves to widen the chasm between Australians of British descent and other migrants by encouraging the 'us' and 'them' mentality. We have examined the common links in the food stories of three women from disparate backgrounds. The sample is small in quantitative terms but we felt that if the culinary histories of just three women ran counter to the dominant discourse, then they would provide a new point of departure. In doing this we hope to question the precept driving culinary discourse which gives more weight to what men have said and done, than what women have cooked and how; and propagates mythologies about the eating habits of 'ethnic' migrants. Multiculturalism The terminology surrounding policies that seek to manage difference and diversity is culturally loaded and tends to perpetuate binaries. "Multiculturalism, circulates in Australia as a series of discursive formations serving a variety of institutional interests" (Gunew 256). In Australia multicultural policy seeks to "manage our cultural diversity so that the social cohesion of our nation is preserved" (Advisory Council on Multicultural Affairs 4). The result is to allow diversity that is sanctioned and is to some extent homogenised, while difference is not understood and is contained (see Newman). Multicultural? Who does it include and exclude? Gunew points out that official formulations of multiculturalism exclude people of 'Anglo-Celtic' origin, as though they had no 'ethnicity'. Multiculturalism, while addressing some of the social problems of immigration, is propelled at government level by our need for national cultural policy (see Stratton and Ang). To have a national cultural policy you need, it would seem, a film industry, a music industry, and a cuisine. In his history of Australian cuisine, Symons has only briefly alluded to women's role in the development of Australia's 'industrial cuisine'. One Continuous Picnic presents an essentially masculinist history, a pessimistic derogatory view giving little value to domestic traditions passed from mother to daughter. Women are mentioned only as authors of cookbooks produced throughout the 19th century and as the housewives whose role in the 1950s changed due to the introduction of labour-saving devices. Scant reference is made to the pre-eminent icon of Australian rural culinary history, the Country Women's Association1 and their recipe books. These books have gone through numerous editions from the 1920s, but Symons refers to them dismissively as a 'plain text' arising from the 'store-shelf of processed ingredients' (Symons 201). What of the 'vegie' patch, the afternoon tea? These traditions are mentioned, but only in passing. The products of arduous and loving baking are belittled as 'pretty things'. Is this because they are too difficult to document or because they are women's business? Female writers Barbara Santich and Marion Halligan have both written on the importance of these traditions in the lives of Australian women. Symons's discourse concentrates on 'industrial cuisine', but who is to say that its imperatives were not transgressed. The available data derives from recipe books, sales figures and advertising, but we don't actually know how much food came from other sources. Did your grandmother keep chickens? Did your grandfather fish? Terra Australis Culinae Nullius2 Michael Symons's precept is: This is the only continent which has not supported an agrarian society ... . Our land missed that fertile period when agriculture and cooking were created. There has never been the creative interplay between society and the soil. Almost no food has ever been grown by the person who eats it, almost no food has been preserved in the home and indeed, very little preparation is now done by a family cook. This is the uncultivated continent. Our history is without peasants. (10, our emphasis) This notion of terra Australis culinae nullius is problematic on two levels. The use of the word indigenous implies both Aboriginal and British settler culinary tradition. This statement consequently denies both traditional Aboriginal knowledge and the British traditions. The importance of Aboriginal foodways, their modern exploitation and their impact on the future of Australian cuisine needs recognition, but the complexity of the issue places it beyond the bounds of this paper. Symons's view of peasantry is a romanticised one, and says less about food and more about nostalgia for a more permanent, less changing environment. Advertising of 'ethnic' food routinely exploits this nostalgia by appropriating the image of the cheerful peasant. These advertisements perpetuate the mythologies that link pastoral images with 'family values'. These myths, or what Barthes describes as 'cultural truths', hold that migrant families all have harmonious relationships, are benevolently patriarchal and they all sit down to eat together. 'Ethnic' families are at one with the land and use recipes made from fresher, more natural produce, that are handed down through the female line and have had the benefit of generations of culinary wisdom. (See Gallegos & Mansfield.) So are the culinary traditions of Australians of British descent so different from those of migrant families? Joan, born near her home in Cunderdin in the Western Australian wheatbelt, grew up on a farm in reasonably prosperous circumstances with her six siblings. After marrying, she remained in the Cunderdin area to continue farming. Giovanna was born in 1915 on a farm four kilometres outside Vasto, in the Italian region of Abruzzi. One of seven children, her father died when she was young and at the age of twenty, she came to Australia to marry a Vastese man 12 years her senior. Maria was born in Madeira in 1946, in a coastal village near the capital Funchal. Like Giovanna she is the fifth of seven children and arrived in Australia at the age of twenty to marry. We used the information elicited from these three women to scrutinise some of the mythology surrounding ethnic families. Myth 1: 'Ethnic' families all eat together. All three women said their families had eaten together in the past and it was Joan who commented that what was missing in Australia today was people sitting down together to share a meal. Joan's farming community all came in for an extended midday meal from necessity, as the horses needed to be rested. Both women described radio, television, increasing work hours and different shifts as responsible for the demise of the family meal. Commensality is one of the common boundary markers for all groups 'indicating a kind of equality, peership, and the promise of further kinship links stemming from the intimate acts of dining together' (Nash 11). It is not only migrant families who eat together, and the demise of the family meal is more widely felt. Myth 2: Recipes in 'ethnic' families are passed down from generation to generation. Handing recipes down from generation to generation is not limited to just 'ethnic' families. All three women describe learning to cook from their mothers. Giovanna and Maria had hands-on experiences at very young ages, cooking for the family out of necessity. Joan did not have to cook for her family but her mother still taught her basic cookery as well as the finer points. The fluidity of the mother-daughter identity is expressed and documented by the handing on of recipes. Joan's community thought the recipes important enough to document in a written form, and so the West Australian version of the CWA cookbook became a reality. Joan, when asked about why the CWA developed a cookbook, replied that they wanted to record the recipes that were all well tried by women who spent the bulk of their days in the kitchen, cooking. Being taught to cook, teaching your children to cook and passing on recipes crosses borders, and does not serve to create or maintain boundaries. Myth 3: 'Ethnic' food is never prepared from processed products but always from homegrown produce. During their childhoods the range of food items purchased by the families was remarkably similar for all three women. All described buying tinned fish, rice and sugar, while the range of items produced from what was grown reflected common practices for the use and preservation of fresh produce. The major difference was the items that were in abundance, so while Joan describes pickling meat in addition to preserving fruits, Maria talks about preserving fish and Giovanna vegetables. The traditions developed around what was available. Joan and her family grew the food that they ate, preserved the food in their own home, and the family cook did all the preparation. To suggest they did not have a creative interplay with the soil is suggesting that they were unskilled in making a harsh landscape profitable. Joan's family could afford to buy more food items than the other families. Given the choice both Giovanna's and Maria's families would have only been too eager to make their lives easier. For example, on special occasions when the choice was available Giovanna's family chose store-bought pasta. The perception of the freshness and tastiness of peasant cuisine and affinity with the land obscures the issue, which for much of the world is still quantity, not quality. It would seem that these women's stories have points of reference. All three women describe the sense of community food engendered. They all remember sharing and swapping recipes. This sense of community was expressed by the sharing of food -- regardless of how little there was or what it was. The legacy lives on, while no longer feeling obliged to provide an elaborate afternoon tea as she did in her married life, visitors to Joan's home arrive to the smell of freshly baked biscuits shared over a cup of tea or coffee. Giovanna is only too eager to share her Vastese cakes with a cup of espresso coffee, and as new acquaintances we are obliged to taste each of the five different varieties of cakes and take some home. Maria, on the other hand, offered instant coffee and store-bought biscuits; having worked outside the home all her life and being thirty years younger than the other women, is this perhaps the face of modernity? The widespread anticipation of the divisions between these women has more to do with power relationships and the politics of east, west, north, south than with the realities of everyday life. The development of a style of eating will depend on your knowledge both as an individual and as a collective, the ingredients that are available at any one time, the conditions under which food has to be grown, and your own history. For the newly-arrived Southern Europeans meat was consumed in higher quantities because its availability was restricted in their countries of origin, to eat meat regularly was to increase your status in society. Interest in 'ethnic' food and its hybridisation is a global phenomenon and the creolisation of eating has been described both in America (see Garbaccia) and in Britain (James 81). The current obsession with the 'ethnic' has more to do with nostalgia than tolerance. The interviews which were conducted highlight the similarities between three women from different backgrounds despite differences in age and socioeconomic status. Our cuisine is in the process of hybridisation, but let us not forget who is manipulating this process and the agendas under which it is encouraged. To lay claim that one tradition is wonderful, while the other either does not exist or has nothing to offer, perpetuates divisive binaries. By focussing on what these women have in common rather than their differences we begin to critically interrogate the "culinary binary". It is our intention to stimulate debate that we hope will eventually lead to the encouragement of difference rather than the futile pursuit of authenticity. Footnotes 1. The Country Women's Association is an organisation that began in Australia in the 1920s. It is still operational and has as one of its primary aims the improvement of the welfare and conditions of women and children, especially those living in the country. 2. The term terra australis nullius is used to describe Australia at the point of colonisation. The continent was regarded as "empty" because the native people had neither improved nor settled on the land. We have extended this concept to incorporate cuisine. This notion of emptiness has influenced readings of Australian history which overlook the indigenous population and their relationship with the land. References Advisory Council on Multicultural Affairs. Towards A National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia. Canberra, 1988. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. A. Lavers. London: Vintage, 1993. Belasco, Warren. "Ethnic Fast Foods: The Corporate Melting Pot". Food and Foodways 2.1 (1987): 1-30. Gallegos, Danielle, and Alan Mansfield. "Eclectic Gastronomes or Conservative Eaters: What Does Advertising Say?" Nutrition Unplugged, Proceedings of the 16th Dietitians Association of Australia National Conference. Hobart: Dietitians Association of Australia, 1997. Gallegos, Danielle, and Alan Mansfield. "Screen Cuisine: The Pastes, Powders and Potions of the Mediterranean Diet". Celebrate Food, Proceedings of the 17th Dietitians Association of Australia National Conference. Sydney: Dietitians Association of Australia, 1998. Garbaccia, D.R. We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans. Boston: Harvard UP, 1998. Gunew, Sneja. "Denaturalising Cultural Nationalisms; Multicultural Readings of 'Australia'." Nation and Narration. Ed. Homi Bhabha. London: Routledge, 1990. 245-66. Gunew, Sneja. Introduction. Feminism and the Politics of Difference. Eds. S. Gunew and A. Yeatman. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993. xiii-xxv. Halligan, Marion. Eat My Words. Melbourne: Angus & Robertson, 1990. Harvey, D. The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989. James, Alison. "How British Is British Food". Food, Health and Identity. Ed. P. Caplan. London: Routledge, 1997. 71-86. Mennell, Stephen. All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1996. Nash, Manning. The Cauldron of Ethnicity in the Modern World. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1989. Newman, Felicity. Didn't Your Mother Teach You Not to Talk with Your Mouth Full? Food, Families and Friction. Unpublished Masters Thesis, Murdoch University, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. Santich, Barbara. Looking for Flavour. Adelaide: Wakefield, 1996. Stratton, Jon, and Ien Ang. "Multicultural Imagined Communities: Cultural Difference and National Identity in Australia and the USA". Continuum 8.2 (1994): 124-58. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic. Adelaide: Duck, 1992. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Danielle Gallegos, Felicity Newman. "What about the Women? Food, Migration and Mythology." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/women.php>. Chicago style: Danielle Gallegos, Felicity Newman, "What about the Women? Food, Migration and Mythology," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/women.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Danielle Gallegos, Felicity Newman. (1999) What about the women? Food, migration and mythology. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/women.php> ([your date of access]).

Indigenous cross-cultural training has been around since the 1980s. It is often seen as a way to increase the skills and competency of staff engaged in providing service to Indigenous clients and customers, teaching Indigenous students within universities and schools, or working with Indigenous communities (Fredericks and Bargallie, “Indigenous”; “Which Way”). In this article we demonstrate how such training often exposes power, whiteness, and concepts of an Indigenous “other”. We highlight how cross-cultural training programs can potentially provide a setting in which non-Indigenous participants can develop a deeper realisation of how their understandings of the “other” are formed and enacted within a “white” social setting. Revealing whiteness as a racial construct enables people to see race, and “know what racism is, what it is not and what it does” (Bargallie, 262). Training participants can use such revelations to develop their racial literacy and anti-racist praxis (Bargallie), which when implemented have the capacity to transform inequitable power differentials in their work with Indigenous peoples and organisations.What Does the Literature Say about Cross-Cultural Training? An array of names are used for Indigenous cross-cultural training, including cultural awareness, cultural competency, cultural responsiveness, cultural safety, cultural sensitivity, cultural humility, and cultural capability. Each model takes on a different approach and goal depending on the discipline or profession to which the training is applied (Hollinsworth). Throughout this article we refer to Indigenous cross-cultural training as “cultural competence” or “cultural awareness” and discuss these in relation to their application within higher education institutions. While literature on health and human services programs in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and other nation states provide clear definitions of terms such as “cultural safety”, cultural competence or cultural awareness is often lacking a concise and consistent definition.Often delivered as a half day or a one to two-day training course, it is unrealistic to think that Indigenous cultural competence can be achieved through one’s mere attendance and participation. Moreover, when courses centre on “cultural differences” and enable revelations about those differences they are in danger of presenting idealised notions of Indigeneity. Cultural competence becomes a process through which an Indigenous “other” is objectified, while very little is offered by way of translating knowledge and skills into practice when working with Indigenous peoples.What this type of learning has the capacity to do is oversimplify and reinforce racism and racist stereotypes of Indigenous peoples and Indigenous cultures. What is generally believed is that if non-Indigenous peoples know more about Indigenous peoples and cultures, relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples will somehow improve. The work of Goenpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson is vital to draw on here, when she asks, has the intellectual investment in defining our cultural differences resulted in the valuing of our knowledges? Has the academy become a more enlightened place in which to work, and, more important, in what ways have our communities benefited? (xvii)What is revealed in a range of studies – whether centring on racism and discrimination or the ongoing disparities across health, education, incarceration, employment, and more – is that despite forty plus years of training focused on understanding cultural differences, very little has changed. Indigenous knowledges continue to be devalued and overlooked. Everyday and structural racisms shape everyday experiences for Indigenous employees in Australian workplaces such as the Australian Public Service (Bargallie) and the Australian higher education sector (Fredericks and White).As the literature demonstrates, the racial division of labour in such institutions often leaves Indigenous employees languishing on the lower rungs of the employment ladder (Bargallie). The findings of an Australian university case study, discussed below, highlights how power, whiteness, and concepts of “otherness” are exposed and play out in cultural competency training. Through their exposure, we argue that better understandings about Indigenous Australians, which are not based on culture difference but personal reflexivity, may be gained. Revealing What Was Needed in the Course’s Foundation and ImplementationThis case study is centred within a regional Australian university across numerous campuses. In 2012, the university council approved an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander strategy, which included a range of initiatives, including the provision of cross-cultural training for staff. In developing the training, a team explored the evidence as it related to university settings (Anning; Asmar; Butler and Young; Fredericks; Fredericks and Thompson; Kinnane, Wilks, Wilson, Hughes and Thomas; McLaughlin and Whatman). This investigation included what had been undertaken in other Australian universities (Anderson; University of Sydney) and drew on the recommendations from earlier research (Behrendt, Larkin, Griew and Kelly; Bradley, Noonan, Nugent and Scales; Universities Australia). Additional consultation took place with a broad range of internal and external stakeholders.While some literature on cross-cultural training centred on the need to understand cultural differences, others exposed the problems of focusing entirely on difference (Brach and Fraser; Campinha-Bacote; Fredericks; Spencer and Archer; Young). The courses that challenged the centrality of cultural difference explained why race needed to be at the core of its training, highlighting its role in enabling discussions of racism, bias, discrimination and how these may be used as means to facilitate potential individual and organisational change. This approach also addressed stereotypes and Eurocentric understandings of what and who is an Indigenous Australian (Carlson; Gorringe, Ross and Forde; Hollinsworth; Moreton-Robinson). It is from this basis that we worked and grew our own training program. Working on this foundational premise, we began to separate content that showcased the fluidity and diversity of Indigenous peoples and refrained from situating us within romantic notions of culture or presenting us as an exotic “other”. In other words, we embraced work that responded to non-Indigenous people’s objectified understandings and expectations of us. For example, the expectation that Indigenous peoples will offer a Welcome to Country, performance, share a story, sing, dance, or disseminate Indigenous knowledges. While we recognise that some of these cultural elements may offer enjoyment and insight to non-Indigenous people, they do not challenge behaviours or the nature of the relationships that non-Indigenous people have with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Bargallie; Fredericks; Hollinsworth; Westwood and Westwood; Young).The other content which needed separating were the methods that enabled participants to understand and own their standpoints. This included the use of critical Indigenous studies as a form of analysis (Moreton-Robinson). Critical race theory (Delgado and Stefancic) was also used as a means for participants to interrogate their own cultural positionings and understand the pervasive nature of race and racism in Australian society and institutions (McLaughlin and Whatman). This offered all participants, both non-Indigenous and Indigenous, the opportunity to learn how institutional racism operates, and maintains discrimination, neglect, abuse, denial, and violence, inclusive of the continued subjugation that exists within higher education settings and broader society.We knew that the course needed to be available online as well as face-to-face. This would increase accessibility to staff across the university community. We sought to embed critical thinking as we began to map out the course, including the theory in the sections that covered colonisation and the history of Indigenous dispossession, trauma and pain, along with the ongoing effects of federal and state policies and legislations that locates racism at the core of Australian politics. In addition to documenting the ongoing effects of racism, we sought to ensure that Indigenous resistance, agency, and activism was highlighted, showing how this continues, thus linking the past to the contemporary experiences of Indigenous peoples.Drawing on the work of Bargallie we wanted to demonstrate how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples experience racism through systems and structures in their everyday work with colleagues in large organisations, such as universities. Participants were asked to self-reflect on how race impacts their day-to-day lives (McIntosh). The final session of the training focused on the university’s commitment to “Closing the Gap” and its Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP). The associated activity involved participants working individually and in small groups to discuss and consider what they could contribute to the RAP activities and enact within their work environments. Throughout the training, participants were asked to reflect on their personal positioning, and in the final session they were asked to draw from these reflections and discuss how they would discuss race, racism and reconciliation activities with the governance of their university (Westwood and Westwood; Young).Revelations in the Facilitators, Observers, and Participants’ Discussions? This section draws on data collected from the first course offered within the university’s pilot program. During the delivery of the in-person training sessions, two observers wrote notes while the facilitators also noted their feelings and thoughts. After the training, the facilitators and observers debriefed and discussed the delivery of the course along with the feedback received during the sessions.What was noticed by the team was the defensive body language of participants and the types of questions they asked. Team members observed how there were clear differences between the interest non-Indigenous participants displayed when talking about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and a clear discomfort when they were asked to reflect on their own position in relation to Indigenous people. We noted that during these occasions some participants crossed their arms, two wrote notes to each other across the table, and many participants showed discomfort. When the lead facilitator raised this to participants during the sessions, some expressed their dislike and discomfort at having to talk about themselves. A couple were clearly unhappy and upset. We found this interesting as we were asking participants to reflect and talk about how they interpret and understand themselves in relation to Indigenous people and race, privilege, and power.This supports the work of DiAngelo who explains that facilitators can spend a lot of time trying to manage the behaviour of participants. Similarly, Castagno identifies that sometimes facilitators of training might overly focus on keeping participants happy, and in doing so, derail the hard conversations needed. We did not do either. Instead, we worked to manage the behaviours expressed and draw out what was happening to break the attempts to silence racial discussions. We reiterated and worked hard to reassure participants that we were in a “safe space” and that while such discussions may be difficult, they were worth working through on an individual and collective level.During the workshop, numerous emotions surfaced, people laughed at Indigenous humour and cried at what they witnessed as losses. They also expressed anger, defensiveness, and denial. Some participants revelled in hearing answers to questions that they had long wondered about; some openly discussed how they thought they had discovered a distant Aboriginal relative. Many questions surfaced, such as why hadn’t they ever been told this version of Australian history? Why were we focusing on them and not Aboriginal people? How could they be racist when they had an Aboriginal friend or an Aboriginal relative?Some said they felt “guilty” about what had happened in the past. Others said they were not personally responsible or responsible for the actions of their ancestors, questioning why they needed to go over such history in the first place? Inter-woven within participants’ revelations were issues of racism, power, whiteness, and white privilege. Many participants took a defensive stance to protect their white privilege (DiAngelo). As we worked through these issues, several participants started to see their own positionality and shared this with the group. Clearly, the revelation of whiteness as a racial construct was a turning point for some. The language in the group also changed for some participants as revelations emerged through the interrogation and unpacking of stories of racism. Bargallie’s work exploring racism in the workplace, explains that “racism”, as both a word and theme, is primarily absent in conversations amongst non-Indigenous colleagues. Despite its entrenchment in the dialogue, it is rarely, if ever addressed. In fact, for many non-Indigenous people, the fear of being accused of racism is worse than the act of racism itself (Ahmed; Bargallie). We have seen this play out within the media, sport, news bulletins, and more. Lentin describes the act of denying racism despite its existence in full sight as “not racism”, arguing that its very denial is “a form of racist violence” (406).Through enhancing racial literacy, Bargallie asserts that people gain a better understanding of “what racism is, what racism is not and how race works” (258). Such revelations can work towards dismantling racism in workplaces. Individual and structural racism go hand-in-glove and must be examined and addressed together. This is what we wanted to work towards within the cultural competency course. Through the use of critical Indigenous studies and critical race theory we situated race, and not cultural difference, as central, providing participants with a racial literacy that could be used as a tool to challenge and dismantle racism in the workplace.Revelations in the Participant Evaluations?The evaluations revealed that our intention to disrupt the status quo in cultural competency training was achieved. Some of the discussions were difficult and this was reflected in the feedback. It was valuable to learn that numerous participants wanted to do more through group work, conversations, and problem resolution, along with having extra reading materials. This prompted our decision to include extra links to resource learning materials through the course’s online site. We also opted to provide all participants with a copy of the book Indigenous Australia for Dummies (Behrendt). The cost of the book was built into the course and future participants were thankful for this combination of resources.One unexpected concern raised by participants was that the course should not be “that hard”, and that we should “dumb down” the course. We were astounded considering that many participants were academics and we were confident that facilitators of other mandatory workplace training, for example, staff Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO), Fire Safety, Risk Management, Occupational Health and Safety, Discrimination and more, weren’t asked to “dumb down” their content. We explained to the participants what content we had been asked to deliver and knew their responses demonstrated white fragility. We were not prepared to adjust the course and dumb it down for white understandings and comfortabilities (Leonardo and Porter).Comments that were expected included that the facilitators were “passionate”, “articulate”, demonstrated “knowledge” and effectively “dealt with issues”. A couple of the participants wrote that the facilitators were “aggressive” or “angry”. This however is not new for us, or new to other Aboriginal women. We know Aboriginal women are often seen as “aggressive” and “angry”, when non-Indigenous women might be described as “passionate” or “assertive” for saying exactly the same thing. The work of Aileen Moreton-Robinson in Australia, and the works of numerous other Aboriginal women provide evidence of this form of racism (Fredericks and White; Bargallie; Bond). Internationally, other Indigenous women and women of colour document the same experiences (Lorde). Participants’ assessment of the facilitators is consistent with the racism expressed through racial microaggression outside of the university, and in other organisations. This is despite working in the higher education sector, which is normally perceived as a more knowledgeable and informed environment. Needless to say, we did not take on these comments.The evaluations did offer us the opportunity to adjust the course and make it stronger before it was offered across the university where we received further evaluation of its success. Despite this, the university decided to withdraw and reallocate the money to the development of a diversity training course that would cover all equity groups. This meant that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would be covered along with sexual diversity, gender, disability, and people from non-English speaking backgrounds. The content focused on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples was reduced to one hour of the total course. Including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in this way is not based on evidence and works to minimise Indigenous Australians and their inherent rights and sovereignty to just another “equity group”. Conclusion We set out to develop and deliver a cross-cultural course that was based on evidence and a foundation of 40 plus years’ experience in delivering such training. In addition, we sought a program that would align with the university’s Reconciliation Action Plan and the directions being undertaken in the sector and by Universities Australia. Through engaging participants in a process of critical thinking centring on race, we developed a training program that successfully fostered self-reflection and brought about revelations of whiteness.Focusing on cultural differences has proven ineffective to the work needed to improve the lives of Indigenous Australian peoples. Recognising this, our discussions with participants directly challenged racist and negative stereotypes, individual and structural racism, prejudices, and white privilege. By centring race over cultural difference in cultural competency training, we worked to foster self-revelation within participants to transform inequitable power differentials in their work with Indigenous peoples and organisations. The institution’s disbandment and defunding of the program however is a telling revelation in and of itself, highlighting the continuing struggle and importance of placing additional pressure on persons, institutions, and organisations to implement meaningful structural change. ReferencesAhmed, Sara. On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Duke University Press, 2012.Anderson, Ian. “Advancing Indigenous Health through Medical Education”. 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Strategies for Breaking the Stereotypes and Changing the Conversation. AIATSIS Research Discussion Paper No. 28. Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS), 2011.Hollinsworth, David. “Forget Cultural Competence: Ask for an Autobiography”. Social Work Education: The International Journal 32.8 (2013): 1048-1060.hooks, bell. Feminist Theory: From Margin to Centre. London: Pluto Press, 2000.Kinnane, Stephen, Judith Wilks, Katie Wilson, Terri Hughes, and Sue Thomas. Can’t Be What You Can’t See: The Transition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Students into Higher Education. Final report to the Australian Government Office for Learning and Teaching. Canberra: Office of Learning and Teaching, 2014.Lentin, Alana. “Beyond Denial: ‘Not Racism’ as Racist Violence”. Continuum 32.1 (2018): 1-15.Leonardo, Zeus, and Ronald L. Porter. “Pedagogy of Fear: Toward a Fanonian Theory of ‘Safety’ in Race Dialogue”. 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Archer. “Surveys of Cultural Competency in Health Professional Education: A Literature Review”. Journal of Emergency Primary Health Care 6.2 (2008): 17.Universities Australia. National Best Practice Framework for Indigenous Cultural Competency in Australian Universities. Universities Australia, 2011. <http://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/lightbox/1312>.University of Sydney. National Centre for Cultural Competence, 2016. <http://sydney.edu.au/nccc/>.Westwood, Barbara, and Geoff Westwood. “Aboriginal Cultural Awareness Training: Policy v. Accountability – Failure in Reality”. Australian Health Review 34 (2010): 423-429.Young, Susan. “Not Because It’s a Bloody Black Issue! Problematics of Cross Cultural Training”. In Unmasking Whiteness: Race Relations and Reconciliation, ed. Belinda McKay, 204-219. Queensland Studies Centre, University of Queensland Press, 1999.

“What's the brief?” is an everyday question within the graphic design process. Moreover, the concept and importance of a design brief is overtly understood well beyond design practice itself—especially among stakeholders who work with designers and clients who commission design services. Indeed, a design brief is often an assumed and expected physical or metaphoric artefact for guiding the creative process. When a brief is lacking, incomplete or unclear, it can render an already ambiguous graphic design process and discipline even more fraught with misinterpretation. Nevertheless, even in wider design discourse, there appears to be little research on design briefs and the briefing process (Jones and Askland; Paton and Dorst). It seems astonishing that, even in Peter Phillips’s 2014 edition of Creating the Perfect Design Brief, he feels compelled to comment that “there are still no books available about design briefs” and that the topic is only “vaguely” covered within design education (21). While Phillips’s assertion is debatable if one draws purely from online vernacular sources or professional guides, it is supported by the lack of scholarly attention paid to the design brief. Graphic design briefs are often mentioned within design books, journals, and online sources. However, this article argues that the format, function and use of such briefs are largely assumed and rarely identified and studied. Even within the broader field of design research, the tendency appears to be to default to “the design brief” as an assumed shorthand, supporting Phillips’s argument about the nebulous nature of the topic. As this article contextualises, this is further problematised by insufficient attention cast on graphic design itself as a specific discipline. This article emerges from a wider, multi-stage creative practice study into graphic design practice, that used experimental performative design research methods to investigate graphic designers’ professional relationships with stakeholders (Meron, Strangely). The article engages with specific outcomes from that study that relate to the design brief. The article also explores existing literature and research and argues for academics, the design industry, and educationalists, to focus closer attention on the design brief. It concludes by suggesting that experimental and collaborative design methods offers potential for future research into the design brief. Contextualising the Design Brief It is critical to differentiate the graphic design brief from the operational briefs of architectural design (Blyth and Worthington; Khan) or those used in technical practices such as software development or IT systems design, which have extensive industry-formalised briefing practices and models such as the waterfall system (Petersen et al.) or more modern processes such as Agile (Martin). Software development and other technical design briefs are necessarily more formulaically structured than graphic design briefs. Their requirements are generally empirically and mechanistically located, and often mission-critical. In contrast, the conceptual nature of creative briefs in graphic design creates the potential for them to be arbitrarily interpreted. Even in wider design discourse, there appears to be little consistency about the form that a brief takes. Some sources indicate that a brief only requires one page (Elebute; Nov and Jones) or even a single line of text (Jones and Askland). At other times briefs are described as complex, high-level documents embedded within processes which designers respond to with the aim of producing end products to satisfy clients’ requirements (Ambrose; Patterson and Saville). Ashby and Johnson (40) refer to the design brief as a “solution neutral” statement, the aim being to avoid preconceptions or the narrowing of the creative possibilities of a project. Others describe a consultative (Walsh), collaborative and stakeholder-inclusive process (Phillips). The Scholarly Brief Within scholarly design research, briefs inevitably manifest as an assumed artefact or process within each project; but the reason for their use or antecedents for chosen formats are rarely addressed. For example, in “Creativity in the Design Process” (Dorst and Cross) some elements of the design brief are described. The authors also describe at what stage of the investigation the brief is introduced and present a partial example of the brief. However, there is no explanation of the form of the brief or the reasons behind it. They simply describe it as being typical for the design medium, adding that its use was considered a critical part of addressing the design problem. In a separate study within advertising (Johar et al.), researchers even admit that the omission of crucial elements from the brief—normally present in professional practice—had a detrimental effect on their results. Such examples indicate the importance of briefs for the design process, yet further illustrating the omission of direct engagement with the brief within the research design, methodology, and methods. One exception comes from a study amongst business students (Sadowska and Laffy) that used the design brief as a pedagogical tool and indicates that interaction with, and changes to, elements of a design brief impact the overall learning process of participants, with the brief functioning as a trigger for that process. Such acknowledgement of the agency of a design brief affirms its importance for professional designers (Koslow et al.; Phillips). This use of a brief as a research device informed my use of it as a reflective and motivational conduit when studying graphic designers’ perceptions of stakeholders, and this will be discussed shortly. The Professional Brief Professionally, the brief is a key method of communication between designers and stakeholders, serving numerous functions including: outlining creative requirements, audience, and project scope; confirming project requirements; and assigning and documenting roles, procedures, methods, and approval processes. The format of design briefs varies from complex multi-page procedural documents (Patterson and Saville; Ambrose) produced by marketing departments and sent to graphic design agencies, to simple statements (Jones and Askland; Elebute) from small to medium-sized businesses. These can be described as the initial proposition of the design brief, with the following interactions comprising the ongoing briefing process. However, research points to many concerns about the lack of adequate briefing information (Koslow, Sasser and Riordan). It has been noted (Murray) that, despite its centrality to graphic design, the briefing process rarely lives up to designers’ expectations or requirements, with the approach itself often haphazard. This reinforces the necessarily adaptive, flexible, and compromise-requiring nature of professional graphic design practice, referred to by design researchers (Cross; Paton and Dorst). However, rather than lauding these adaptive and flexible designer abilities as design attributes, such traits are often perceived by professional practitioners as unequal (Benson and Dresdow), having evolved by the imposition by stakeholders, rather than being embraced by graphic designers as positive designer skill-sets. The Indeterminate Brief With insufficient attention cast on graphic design as a specific scholarly discipline (Walker; Jacobs; Heller, Education), there is even less research on the briefing process within graphic design practice (Cumming). Literature from professional practice on the creation and function of graphic design briefs is often formulaic (Phillips) and fractured. It spans professional design bodies, to templates from mass-market printers (Kwik Kopy), to marketing-driven and brand-development approaches, in-house style guides, and instructional YouTube videos (David). A particularly clear summary comes from Britain’s Design Council. This example describes the importance of a good design brief, its requirements, and carries a broad checklist that includes the company background, project aims, and target audience. It even includes stylistic tips such as “don’t be afraid to use emotive language in a brief if you think it will generate a shared passion about the project” (Design Council). From a subjective perspective, these sources appear to contain sensible professional advice. However, with little scholarly research on the topic, how can we know that, for example, using emotive language best informs the design process? Why might this be helpful and desirable (or otherwise) for designers? These varied approaches highlight the indeterminate treatment of the design brief. Nevertheless, the very existence of such diverse methods communicates a pattern of acknowledgement of the criticality of the brief, as well as the desire, by professional bodies, commentators, and suppliers, to ensure that both designers and stakeholders engage effectively with the briefing process. Thus, with such a pedagogic gap in graphic design discourse, scholarly research into the design brief has the potential to inform vernacular and formal educational resources. Researching the Design Brief The research study from which this article emerges (Meron, Strangely) yielded outcomes from face-to-face interviews with eleven (deidentified) graphic designers about their perceptions of design practice, with particular regard to their professional relationships with other creative stakeholders. The study also surveyed online discussions from graphic design forums and blog posts. This first stage of research uncovered feelings of lacking organisational gravitas, creative ownership, professional confidence, and design legitimacy among the designers in relation to stakeholders. A significant causal factor pointed to practitioners’ perceptions of lacking direct access to and involvement with key sources of creative inspiration and information; one specific area being the design brief. It was a discovery that was reproduced thematically during the second stage of the research. This stage repurposed performative design research methods to intervene in graphic designers’ resistance to research (Roberts, et al), with the goal of bypassing practitioners’ tendency to portray their everyday practices using formulaic professionalised answers (Dorland, View). In aiming to understand graphic designers’ underlying motivations, this method replaced the graphic designer participants with trained actors, who re-performed narratives from the online discussions and designer interviews during a series of performance workshops. Performative methodologies were used as design thinking methods to defamiliarise the graphic design process, thereby enabling previously unacknowledged aspects of the design process to be unveiled, identified and analysed. Such defamiliarisation repurposes methods used in creative practice, including design thinking (Bell, Blythe, and Sengers), with performative elements drawing on ethnography (Eisner) and experimental design (Seago and Dunne). Binding these two stages of research study together was a Performative Design Brief—a physical document combining narratives from the online discussions and the designer interviews. For the second stage, this brief was given to a professional theatre director to use as material for a “script” to motivate the actors. In addition to identifying unequal access to the creative process as a potential point of friction, this study yielded outcomes suggesting that designers were especially frustrated when the design brief was unclear, insufficiently detailed, or even missing completely. The performative methodology enabled a refractive approach, using performative metaphor and theatre to defamiliarise graphic design practice, portraying the process through a third-party theatrical prism. This intervened in graphic designers’ habitual communication patterns (Dorland, The View). Thus, combining traditional design research methods with experimental interdisciplinary ones, enabled outcomes that might not otherwise have emerged. It is an example of engaging with the fluid, hybrid (Heller, Teaching), and often elusive practices (van der Waarde) of graphic design. Format, Function, and Use A study (Paton and Dorst) among professional graphic designers attempts to dissect practitioners’ perceptions of different aspects of briefing as a process of ‘framing’. Building on the broader theories of design researchers such as Nigel Cross, Bryan Lawson, and Donald Schön, Paton and Dorst suggest that most of the designers preferred a collaborative briefing process where both they and client stakeholders were directly involved, without intermediaries. This concurs with the desire, from many graphic designers that I interviewed, for unobstructed engagement with the brief. Moreover, narratives from the online discussions that I investigated suggest that the lack of clear frameworks for graphic design briefs is a hotly debated topic, as are perceptions of stakeholder belligerence or misunderstanding. For example, in a discussion from Graphic Design Forums designer experiences range from only ever receiving informal verbal instructions—“basically, we’ve been handed design work and they tell us ‘We need this by EOD’” (VFernandes)—to feeling obliged to pressure stakeholders to provide a brief—“put the burden on them to flesh out the details of a real brief and provide comprehensive material input” (HotButton) —to resignation to an apparent futility of gaining adequate design briefs from stakeholders because— “they will most likely never change” (KitchWitch). Such negative assumptions support Koslow et al.’s assertion that the absence of a comprehensive brief is the most “terrifying” thing for practitioners (9). Thus, practitioners’ frustrations with stakeholders can become unproductive when there is an inadequate design brief, or if the creative requirements of a brief are otherwise removed from the direct orbit of graphic designers. This further informs a narrative of graphic designers perceiving some stakeholders as gatekeepers of the design brief. For example, one interviewed designer believed that stakeholders ‘don’t really understand the process’ (Patricia). Another interviewee suggested that disorganised briefs could be avoided by involving designers early in the process, ensuring that practitioners had direct access to the client as a creative source, rather than having to circumnavigate stakeholders (Marcus). Such perceptions appeared to reinforce beliefs among these practitioners that they lack design capital within the creative process. These perceptions of gatekeeping of the design brief support suggestions of designers responding negatively when stakeholders approach the design process from a different perspective (Wall and Callister), if stakeholders assume a managerial position (Jacobs) and, in particular, if stakeholders are inexperienced in working with designers (Banks et al.; Holzmann and Golan). With such little clarity in the design briefing process, future research may consider comparisons with industries with more formalised briefing processes, established professional statuses, or more linear histories. Indeed, the uneven historical development of graphic design (Frascara; Julier and Narotzky) may influence the inconsistency of its briefing process. Inconsistency as Research Opportunity The inconsistent state of the graphic design brief is reflective of the broader profession that it resides within. Graphic design as a profession remains fluid and inconsistent (Dorland, Tell Me; Jacobs), with even its own practitioners unable to agree on its parameters or even what to call the practice (Meron, Terminology). Pedagogically, graphic design is still emerging as an independent discipline (Cabianca; Davis), struggling to gain capital outside of existing and broader creative practices (Poynor; Triggs). The inherent interdisciplinarity (Harland) and intangibility of graphic design also impact the difficulty of engaging with the briefing process. Indeed, graphic design’s practices have been described as “somewhere between science and superstition (or fact and anecdote)” (Heller, Teaching par. 3). With such obstacles rendering the discipline fractured (Ambrose et al.), it is understandable that stakeholders might find engaging productively with graphic design briefs challenging. This can become problematic, with inadequate stakeholder affinity or understanding of design issues potentially leading to creative discord (Banks et al.; Holzmann and Golan). Identifying potentially problematic and haphazard aspects of the design brief and process also presents opportunities to add value to research into broader relationships between graphic designers and stakeholders. It suggests a practical area of study with which scholarly research on collaborative design approaches might intersect with professional graphic design practice. Indeed, recent research suggests that collaborative approaches offer both process and educational advantages, particularly in the area of persona development, having the ability to discover the “real” brief (Taffe 394). Thus, framing the brief as a collaborative, educative, and negotiative process may allow creative professionals to elucidate and manage the disparate parts of a design process, such as timeframes, stakeholders, and task responsibilities, as well as the cost implications of stakeholder actions such as unscheduled amendments. It can encourage the formalisation of incomplete vernacular briefs, as well as allow for the influence of diverse briefing methods, such as the one-page creative brief of advertising agencies, or more formal project management practices while allowing for some of the fluidity of more agile approaches: acknowledging that changes may be required while keeping all parties informed and involved. In turn, collaborative approaches may contribute towards enabling the value of contributions from both graphic designers and stakeholders and it seems beneficial to look towards design research methodologies that promote collaborative pathways. Mark Steen, for example, argues for co-design as a form of design thinking for enabling stakeholders to combine knowledge with negotiation to implement change (27). Collaborative design methods have also been advocated for use between designers and users, with stakeholders on shared projects, and with external collaborators (Binder and Brandt). Others have argued that co-design methods facilitate stakeholder collaboration “across and within institutional structures” while challenging existing power relations, albeit leaving structural changes largely unaffected (Farr 637). The challenge for collaborative design research is to seek opportunities and methodologies to conduct design brief research within a graphic design process that often appears amorphous, while also manifesting complex designer–stakeholder dynamics. Doubly so, when the research focus—the graphic design brief—often appears as nebulous an entity as the practice it emerges from. Conclusion The research discussed in this article suggests that graphic designers distrust a creative process that itself symbolises an inconsistent, reactive, and often accidental historical development of their profession and pedagogy. Reflecting this, the graphic design brief emerges almost as a metaphor for this process. The lack of overt discussion about the format, scope, and process of the brief feeds into the wider framework of graphic design’s struggle to become an independent scholarly discipline. This, in turn, potentially undermines the professional authority of graphic design practice that some of its practitioners believe is deficient. Ultimately, the brief and its processes must become research-informed parts of graphic design pedagogy. Embracing the brief as a pedagogical, generative, and inseparable part of the design process can inform the discourse within education, adding scholarly value to practice and potentially resulting in increased agency for practitioners. The chameleon-like nature of graphic design’s constant adaptation to ever-changing industry requirements makes research into the role and influences of its briefing process challenging. Thus, it also follows that the graphic design brief is unlikely to quickly become as formalised a document or process as those from other disciplines. But these are challenges that scholars and professionals must surely embrace if pedagogy is to gain the research evidence to influence practice. As this article argues, the often obfuscated practices and inherent interdisciplinarity of graphic design benefit from experimental research methods, while graphic designers appear responsive to inclusive approaches. Thus, performative methods appear effective as tools of discovery and collaborative methodologies offer hope for organisational intervention. References Ambrose, Gavin. Design Thinking for Visual Communication. Fairchild, 2015. Ambrose, Gavin, Paul Harris, and Nigel Ball. The Fundamentals of Graphic Design. Bloomsbury, 2020. Ashby, M.F., and Kara Johnson. Materials and Design: The Art and Science of Material Selection in Product Design. Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann, 2010. 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IntroductionContemporary theorisations of family often present change in marriage as an icon of deinstitutionalisation (Cherlin). This idea, widely discussed in sociology, has been deepened and extended by Giddens, Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, Beck-Gernsheim and Bauman, considered to be the main architects of the individualisation, detraditionalisation and risk theses (Brannen and Nielsen). According to these authors, contemporary family is an ephemeral, fluid, and fragilereality, and weakening as a traditional institution. At the same time, and partly as a result of the changes to this institution, there has been a rise in the individual’s capacity to reflect on and choose their own life, to the point that living a life of their own becomes the individual’s defining injunction. Based on an in-depth and detailed analysis of a number of young Portuguese people’s accounts of their entry into conjugality, this paper seeks to unveil some of the hidden constraints which persist despite this claim to individualisation. Whilst individuals incorporate a personalised narrative in their construction of that “special day” – stressing the performance of the wedding they wanted, in the way they chose – these data show the continuing influence of the family on individual decisions (e.g. to marry or not to marry, and how to marry). These empirical findings thus contribute to the recent body of literature complexifying the individualisation and detraditionalisation theses (Smart and Shipman, Gross, Smart, Eldén).Using Sociology to Unveil Individualisation’s Hidden ConstraintsThis discussion of contemporary marriages is driven by empirical data from a sociological qualitative study based on episodic interviews (Flick, An Introduction to Qualitative Research and The Episodic Interview). This research (Costa) was developed in 2009 and aimed at an in-depth understanding of family practices (Morgan, Risk and Family Practices, Family Connections and Rethinking Family Practices), specifically family rituals (Bossard and Boll, Imber-Black and Roberts, Wolin and Bennett). Using a theoretical sampling (Glaser and Strauss), accounts were collected from 30 middle-class individuals, both men and women, living in an urban medium-sized city (Évora) in the south of Portugal (southern Europe), and with at least one small child between the age of 3 and 14 years old. Confidentiality and anonymity were maintained, and all names used in this paper are pseudonyms. For the purposes of this paper, I focus only on the women’s accounts. On the one hand, particularly for them, socialisation and media culture helped to consolidate a social representation around the wedding (Gillis, Marriages of the Mind); on the other hand, their more exhaustive descriptions of the wedding day allow better for examining the hidden constraints to individualisation. Data were coded and analysed through a thematic and structural content analysis (Bardin). The analysis of emerging themes and issues regarding the diverse ways of entering into conjugality was primarily assisted by qualitative software (NVivo, QSR International) and then presented in the form of contextualised narratives. Using a sociological perspective, the themes presented below illustrate the major conclusions of this study. Big Decisions: To Marry or Not to Marry? How to Marry?At the core of the decision of whether “to marry or not to marry?” and “how to marry?,” one can find multiple and complex arguments, which go beyond simplistic justifications based exclusively on the couple’s decision (Chesser; Maillochnon and Castrén). Women in particular display an awareness of the ways in which their decisions regarding marriage are crossed by the will, desires or preferences of the parents or in-laws. This was the case of Maria dos Anjos, married at the age of 26:It was a choice of the two of us [to marry]. Not an imposition. I didn’t care whether we were married by church or not… and there were times when I even put forward the possibility of a simple civil marriage. However, my parents really liked that I got married by the church. I'm not sure if this is due to tradition, if… and... they talked about it… and I also thought it was beautiful... it was a beautiful party... the dress, all that fantasy... and I really loved marrying in the church... so it became a strong possibility when we began to think about it [to get marry]… The argument that two people might marry because of or also to please the parents or in-laws explains, at least partially, a certain pressure that the fiancées feel before marriage to marry “in a certain way.” Filipa, who dated for ten years, lived the wedding day like “the realisation of a childhood’s dream.” The satisfaction she obtained was shared with her parents and in-laws:To marry in the church, with the wedding dress, and everything else... My mother in-law is a religious person too, right? So we felt that we both like it, the two of us, my mother, my mother-in-law, they would also like it, so we decided to marry in the church. To do the parents’ will is to meet the expectations around a “beautiful” wedding, but sometimes also to fulfil the marriage that the parents did not have. Lurdes is an only daughter, married at the age of 29. She argues that “marriage should be primarily significant for those who actually marry, not the parents or in-laws”. Yet, that was not her case: For us, maybe it was not so important; the paper signed, the ceremony in the church… maybe the two of us made it for our parents. It doesn’t mean that we didn’t have fun [...] and I don’t mean by this that it was a sacrifice, or a hardship […] My mother had no more daughters, and had a great will to marry her only daughter in the church. My mother was not married by the church, but was only married by civil registry. She never managed to convince my dad to get married by the church. And perhaps it was a bit... to project on me what she had not done! Despite her having the will to do but did not achieve it. And maybe I made her wish come true; I realise that she had that desire, a great desire that her daughter would marry in the church. For me, it was not a problem. So, we finally did agree and married in the church. The family of origin thus clearly has a great influence over some of the big decisions associated with marriage, such as whether to get married at all, and whether to involve the church in the process.Small decisions: It Is All about Details! The intrusion of the family of origin is also felt on the apparently more individual decisions as the choice of the dress or several other details concerning the organisation of the ceremony and the party (Chesser, Leeds-Hurwitz). The wedding dress is a good example of how women in particular perceive a certain pressure for conformity and subjection to buy it or choose it “in a certain way.” Silvia, who married at age 23, remembers: I married with a traditional wedding dress, even though I did not want to. I took a long veil, yet I did not want it... because at the time... I wanted to take a short dress... my mum thought I should not... because my mother did not marry in a wedding dress, did not marry in the church, she was already pregnant at the time and so on [downgrade of the tone] so she made pressure so that I was dressed properly.Precisely in order to run away from these impositions, some women admit having bought the dress alone, almost secretly. Maria dos Anjos, for example, chose and bought the wedding dress alone so that she did not have to give in to pressure from anyone: I really enjoyed it! I took a wedding dress... I was the one who chose it; I went to buy it myself, with my own money. I said to myself ‘the wedding dress, I will choose it; I will not be constrained by... I will not take my godmother and then think’... oh... I knew that if I did it, I would have to submit a little to her likes and dislikes… no! So I went to choose the dress alone. The girl who was in the shop was an acquaintance of mine, I tried a lot of them, and when I tried that one, I said to myself ‘this is it!’ and so it was the one!The position of the spouses in the sibling group also has an effect on numerous decisions that fiancées must make in the lead-up to the wedding. Raquel, who felt this pressure before marriage, attributed it to a large extent to the fact that her husband is an only child: Pressure in the sense that João [her husband]... he is an only child, right? So… his parents were always very concerned with certain things. And... everybody... even little things that had no importance, they wanted to decide on that! […] There are a lot of things that have to be decided, a lot of detail and… what I really think is that it is a really unique day, and it's all very important and all that but... but... then each one gives his/her opinion... And ‘I want this,’ ‘I want that,’ ‘I want the other’… it's too much; it's a lot of pressure... to manage... on one side, on the other side… because to try not to hurt vulnerabilities ends up being... crazy. Completely! Those fifteen days before... I think they are... they are a little crazy!Seemingly unimportant details (such as the fact that the mother did not marry in a wedding dress) end up becoming major arguments behind the suggestions or impositions made by both parents and in-laws in relation to decisions surrounding their children’s weddings.(Un)important Decisions: The Guest List The parents of the couple are often heavily involved in the planning of the wedding partly because, although the day is officially about the bride and groom, it is also the way that the parents share this important milestone with their family and friends (Pleck, Kalmijn, Maillochnon and Castrén). Interviewees say it is “easy” to decide on the guest list, since, at first glance arguments behind the most significant family relatives and friends to be present on the wedding day have to do with proximity, relationality and pleasure or happiness in sharing the moment. Nevertheless, it can be a hard task for couples to implement the criteria of proximity in the selection of guests as initially planned. In cases where the family is larger and there are economic constraints, it is common for fiancées to feel some unpleasantness from those relatives who would like to have been invited and were not. In other cases, parents, closer to the extended family, are the ones who produce this tension. On the one hand, they feel the need to justify to some relatives the choices of their adult children who did not include them in the guest list; on the other hand, they are forced to accept the fact that that decision lies with the couple. When planning the marriage of Dora, her mother at one point said something like “[…] ‘but my aunt invited us to her wedding and now...’” Dora understood the suspension of the sentence as a subtle pressure from her mother, although, for her, the question was indeed a very simple one: I give a lot of importance to the people who are with me on a day-to-day basis and that really are with me in good and bad times. [...] It happened. It was easy. For me, it was [laughs]. To my way of thinking it was. It cost my parents. However, not to me [laughs]. It cost me nothing! When the family is larger – but when there are no economic constraints which limit the number of guests – it is more common that weddings are bigger. In these circumstances, it is also more common to have a certain meddling from the families of origin encouraging couples to include the guests of the parents. Teresa admits this is precisely what happened with her: It was not so difficult because we were not also so limited. […] We left everything to the satisfaction of all. […] there were many people who were distant relatives, whom I was not close to. It didn’t really matter to me whether those people were present or not. It had more to do with the will of my parents. And usually we were also invited to those people’s weddings, so maybe it was also because of that… In some other cases there is a kind of agreement between parents and adult children, which allows both to invite “whoever they want”. This is the case of Marina, who had 194 guests “on her side,” against around 70 invited by her husband: I invited more people than him. Why? Well... I could count on my parents, right? And what my parents told me was: ‘you invite whoever you want!’. So, I invited my friends, and some other people I was not as close to, but who my parents wanted me to invite, right? […] but ok, they made a point of inviting them, and since they did not impose any financial limits, instead, they said to me ‘invite whoever you want to’, and we invited... For me, it was a ‘deal.’ I was indifferent about it [laughs]. Marina admits that she made a “deal” with her parents. By letting them pay the costs, she gave tacit consent that they could invite those who they wanted, even if it was the case those guests “didn’t relate to [her] at all.” At the wedding of Raquel, the fact that “there is family that [only her] parents were keen on inviting” was one of the main points of contention between her parents and the couple. The indignation was greater since it was “your [their own, not the parent’s] wedding” and they were being pressed to include people who they “hardly knew,” and with whom they “had no connection”: There were people who came who I did not know even who they were! Never seen them anywhere... but ok, my parents were keen on inviting some people, because they know them and all that... and then... it went into widening, extending and then... it ended up with more than one hundred guests […] we wanted it to be more intimate, more... with closer people… but it was not! The engaged couple thus recognises the importance of the parents’ guests. As one of the interviewees points out, the question is not so much the imposition of the will of the parents, rather the recognition of the importance of certain guests because “they are important to the parents.” Thus, the importance of these guests is not directly measured by the couple, but indirectly by being part of the importance that parents give them.Counter-Decisions: Narratives from the Inside Out Joana, a first daughter, “felt in her skin” the “punishment” for not having succumbed to the pressure she felt over her decision to marry. She told us she had her teenage dreams; however, as she grew older she identified herself less and less with the wedding ceremony. Moreover, with the death of her grandmother, who was especially meaningful to her, “it no longer made sense” to arrange that kind of ceremony since it would always be “incomplete” without her presence. Her boyfriend also did not urge that they marry, instead preferring to live in a de facto union. Joana felt strongly the pressure to take on a role that her parents and in-laws wanted: on the one hand, because she was “a girl, and the oldest daughter;” on the other hand, because her mother-in-law insisted since she had not saw her other daughter to get marry in church, as she was only civilly married. In fact, Joana could marry in church because she had been educated in the Catholic religion and met all the formal requirements to perform a religious marriage: I was the person who was prepared to move forward with this. And I did not! I'm not sorry. I don’t regret it at all! Although not regretted, Joana felt “very deeply” the gap between the expectations of her parents and the direction that she decided to give to her life when she told her parents she did not wanted to marry. She had the same boyfriend since adolescence, whom she moved in with on a New Year's Day at the age of 27. On that evening she organised a small party in the house they had rented and furnished, and stayed there for good. The mother “never forgave her.” The following year, when her sister got married, Joana “had the punishment” of, in the eyes of the mother, “not having done the right thing”: one thing I would have loved to have was a nightshirt [old piece of clothing, handmade] of my grandmother [...] But my mother kept the nightshirt and gave it to my sister on the day she married! My sister also loved my grandmother..., but she didn’t have the same emotional bond that I had with her! So, I got hurt. Honestly, I got! And the day of my sister's wedding for me it was full of surprises... This episode is particularly revealing of how Joana experienced the disappointment that caused to her parents for not having married: I did not have the faintest idea that she [her mother] was going to do that... Yet she kept it [the nightshirt]! [...] She kept it, and then she gave it to my sister! [...] It was my grandmother’s! And then I said, ‘but I was the first to get married!’ And it was I who had a closer relationship with my grandmother. I found it very unfair! [...] Joana sees this wedding gift as “a prize”: It was... she [her sister] was awarded because ‘you did the right thing,’ ‘you got married,’ ‘you had done it with all the pomp ... so take this [the nightshirt], that was of your grandmother!’ The day of her sister's wedding would still hold another surprise for Joana, that one coming from her father. She remembers always seeing at home a bottle of aged whiskey that her father “kept for the first daughter who gets to marry.” I did not get married, right? And... and it was sad to see that day and get the bottle open, the bottle that was proudly kept untouched for many years until the first daughter to marry... Whilst most women admit to have given in to pressure from parents and in-laws, Joana’s example demonstrates another side – emotionally painful – of those who did not conform to marry or to marry in a certain way.Conclusion Based on empirical research on marriages as a family ritual, I have argued that behind representations and discourses of a wedding “of our own,” quite often individuals grant the importance, of, and sometimes they are even pressured by, their families of origin (e.g. parents and in-laws). At the crossroad of tradition and modernity, this pressure is pervasive from the most important to the most apparently trivial decisions or details concerning the mise en scène of the ritual elements chosen to give a symbolic meaning to the ceremony and party (Chesser, Leeds-Hurwitz).Empirical findings and data discussion thus confirm and reinforce the high symbolic value that, despite all the changes weddings, still assume in contemporary society (Berger and Kellner, Segalen and Gillis, A World of their Own Making, Our Virtual Families and Marriages of the Mind). The power and influence of the size and density of the families of origin is not a part of history left behind by the processes of individualization and detraditionalization; rather, families continue to play a central role in structuring the actual options behind the anticipation, planning, and organisation of the wedding. 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