Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Live-in household employees"

Used goods are a problem that we often face in everyday life. One of the main factors for the accumulation of used goods is household waste. The provision of trash cans modified in such a way can have a positive impact on employees who live in the PPKS Marihat housing complex. Sheltering used goods is one form of employee care for the environment in which he lives. In addition, it can facilitate its transportation, in which household waste has been properly collected in the trash bins that have been provided.

While the Canadian program for migrant domestic workers offers among the best conditions internationally, it shares two features in common with worldwide policies and treatment of foreign household workers. These are: 1) the inherent asymmetry in citizenship statuses and rights of employers and their domestic employees; and 2) the expectation that employees will ‘live in’ their employers' homes. Enforcement of rights of foreign domestics is also complicated by shared, yet ambiguous jurisdiction over foreign domestics of the federal and provincial governments. These conditions render foreign domestic workers vulnerable to all forms of abuse. They have not been eliminated despite impressive organizing and advocacy among these migrant workers and their allies. The challenges of finding adequate protection against abuse by domestic workers in Canada and elsewhere are explored by examining the policies of labor sending and labor receiving countries, and international conventions. A significant development in domestic workers organizations is the linking of campaigns for migrant worker rights to global efforts to address the causes of unemployment and migration.

This study examines the influence of the social environment on household consumption patterns through lifestyle. The research sample was 100 employees of PT. Japfa Comfeed Indonesia Gedangan Unit, Sidoarjo Regency. Data were collected using questionnaires distributed directly to workers and analyzed using descriptive analysis, linear regression, and the Sobel test. The study's results include: first, the social environment affects household consumption patterns (the higher a person's social environment, the higher the consumption pattern) and lifestyle (people who live in a high social environment tend to have a more elevated lifestyle). Second, lifestyle directly affects household consumption patterns (people with a high lifestyle will have higher daily consumption) and mediates the influence of the social environment on household consumption (people with an elevated lifestyle and living in a high social environment will have higher daily consumption

Child workers are still found as informal employees in small or household industries. Working consequences tend them do not well-protected their safety, because they have different anatomy with adult. But, the necessity to support their family economically cause them live in highly risk working. Communication obstacles are also found when they interact with their uplines or other adults. It is impacted that child workers become usual to communicate as like as adult, and it effects the problems in their children communication development.

Mining activities create positive links with agriculture. They are also characterized by uprooting of agricultural land and labour, and water pollution. The objective of this paper is to characterize mining activities and their links with the livelihoods of rural household. A survey with 140 households, interviews and observations were conducted in July and August 2022 in Mabayi commune, on Gahoma and Ruhororo hills, where the Russian mining company ‘Tanganyika Mining Burundi-TMB’ and the local mining cooperative Dukorere Hamwe Dusoze Ikivi-DHDI were carrying out their activities respectively, since December 2018. The results showed that TMB and DHDI inject money into the local economy, and strengthen social ties by creating farmers and mutual aid’s associations/cooperatives. They are also characterized by competition in land and labour markets, environmental degradation, rising food and arable land prices, and corruption in the compensation awarding process. DHDI absorbs considerably local labour force and improves social infrastructure, unlike TMB. Although it is characterized by survival mining activities which are dangerous to health and live of employees, DHDI contributes positively to agricultural production, whereas TMB contributes negatively to agricultural production, despite having sufficient capacity and skills to improve performance and ensure the safety of its employees. Received: 3 January 2024 / Accepted: 26 June 2024 / Published: 02 July 2024

The paper estimates the scale of the possible impact of the coronavirus epidemic on the Russian labor market and household incomes. We consider vulnerable employment, which includes workers with increased risks of job loss, wage cuts and other negative events that reduce labor incomes. The analysis shows that every second Russian worker can be classified as vulnerable employee. The highest risks for reducing labor incomes as a result of the epidemic are faced by young people, workers with a low level of education, as well as residents of regional centers. About a third of vulnerable employees experience complex vulnerability, i.e. meet several criteria of vulnerability. A decrease in labor incomes could also affect the wealth of about 40% of Russian households. The worst situation is for younger families, whose incomes are much more dependent on the labor market. Most of the households in which vulnerable workers live do not receive social benefits, and therefore it would be rather difficult for them to count on prompt assistance from the social protection system. Currently Russia is actively developing a set of measures to support employment. In particular, government decided to provide support for the most affected by COVID sectors, the size of unemployment benefits has been increased for citizens who have lost their jobs due to the epidemic. However, it is obvious that this list should be extended and account for various forms of deterioration of employment.

Abstract Singapore depends upon foreign bodies to maintain its hypermodern, sleek exterior. For many Singaporeans, a live-in foreign domestic worker (FDW) marks a milestone in achieving a certain kind of bourgeois lifestyle, but the incorporation of a stranger into the household gives rise to certain fears. Intimate labor evokes unexpected feelings, and anxieties about the boundaries of class, nation, gender. In tabloid articles, message boards, and everyday conversation, employers discuss the problem of witchcraft practiced by FDWs—stories such as the incorporation of bodily fluids into employers’ food, the unwanted generation of affection or warm feelings toward those who according to labor contracts should be employees, the surreptitious switching of FDWs’ facial features with those of the employer's children, or other concerns over boundaries and their violation. This article argues that the horror revealed by such stories is one that challenges Singaporean claims to ethnic and economic supremacy in the region, as it points to a return of a perceived threat from an allochronous rural world. Each presents a particular challenge to a sealed, prosperous, “first world” Singaporean self-imagining, a porosity that calls for magical and magico-bureaucratic interventions to set right.

Abstract: The plantation sector has experienced good growth in terms of production, investment, exports, and so on, so that it has a large role for the Indonesian economy. It can not be separated from the work of its employees. At PTPN XII Kalitelepak Glenmore Plantation, there are many labor employees who work and live in the plantation area. Of the many labor employees who work on the Kalitelepak plantation, not a few women also work as sugar cane workers. A group of women who live in Afdeling Sumber Tempur include housewives who work to fulfill their family’s economy. The role of women in family life is dominant, they not only play the role of being the housekeeper and all activities in it, but also play the role of breadwinner for the family. The purpose of this research is to describe the role of women as housewives in supporting family welfare through improving the household economy. The method used is descriptive qualitative using a realist ethnographic approach, and is located in the Sumber Tempur Afdeling, Kalitelepak Hamlet, Tulungrejo Village, Glenmore district, Banyuwangi regency. Meanwhile, the informans in this study were a group of housewives who worked as garden laborers in Kalitelepak. Data collection was carried out by interview, observation, and documentation methods. The results of the study show that housewives decided to keep working not only to help their husbands increase income for housing on the plantation. Thus, causing them inevitably to carry out activities as garden laborers.

Marriage according to Law Number 1 of 1974 is an inner and outer bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife to live a perfect, happy, and eternal life. Not all marriages can run as expected because there is no agreement or conflicting behavior that results in divorce in both the general public and civil servants. This study aims to describe and analyze staffing policies in fostering household harmony and support improving employee performance, analyze the factors causing civil servant divorce, analyze the mediation process carried out by BKPSDM as a form of regional organizational function in the civil servant divorce process and analyze obstacles and solutions. In mediating the divorce process for civil servants within the Tana Tidung Regency Goverment. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with data collection techniques through interviews, observation and documentation. This study concludes that the government policy of Tana Tidung Regency in fostering household harmony is carried out through religious activities, giving leave, counseling guidance, and socialization about household harmony. Factors causing civil servant divorce include infidelity, economy, one party being a drug addict, and differences in principles, ideology, and religion. BKPSDM as a mediator uses the 5 mediation principles of David Spencer and Michael Brogan in the civil servant divorce apllication process. The obstacles faced werw that one of the parties was unable to attend, and parties were uncooperative, unable to accept suggestions, and incomplete administrative requirements. The solution is to make a summons to the parties concerned, bring other parties to obtain additional information, and contact employees to complete the requirements for submitting a divorce permit so that the next process can be carried out.

The City of Ekurhuleni is a major metropolitan municipality that provides essential municipal services 3, 178, 470 residents and ratepayers. The purpose of research was to determine the level of satisfaction of people who live and work in the City of Ekurhuleni with the quality of municipal services they are provided with routinely. The survey was conducted by gathering household-level information from 544 residents of Ekurhuleni. The level of satisfaction of respondents with the quality of municipal services was measured by using a matrix of indicators developed by Das, Das and Barman (2021:885-913) for conducting a similar assessment. A composite index developed by D’Inverno and De Witte (2020:1129-1141) was used as a benchmark for measuring the level of services rendered to people who live in the City. The main result of the survey was that 63.05% of people who took part in the survey expressed satisfaction with the quality of services that were rendered to people living in the City. The results showed that 36.95% of people in the survey were not happy with the quality of services rendered to people who live in the City. The survey revealed that satisfaction with services was influenced by the ability of employees of the City to resolve service-related queries promptly, a lengthy duration of residence in Ekurhuleni (11 years or longer), and being provided with accurate financial statements.

This chapter examines the paradoxes of patriarchy by drawing on the experiences of South Asian immigrant women in ethnic labor markets. Most South Asian women who work in the South Asian labor market in the United States are engaged in low-wage work within the ethnic labor market, employed by male-owned businesses and with little separation between the private and public spheres. The women and their families often live in same ethnic enclaves where they work. This chapter considers whether South Asian immigrant women's entry into a structurally stratified ethnic labor market creates a paradox in their lives. More specifically, it explores whether employment increases the women's bargaining power within the household and whether the close proximity between work and home facilitates working longer hours for little pay. The chapter reveals the paradoxes of immigration and gendered labor in ethnic enclaves. While the ethnic markets' familial/patrilineal structure creates social capital and a safe space for the South Asian women, it also makes them vulnerable to exploitation in terms of reduced wages and increased work hours.

AbstractTransnational migration gives rise to multiple forms of potential exploitation of paid domestic work, being an occupation that is relegated to the informal labour market where migrant women often find themselves in powerless positions in relation to their employers and host society. This is especially so when they are undocumented migrants, as is the case for migrants who do not fulfil the requirements for labour or family migration. As a consequence, in many countries, migrants’ employment in private households is strongly deregulated and workers do not have access to social and labour protection (Triandafyllidou & Marchetti, 2017). In several countries, domestic work is not recognized as work, and is therefore excluded from labour protections. Domestic workers are often deprived of monetary payment and compensated with only food and shelter. Also, in countries where domestic work is regulated through labour laws, provisions differ significantly from those in place for other jobs, having lower remuneration and fewer social protections. This lack of a normative framework adds to the vulnerability that is typical of the sector due to the isolation that is characteristic of this kind of work (especially for live-in workers) and the social stigmatization that they face in different parts of the world.

Chapter 2 examines how the state and employers treat migrant caregivers as intimate members of the family and “foreign” interlopers excluded from a Zionist future. While their treatment as national helpers reinvigorating the nation and workers performing exceptionally intimate labors enables task expansion, their constitution as non-Jewish demographic threats justifies surveillance. This unsettled positioning disrupts the home and nation as an exclusionary Jewish space, even as, paradoxically, live-in eldercare is central to its reproduction. Treating the household and nation as contiguous topographies of risk, I contend that the dual demands of their positioning as intimate and alien require that they engage in “affective automation,” or the repetitive execution of physical and emotional tasks despite their own limits. This continual demand for labor impacts their exposure to injury within a broader reproductive regime predicated on the disavowal of indigeneity.

This chapter focuses on interaction with particular individual stones from Mount Govardhan and the anthropomorphic techniques employed to establish and develop close relationships with these divine forms. It includes a re-evaluation of the nature and function of anthropomorphism in general, something that until quite recently has been regarded with much suspicion within many academic disciplines. Many people who live near the mountain have a home shrine accommodating a Govardhan stone, when they could simply worship the mountain directly. For many, one of the advantages of worshiping an individual stone in their homes is convenience, especially for women often confined to the home throughout the day with household chores and activities. A stone in the home also provides rich opportunity for the loving hands-on activities that generate and nurture a close relationship with the mountain through this particular stone.

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic is inextricably linked with social networks. The virus spreads through contact with others—often via channels created by social networks. Although not universal, part of the societal response to the pandemic has involved attempting to limit contact in various ways, which in turn changes the nature of interactions and the structure of networks. Many people are working or learning from a distance via technology as some employers and schools shift to remote models. Additionally, as some areas enact stay-home orders, peoples’ face-to-face networks are constrained to those who live within the same household. Given the well-established impact of social networks on behavior, this shift to constrained networks and remote interactions has an impact on various facets of people’s lives. The purpose of this chapter is to use social network theory to both explain COVID-19 contagion and explore the pandemic’s impact on behavior. Future research ideas and “lessons learned” related to social networks are discussed.

The epilogue touches on how the United States’ internment of Japanese Americans and their supervised parole during World War II provided displaced persons for hire as servants. It also briefly explores the 1948 Displaced Persons Act, whose sponsorship requirements meant that European refugees could agree to work as live-in servants in exchange for asylum. More attention is devoted to the labor exceptions built into the 1965 Immigration Act, which provided Jamaican and other Caribbean women with a short-lived opportunity to enter the United States after taking advantage of immigration quota rankings that privileged domestic servants. Policies that continue to authorize migrant servants’ temporary admission into the United States, contingent on their performance of domestic service to the employers they entered with, also garner focus here. Finally, the epilogue concludes by discussing how household consumers have exploited domestic and care workers classified as undocumented—and how the absence of state action has enabled this social relation of production.

Abstract Although corporate profits and chief executive pay have been at record levels in recent years, over 34 million Americans live below the poverty line, and a majority of these are women and children (Proctor & Dalaker, 2003). Among women who head their own households, 28.8% are poor, with even higher poverty rates among single mothers who are African American (37.4%) or Hispanic/ Latina (36.4%) (Proctor & Dalaker, 2003). The United States has the highest child poverty rate among the wealthy nations (Mishel, Bernstein, & Boushey, 2003). Economic mobility for those in poverty is also lower in the United States than in other rich countries (Mishel et al., 2003). Recent decades have been difficult ones for most working Americans, as many workers have lost health insurance, retirement benefits, and paid sick leave. Half of U.S. workers earn less than would provide a minimal living standard for a parent of two children who was employed full time year-round. Responding to these realities, U.S. workers now work more hours per year than workers in any of the other industrialized nations, and with fewer supports, such as subsidized child care, paid vacations, and paid parental leave (Heymann, 2000).

In March 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared COVID-19 an epidemic, causing a public health emergency of international concern. Despite the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, the migration of seasonal agricultural workers was exceptionally allowed in Turkey, as the labor force of seasonal agricultural workers is a crucial factor in the Turkish agricultural economy. Since seasonal workers are employed as temporary irregular workers, they obtain information from brokers (Çavuşlar) about farms that require workers. They worked on farms for five to six months while migrating according to the information. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has become a very threatening obstacle to those who live a migrant life. Nevertheless, they are forced to continue migrating agricultural labor due to their economic situation. In Turkey, 90% of seasonal agricultural workers live in the Southeastern Anatolia region, where they make a living from seasonal agricultural work without having other jobs. In particular, Şanlıurfa Province has the highest proportion of seasonal workers, even in the Southeastern Anatolia region. Therefore, Şanlıurfa Province, where we interviewed workers engaged in seasonal agricultural labor, was selected as the survey area. The interviews were conducted with seasonal workers from four households (total of 33 people) engaged in seasonal work during the period from May to October 2020. We utilized semi-structured, face-to-face in-depth interviews and telephone interviews with workers as the data collection methods. In this study, since the investigator who interviewed seasonal workers was a worker engaged in seasonal agricultural labor, in-depth interviews with seasonal workers were possible despite the COVID-19 pandemic. This study investigated the geographical mobility routes of migrants during that time. In addition, we examined how their living and working conditions changed and were affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and what efforts were needed to improve their conditions. As a result of these studies, the emergence of COVID-19 has worsened working and living conditions, and it has been shown that it is urgent to prepare countermeasures against infectious diseases for vulnerable people.

The main reason to be careful when you walk up a flight of stairs is not that you might slip and have to retrace one step, but rather that the first slip might cause a second slip, and so on until you fall dozens of steps and break your neck. Similarly, we are concerned about the sorts of catastrophes explored in this book not only because of their terrible direct effects, but also because they may induce an even more damaging collapse of our economic and social systems. In this chapter, I consider the nature of societies, the nature of social collapse, and the distribution of disasters that might induce social collapse, and possible strategies for limiting the extent and harm of such collapse. Before we can understand how societies collapse, we must first understand how societies exist and grow. Humans are far more numerous, capable, and rich than were our distant ancestors. How is this possible? One answer is that today we have more of most kinds of ‘capital’, but by itself this answer tells us little; after all, ‘capital’ is just anything that helps us to produce or achieve more. We can understand better by considering the various types of capital we have. First, we have natural capital, such as soil to farm, ores to mine, trees to cut, water to drink, animals to domesticate, and so on. Second, we have physical capital, such as cleared land to farm, irrigation ditches to move water, buildings to live in, tools to use, machines to run, and so on. Third, we have human capital, such as healthy hands to work with, skills we have honed with practice, useful techniques we have discovered, and abstract principles that help us think. Fourth, we have social capital, that is, ways in which groups of people have found to coordinate their activities. For example, households organize who does what chores, firms organize which employees do which tasks, networks of firms organize to supply inputs to each other, cities and nations organize to put different activities in different locations, culture organizes our expectations about the ways we treat each other, law organizes our coalitions to settle small disputes, and governments coordinate our largest disputes.

In Austria, 25,000 to 30,000 people being cared for by live-in caregivers. Live-in caregivers are defined as workers who are employed to provide care services to elderly and disabled people living in their private households. Activities in home care are predominantly carried out by immigrant women because of the special conditions that home care provides. These conditions can have many positive aspects for both the care workers and the care recipients, if they are well and appropriately matched to the skills of the caregivers and the needs of the persons being cared for. The live-in caregivers in Western countries come mostly from Eastern Europe. On the one hand, because of the worldwide shortage of qualified care workers and, on the other hand, due to the higher wages in contrast to their home countries and the prospects that such a position brings with it.However, they can also bear risks of dependency on their employers, leading to isolation, on-call work, and the risk of exploitation, while putting live-in care workers in a particularly vulnerable position with respect to immigration policy. Working conditions are often extremely harsh, with fees and contracts strictly regulated by recruiting agencies.Live-in care workers are an important but forgotten sector of long-term care. Without improving their working conditions, we will not be able to provide affordable, quality care to citizens, who are very urgently in need of this service. Even though this is often the only affordable solution for affected families. In order to improve the working conditions and to ensure that the caregivers continue to be employed in households that best match their skills and aspirations, we have created a new live-in care matching platform. Before creating the platform, we conducted focus group interviews to find out what is important to the stakeholders.Together with families of people in need of care and care workers, we developed a platform that meets the requirements of both sides and optimally supports both sides in the placement process. Here, both caregivers and persons in need of care (or their families) have the opportunity to disclose what they value, what skills they possess and what special features there are by answering a questionnaire. Using an innovative matching algorithm, the platform selects the ideal combination of caregivers and persons in need of care. In this paper, we will analyze the results of the focus group interviews in more detail, elaborate on the lessons learned and discuss which attributes play a particular role in the matching process based on our algorithm. In the future, the process should be simplified for both parties and will serve as a validation for the stakeholders

Growing the proportion of older people requires adapting services and products to their needs and preferences, which will support and extend their full life. While once people aged 55 and over considered themselves old, most of them now live an active life. Over the past decade, the proportion of those who are fully employed has changed and their stereotypes and behaviour have increased, thus changing the quality of life demands. With the gradual aging of the population, the problem of dealing with the housing of older people begins to grow. Housing is one of the key factors in the fight against social exclusion. Housing promotes coherence between communities, enabling sustainable development goals to be achieved. Each state uses its own housing policy, based on social policy and historical conditions, to solve housing-related problems. In the paper we will discuss the possibilities of life in retirement age.

Owner-occupied housing is both a place to live and also the most important asset in many households’ portfolio. Accurately predicting of house prices is therefore of great interest to the general public. This paper aims to compare the housing price prediction accuracies of Hedonic Model (HM) and Artificial Neural Networks (ANNs). In order to achieve this aim, two techniques’ prediction results were compared by using four performance criteria: RMSE, MAE, MAD, and Theil’s U statistic. This study uses the HM and ANNs to empirically determine the house prices in Turkey. HM is the standard technique for modeling the behavior of house prices over the past three decades and is based on micro economic theory. The non-linear relationship between house price and its determinants can be modeled by an ANN, so it is employed in this paper as an alternative method. Empirical results revealed that ANNs performed better than HM in house price predictions, indicating that ANNs could be useful for prediction of house prices. More clearly, the performance criteria from the ANNs are smaller than those from the HM by roughly 60-90%. For instance, the ANN model has about 77 percent lower RMSE, 91 percent lower MAE, 64 percent lower MAD, and 77 percent lower Theil’s U statistic than those of the HM.

The survey presented in this report reveals that Nordic citizens are concerned about climate change. Many people are willing to increase efforts to fight climate change, even if this entails a personal contribution in terms of higher taxes or behavioural change. The survey shows that different social groups perceive the impacts of climate change and climate mitigation policies in different ways. In general, attitudes towards climate policies and perceptions regarding their fairness are conditioned by socio-demographic factors such as gender, age, employment status, type of housing and transport behaviour. General attitudes towards climate change and climate policies The first part of this report explores general attitudes towards climate change and climate policies. This section shows that seven in ten (71%) respondents think that climate change is a serious or very serious problem, particularly among the youngest age group (18-29 years). Three in four (74%) interviewed persons in this group share this view. Those with a university degree are more concerned about climate change (83%) than those with primary or secondary education (57% and 62%, respectively). Approximately half (48-51%) of respondents in all age groups agree that more financial resources should be invested in preventing climate change, even if this would imply an increase in taxes. The survey results show that women in the Nordic Region are more concerned about climate change than men (79% compared to 64%). It also reveals that people living in urban areas are more worried about climate change (82%) than those who live in towns and suburbs (68%) or in rural areas (62%). Urban dwellers are also more positive about investing more resources in preventing climate change (59%) than those who live in rural areas (39%) and in towns and suburbs (46%). More than half of the respondents (52%) agree that taking further action on climate change would be beneficial for the economy. Students, unemployed and retired people are more likely to agree with this view (55%, 57% and 55%, respectively) than those currently in employment, including the self-employed (50%). Those employed in carbon-intensive sectors are less positive about the expected economic impact of climate policies than those who work in other economic sectors (41% compared to 55%). They are also more concerned about the risk of job losses during the transition to a low-carbon economy than those employed in sectors with lower carbon intensity (37% compared to 24%). Concerns about this issue are also higher among those who live in rural areas (31%) or towns and suburbs (30%) compared to those who live in cities (22%). Present and future effects of climate change mitigation policies on individuals and households The central part of the survey explores perceptions regarding the present and future impacts of climate policies. Such challenges are perceived differently depending on specific sociodemographic conditions. Nearly one fourth (23%) of respondents state that high energy costs mean they are struggling to keep their homes at a comfortable temperature. Those living in houses report being more impacted (27%) than those living in apartments (18%), and those using fossil fuels to heat their homes are most affected (44%). The risk of energy poverty is also higher among non-EU immigrants to the Nordic Region. Those who say they are struggling to keep their homes at a comfortable temperature range from 23% among Nordic-born citizens to 37% among non-EU immigrants. Nearly three in ten respondents (28%) have modified their transportation behaviour during the last year due to high fuel costs. This proportion is substantially greater among those living in towns and suburbs (32%) compared to those who live in rural areas (29%) or cities (23%). The majority of the Nordic population (52%) states that current climate policies have a neutral effect on their household economies. However, 28% of respondents say they are negatively impacted by climate policies in economic terms. Men report being negatively affected more frequently than women (33% vs 22%, respectively). People who live in houses are more likely to claim they are being negatively impacted than people who live in apartments (31% and 23%, respectively). Nearly half (45%) of the respondents in the Nordic Region agree that climate initiatives will improve health and well-being, and half of the respondents (50%) think that climate change initiatives will lead to more sustainable lifestyles in their area. However, half (51%) of the Nordic population expect to see increases in prices and the cost of living as a consequence of climate policies, and those who believe that climate policies will create jobs and improve working conditions in the areas where they live (31% and 24%, respectively) are outnumbered by those who believe the opposite (35% and 34%, respectively). Fairness of climate policies The last section of the report looks at how the Nordic people perceive the fairness of climate policies in distributional terms. In the survey, the respondents were asked to judge to what extent they agree or disagree that everyone in their country or territory is equally affected by initiatives to fight climate change regardless of personal earnings, gender, age, country of origin and where they live – cities or rural areas. The results show that the Nordic people believe climate change initiatives affect citizens in different ways depending on their demographic, socioeconomic and territorial backgrounds. More than half of the respondents (56%) disagree that everyone is equally affected by initiatives to fight climate change regardless of earnings. Only 22% agree with this statement. Younger age groups are more pessimistic than older age groups on this point (66% in the 18-29 age group compared to 41% in the 65+ group). Almost half of respondents (48%) agree that climate policies are fair from a gender perspective, while 25% disagree with this statement and 23% are neutral. Roughly one in three (30%) respondents in the Nordic Region agree that people are equally affected by climate change initiatives regardless of age, 41% disagree with this statement and 25% are neutral. More than one third (35%) of the Nordic population agree that everyone is equally affected by initiatives to fight climate change regardless of the country of origin, while 34% of them disagree. More than half of respondents (56%) think that the impact of climate initiatives differs between rural and urban areas, while only 22% think that all areas are equally affected. Respondents who live in cities are more likely to respond that climate policy impacts differ between rural and urban areas (60%) than respondents who live in rural areas (55%) and towns and suburbs (53%). One third (33%) of respondents in the survey think that the Sámi population is affected by climate change initiatives to the same extent as the rest of the population. In Greenland, a majority of the population (62%) agrees that the indigenous population in Greenland is equally affected by measures to combat climate change. The results from this survey conducted in the autumn of 2022, show that the population in the Nordic Region perceive the impacts of climate mitigation policies in different ways. These results can raise awareness and stimulate debate about the implementation of climate mitigation policies for a just green transition.