Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Liban – Politique et gouvernement – 1990-"
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Safi, Walid. "La Deuxième République : institutions étatiques et dynamique communautaire". Montpellier 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002MON10001.
Texto completo da fonteThe Second Republic has recently emerged from the Tae͏̈f accord. The phenomenon of the community has always charaterized the Lebanese state. However and by consensus of opinion, this country continues to serve as a model example. But, how are the state-live institutions and the dynamism of the community pronounced or linked together ? This is the question which is of concern to the writer and which forms the topic of this thesis. There is the process of rehabilitation, not to say reconstruction, of islamo-christian partnership after the reshuffling of power by operation of Tae͏̈f accord of 1989. Then, the main object of this research is to confront the theory of consensual democracy in relation to the political status of the country. The fruit of an empiric work, which means a work based on experience and observation, not only on a theory and a reflection of thoughts. This research forms a true criticism of the mandate of President Elias Hraoui and the political set up created by compromise to the Tae͏̈f accord
Franco, Michel. "Le Liban : l'Etat impossible ?" Toulouse 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009TOU10065.
Texto completo da fonteThe study deals with the failure of the Lebanese State system, its impossibility to tackle the crisis and the demographic consequences of the conflict in Lebanon from the early stages of the Lebanese conflict in 1975 up to 2009. The interest of the subject consisted in dealing with the consequences of the different Lebanese wars (from 1975 to 1990) between the different communities and this through the concept of State and the way it was understood within the different communities. Our study is part of a sociological, demographic, political and historic study. The chronology has not been systematically respected. We went to back and forth on the political history of Lebanon trying to better understand the reasons of these different conflicts. After a necessary introduction to situate the question in its context recalling thus the main outlines of the Lebanese contemporary history, the State as a legal entity, the utmost step of accomplished societies, will be studied. The study will then focus on its incapacity to face the crisis to finally concentrate on the internal and external migrations of the different communities and the demographic consequences of the conflict. We will also consider Lebanon in its geographical frame and political environment as this country can only be understood through the Israeli-Arab conflict that remains in a certain way the background of the issue. We will then study the 1990-2009 period that can be called "the years of reconstruction" and about which a lot has been discussed in goods or bad terms. A linguistic section will also be considered so as to provide the author's vision on the way to express political concepts in classical Arabic as well as on peculiar expressions in dialectal Arabic. Additionally, the 33-day war from 2006 will compose a part that appeared as being necessary
Issawi, Fatima. "La reconstruction politique du Liban à travers le journal AN Nahar : 1992-1998". Paris 2, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA020066.
Texto completo da fonteSourati, Bassam. "Structures socio-politiques à Tripoli-Liban : 1900-1950". Paris 10, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA100148.
Texto completo da fonteHayek, Marie. "Centre-périphérie dans un système multicommunautaire : le cas du Liban". Toulouse 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003TOU10001.
Texto completo da fonteThe originality of Lebanon's socio political reality leads to consider the principle of centralization, in a determined way, as reinforcing decentralization. Arrange the differences in a multicommunity society is added to the existing double challenge (political, administrative and economical changes in addition to the reinforcement of the local democracy facing a millennium centralism) in order to enrich the conception and the practice of decentralization. This implies organizational state knowledge to support decentralization as a political space, geographically and constitutionally. Thus, Lebanese decentralization would be according to a sui generis system and would depend not only on the evolution of the situation (center periphery), but also on the maintenance of the unique cultural situation in Lebanon
Kassir, Samir. "Étude comparée de l'évolution interne et des facteurs externes de la guerre au Liban (1975-1982)". Paris 4, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA040114.
Texto completo da fonteThe subject of this study is to reconstitute the history of the war in Lebanon between 1975 date it started, and 1982, by describing the interaction of factors peculiar to the Lebanese national sphere with others related to the balance of power in the whole Middle East. The thesis covers two consecutive periods: the 1975-1976 period, called "war of two years" which witnessed the establishment of the major splits inside the Lebanese society as well as in the Arab regional system; the period 1977-1982 marked by two Israeli invasions and two major clashes between the Lebanese Christians and the Syrian army. We depict in these two periods the relations of confrontation or alliance concluded on the Lebanese theatre by state actors (Syria, Israel) or quasistate actors (the PLO) and sub-state actors (communities, militias, political parties) in a context influenced by ideological interstate vectors (Arab nationalism, the question of minorities, armed struggle)
Ingels, Christophe. "L'administration libanaise au sortir du conflit civil : permanence de l'enjeu politique partisan et impératifs fonctionnels de la reconstruction à portée nationale". Aix-Marseille 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999AIX32023.
Texto completo da fonteThe study of the lebanese state and its administration, following the end of the civil war, is a matter of importance for those who pay an interest in the general and multi-levelled recomposition process of this middle-eastern country. Historically speaking, the lebanese administration was at stake for the political elites who tried to take a personal advantage out of the growing significance of its resources, particularly in the field of development policies. After the civil war, the new political elites show the same great concern about the state's resources brought along with the reconstruction public policies, hindering by their partisanship attitudes the potential effects of the programme as well as the reform process of the administration
Tarhini, Ali. "Le mouvement Amal et la crise libanaise". Paris 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA020147.
Texto completo da fonteI develop my study on the political and military leabanese movement : the amal shite movement : for instance, on the shite community in general and on the lebanon one in particular. An important subject evokes the preponderant fiddle tha t the leader of this leabanese community plays : the imam moussa sadr. The last one who restored his shite leabanese compatriots courage to claim their violated rights by successive political regimes. Mr sadr set up the shite islamic higher council, the under privileged movement and its armed hand "amal". Sadr acted as a conciliator during the leabanes e civil war. He's disappeared in 1978 in libya during an official visit up to now. This affair was not clarified. Hussein al-husseiny was followed, then in 1980 nabih berri became the leader of the movement and the shite council was under the direction of cheikh mohammad medhi chamsseddine. Nabih berri over came a great deal of trials like the israeli invasion and the february 1984 revolt against the palestianian people in the camp and the successive conflicts against nearly all the left-wing and against his shite rival the "hezbollah". He became minister in 1984, member of parliament then in 1992 he is voted into the chair
Chapuis, Julie. "Reconstruire le Sud du Liban, se reconstruire au Liban : les résistances du Hezbollah". Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0140.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis endeavors to study the domination system of Hezbollah in its relation to the Lebanese state and society; by analyzing the participation of Hezbollah in reconstruction initiatives in Lebanon since the civil war. Reconstruction, in that it is both an allocation resource and a source of authority, requires the interventior of all or some of the resistance fields (muqâwama, mumâna'a, sumûd) constituting the Hezbollah system, and that of all or some of the different spheres of power (military, political and social) in which it can be objectivated, depending on the time and the scale of study. By examining those interactions between the different fields, the spheres of power and the people and groups involved, and considering the « specialized communities syndrom » put forth by Ahmad Beydoun, to describe the community-based repartition of state prerogatives such as "national sovereignty", "liberation" or "reconstruction", this thesis will show if and how the Hezbollah has altered such a systematic repartition of power, starting from South-Lebanon where the use of three powers is especially in demand
Haddad, Simon. "Le soutien politique et les communautés religieuses dans le Liban d'aujourd'hui". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999IEPP0026.
Texto completo da fonteDaher-Nasreddine, Ghada. "Évènements politiques et représentations médiatiques : le cas libanais dans la presse quotidienne française". Bordeaux 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008BOR30007.
Texto completo da fonteJournalistic objectivity and its role in the construction of reality. Second, we implemented an analysis on the quantitative and qualitative aspects of press, concerning the analysis of two major events: Israeli withdrawal in 2000, and the assassination of the ex-first minister Rafic Hariri and Syrian withdrawal in 2005. We’ve made emerges through three daily newspapers: Le Monde, Le Figaro and Libération on the image of Lebanon. On the basis of pointed analysis of the titles and articles of the three principal daily French newspapers, we wonder about the representation of Lebanon in the following days of the civil war of 1975. Our analysis made it possible to highlight on media taking an active role in the process of rebuilding the event. Journalists often tend to restart the event and popularize it with certain representations and stereotyped images. During this research task, it appeared to us that the journalist has an undeniable capacity and also undergoes many constraints. Through our corpus, we wish to update the impact of the political context on the diffusion of information and interpretations which result of it
Al-Droubi, Charaf Raëd. "Face à la crise : effets durables des crises sur les expériences politiques au Liban. Étude de cas d'étudiants des Beaux-Arts de Hadath". Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0020.
Texto completo da fonteThis study aims to present a social history of a crisis that has shaken the Lebanese political class and the entirety of the country since early 2005. One of the many characteristics of this period is an unprecedented and wide-scale participation of the population in the political moments. This study's objective is to assess the nature of this participation, its contributing factors, the level of engagement, but also the changes the crisis has affected within the places of living the -- otherwise non-engaged -- population. What was it that the population experienced through those years ? Have political events interrupted the daily relationship of the population with political life or were they in continuity with that relationship ? These are the main questions we aim to answer. The text is composed of three sections. The first section focuses on the place of diffusion of the crisis, namely the political field. We study the production of discourses in the light of the conditions that made them possible, consequently reflecting on the main dynamics of the relationship of "politicians" with the public. The second section focuses on the geography of the student population by looking at the case of the Institute of Fine Arts of the Lebanese University, located in the southern suburb of Beirut. Finally, the third section of our study reflects on an extraordinary moment of both social and political experience : large scale mass rallies, an unavoidable lanscape of the crisis that is being treated and of the discourses that is shaped
Bahout, Joseph. "Vies et mort de l'Accord de Taëf : échecs de la régulation communautaire". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0033.
Texto completo da fonteThe Taïf Agreement that put an end to the Lebanese War had two factes, one internal and the other external. The first one rebuilt the sectarian system and renewed political elites. The second one reflected a balance of power between regional and international playsers, like Syria, Saudi Arabia, the US, and Europe. All along the 15 years that followed the Agreement, new conditions will deeply alter the pillars of the agreement, leading to its quasi-death. Our dissertation focuses thus on a reading of the 15 years of post-war Lebanese political reconstruction, under the prism of consociational democracy, political culture of post-war elites, and Syrian-Lebanese relations
Jreijiry, Roy. "L' image du Liban dans la presse quotidienne française : (1988-1991)". Paris 13, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA131020.
Texto completo da fonteThe purpose of this research is to analyze, through three national daily newspapers which represent the French press, how this press has related Lebanon, during a turbulent period full of events. This period starts the week of September 19, 1988, the last week of the mandate of President Amine Gemayel. It ends on may 31, 1991, date of the signature of the cooperation treaty between Lebanon and Syria. After giving, in a first part, an overview of the components that constitute the theme (Lebanon and the French press), in the second part we analyze the development of information about Lebanon in each of the three newspapers studied. This part, which combines a quantitative and a qualitative analysis, talks more especially about the presentation of articles : it is about identifying their regularity, number, location, surface and thematic division. This analysis of the development of the information is completed, in a third part, by an analysis of the written content. It is a political reading of the articles as they appear in each of the three newspapers, a political reading that aims to relocate them in context. In this part, we study the terms and key words used to designate the main actors : so it is about determining the image defined precisely by each daily newspapers. The thesis leads, on one hand, to highlighting the links between the representation of Lebanon in the press and sociopolitical history of French, its diplomacy and the issues of internal policy, and on the other hand, highlighting the complexity of elaborating a coherent daily information marked by the permanent need of landmarks within a political world
El, Husseini Rola. "Le retour des héritiers : les élites politiques de la Deuxième République libanaise (1989-2003)". Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0181.
Texto completo da fonteThe Lebanese political system is a consociational one where the political elite share power according to a predetermined formula see in the Taef Agreement 1989 that sanctionned the end of the civil war. The influence of Syria in Lebanon makes it an important variable in the study of the political elite. Syria influences not only the composition of the elite but also political decisions. Among the Lebanese elite it is possible to identify a few groups. Biographical portraits of members of each group illustrate trajectories that can be used to accede to the elite. The most notable trajectories are the instrumentalisation of wealth and allegiance to Syria. The post-Taef political elite try to emulate the policies of the pre-war coalition. They block the system and endeavor to create political families in an attempt to guarantee their and their descendants monopoly of the system. It is possible to identify some trajectories used by the future Lebanese elite. These trajectories are presented through idealtypical portraits and representative biographies of memebers of the emerging elite. An attempt to understand the political agendas of these elites is made through an analysis of their discourse on two questions of national and strategic importance for Lebanon : Syrian-Lebanese relations and the future of the confessional system
Nader, Jocelyne. "Les stéréotypes dans le discours politique libanais entre 14 mars 1989 et 12 octobre 1990 : essai d'une approche lexicométrique". Paris 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA030039.
Texto completo da fonteThe analysis of the lebanese political vocabulary of this period is inspired by the lexicometric method. It is led on three levels : 1. At the first level, it holds amount of the vocabulary used by selected four emitters that are in direct report with the open constitutional crisis in 1988 (presidential vacancy). 2. At the second, it attaches a particular attention to designations of the political adversary in the speech of cach of these emitters. 3. At the third, the analysis intends to seize variations undergone by the vocabulary on the ninteen months of this period
Francis, Mireille. "Influence de la socialisation et des préjugés sur la participation des femmes libanaises à la vie politique". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20049/document.
Texto completo da fonteIn 1952 the lebanese women acquired their right to vote. In the time, it was a triumph relatively to their fellow men of the nearby countries. But on the other hand, the Lebanese parliament is going to wait for 1963, so that the first woman reaches it. And the participation of the women in lebanese politics presents in 2008 only 4,7 % of the total of the parliament.In spite of the increase of the number of non-governmental organizations, women's movements and particular efforts concerning the feminine participation in politics: the presence of the women in the political field remains restricted.A study, on this matter, was made in 1997 and proved that the women were satisfied by their representation in the political field.Today we wonder if the students in 2008 will have developed an attitude different from that of the women in 1997? We wonder if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront a state of cognitive consonance concerning their participation with the political life? And as a consequence, if they are satisfied, if they live a psychic balance and they avoid the changes of attitudes or behavior susceptible to introduce some dissonance?We wonder, on the contrary, if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront rather a state of susceptible cognitive dissonance with a likely change in their participation in the political life? In other words, the students will be pulled between their traditional experiences favorable to their absenteeism of the political life on one hand and between their experiences of university education favorable to their promotion in all the domains of the social life, and among others the political life, on the other hand? We supposed that the new feminine generations which pursue university studies live a state of dissonance between two dissonant cognitions: it is on one hand about cognitions of socialization, about stereotypes, about prejudged, about the habit and the representations and on the other hand, the cognitions of the education and about instruction. And the hypothesis of the thesis proposed that the situation of dissonance probably lived by the young students motivates them to change their attitudes and as a consequence incites them to reduce this dissonance by eliminating or by reducing the importance of the dissonant cognitions.The technique used to detect the truthfulness of the hypothesis was the non directive interview with 51 university students.The results of the study confirmed the credibility of the hypothesis. Almost all the students announced their dissatisfaction towards the feminine participation in politics. But on the other hand the investment of the women in the political field decreased in the general election in June 2009, from 6 parliamentary women to 4 women. A reflection on the obstacles in front of the commitment of the women in the political work deducted that the demographic imbalance as well as the gendered socialization are both responsible of the feminine absence of the political arena. A proposition of the feminine quota within the parliament stays a choice among the others whom has to show validity
Bassil, Nabil. "Le pouvoir local et la reconstruction de l'Etat libanais". Nice, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986NICE0017.
Texto completo da fonteElawaar, Fadi. "Le Liban : de la société communautaire a l'Etat fédéral". Rouen, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987ROUEL028.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis is connected with relationship between political principles and federalism in Lebanon. It demonstrates the possibility to take up a federal organisation as a basic for the political system of the Lebanon of tomorrow. However the biggest difficulty keeps in the socio-juridical structure of the Lebanese society. Indeed, religions communities base of the society constitutes the corner-stone of all juridical and political life and determined the society in all it's possible way. This look of the matter only shows the federalism of our institutions. To give a idea of a society where the class struggle to center itself to a conflict between the differents sorts of societies. It's behaviour will then, consist of analysing the imbrications and the overlapping of those two facts as much as the results of all consequences as much on the side of the methodistical point of view than the juridical one
Malsagne, Stéphane. "Fu'Âd Chihâb (1902-1973) : contribution à l'étude d'une figure historique majeure du Liban contemporain". Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010643.
Texto completo da fonteBouassi, Maroun. "Le rôle de la France dans l'évolution politique du Liban : 1914-1946". Rennes 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987REN20006.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis gives a very detailed account of the setting-up of the French mandate in the Levant, particularly in Lebanon, as well as of the development of the policy, through research based on documents taken from the archives of the ministry of foreign affairs in Paris. This has helped us understand and analyse the ins and outs of the policy in a spirit of deliberate objectivity; dispassionate in spite of middle and near eastern current affairs which are rich in absurd and uncontrolled developments. The first part of the work is a study of the setting-up of the mandate in the Levant and of the creation of "greater Lebanon" in 1920 thus funded, greater Lebanon was granted, in 1926, a constitution modelled on the French constitution, with a president, a government and two houses. Known under the name of "Lebanese republic represented a first in the east. However, the creation of greater Lebanon met with many difficulties and faced faycalian, Syrian and Muslim hostility from the start. The "expansion" or the "annexion" of some neighbouring areas -with a Muslim majority- to smaller Lebanon was sharply con- tested and even rejected by Syria and a part of the Muslim community. The third part clearly shows the failure of the mandate’s policy in Lebanon and the Levant, a failure mainly due to France’s defeat which had, as an immediate repercussion, an armed confrontation of Vichy supporters and the arrival of Gaullists, but under British supervision. That situation favoured the birth of a fairly representative nationalist power, backed by Great Britain which demanded and obtained the end of the mandate and complete independence of Lebanon. The second part deals with the development of the mandate’s economic and political policy which two major points: the constitution's suspension in 1932 and the treaty signed in 1936 between France and the two Levant states
El, Turc Joëlle. "La vie constitutionnelle au Liban de 1919 à 1940 : le modèle français à l'épreuve des réalités du Proche-Orient". Nantes, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005NANT3038.
Texto completo da fonteSleiman, André Georges. "Vivre ensemble mais séparés? : l'émergence et l'évolution des projets de fédération au Liban de 1975 à nos jours". Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0099.
Texto completo da fonteBorn during the war (1975-1990), born from the war, the federalist ideology in Lebanon has presented federalism as an ideal mechanism to manage and prevent inter-sectarian conflict in the Lebanese pluralistic context. Moreover, according to the Lebanese federalists, federalism comes up as the only democratic and viable alternative to Lebanon’s perceived failed state, and to secession be it a panacea or a Pandora’s box, federalism seems to constitute an original response to the challenge of muslim-christian consociation in Lebanon. However, rather than limiting itself to a feasibility study preoccupied with the possible implementation of such a government system in Lebanon, this dissertation is oriented towards a different perspective focusing on the relationship between the federalist principle and inter-sectarian conflict based on a double critique: the first one analyzes the concept of ethnic identity by scrutinizing the discourses on sectarianism, nationalism, and pluralism; the second one analyzes the modern conception of equality between citizens of a same nation after conducting a review of the federalist discourse on dhimma. This theoretical reflection has required an in-depth socio-historic reconstruction of the elaboration and evolution of the federalist claim; the dissertation therefore exposes at length the way federalism was discussed, appropriated, or rejected. Placing the political and military context of these claims under close scrutiny, the research also profiles the influential actors-dubbed "ethnic entrepreneurs"-who have elaborated, adopted, and put these claims into practice
Ammar, Fawzi. "La cinquième guerre israélo-arabe : stratégie et tragédie". Rennes 2, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989REN20004.
Texto completo da fonteAttacks against Lebanon, colonization in the west bank and Gaza, unending Palestinian exile, crisis in Israel: each day, the bombing, battles, attacks, provocations, and repressions multiply. The owderkeg threatens to explode. The history in which the roots of the Arab Israeli conflict are plunged throws a light on its development. June 6, 1982, the Israeli army invaded Lebanon and this event, with its still incalculable consequences, constitutes a turning-point in the history of the region. Interpreted as clearly as possible, this study attempts to discuss the Lebanese imbroglio, as well as its regional and international consequences, which include, among anothers, the discovery and publicizing of the Kahan link, the meeting of the 16th CNP (Palestine national congress) and the Arab Israeli accord of may 17, 1983. An addition to an analysis of the situation, the principal elements of its history are presented: interweaving of projects, strategies, policies, players methods of action, all just as diverse as they are contradictory. Grouped chronologically from 1975 to 1983, these elements relate the genesis of the fifth Arab Israeli war, whose eating away of the region we are still experiencing today
Arbid, Walid. "Naissance et évolution du parti socialiste progressiste libanais P. S. P. De 1949 à 1958". Rennes 2, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989REN20003.
Texto completo da fonteOur study is oriented into three parts: at first, we have stressed on analysing the original situation of Lebanon under the French mandate, and to study the structures left by its tutelage, as well as the difficult situation existing at the time of the independence. This analysis has requested a round-up of the different political formations. We will be presenting here the complexed context in which a new party is going to take root, the socialist progressive party. The second part, we will analyse the socio-political context and the specific conditions which have prevailed at the birth of the socialist progressive party. Obviously, the role of Kamal Joumblatt, Druze leader, appears in the limelight. Kamal Joumblatt comes from a family which has played a very important role in the history of Lebanon. Finally the third part of our study brings us to analyse the programme, the organisation, the activity of the P. S. P. On the internal and international political level since 1949, date of birth of the party, until the crisis of 1958. The structure of the party, its programme and electoral performances are analysed along with the positions of the P. S. P. Versus the big events of the moment, such as the Egyptian revolution of 1952, the Suez crisis in 1956, and the Lebanese crisis in 1958
Beydoun, Ahlam. "La souveraineté du Liban face à l'épreuve". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213094.
Texto completo da fonteChaigne, Anne-Lucie. "La France et les compétitions impériales au Levant (Syrie-Liban) de 1918 à 1946". Paris 4, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA040222.
Texto completo da fonteCompetition between France and the British, American, Italian and German Powers grows in Syria and in Lebanon from the end of the Ottoman Empire to the withdrawal of the last Franco-British troops in 1946. Once the mandate granted to France, the mandated power establishes its rule in Syria and Lebanon. France faces during the inter-war period the meddling of the imperial Powers, in the political, ideological, economic, cultural and religious fields, meddling whose objective, even not clearly formulated, is to leading to the eviction of France from Syria and Lebanon. Nationalists try to benefit from this competition in order to gain independence. During the Second World war, Syria and Lebanon are again the theatre of competition with the Axis Powers, the United States, and more dramatically, Great Britain. This competition makes it possible to satisfy the claims of the Syrian and Lebanese states, thus marking the end of the French presence
Haddad, Rayan. "Les processus d'insertion de conflits exogènes dans un espace public communautarisé : captations libanaises des crises du Kosovo, du 11 septembre, d'Afghanistan, et d'Irak". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0044.
Texto completo da fonteThis research examines the adaptations of the Lebanese “post-anomic” public sphere to the world political context beyond the Westphalian coordinates. It highlights how the societal sphere of a Weak State deals with cases of “turbulence” emerging from the world scene. More specifically, it identifies the processes through which specific “exogenous” crises are incorporated into the “local” Lebanese debate. The intertwinement of the dynamics of “localization” and “globalization” is here clearly illustrated; but this does not preclude any attempt to assess (on a case by case basis) the relative and differing importance of these dynamics within the interaction. We have hence deemed useful to make a (loose) distinction between two concepts: Lebanese “sensitivity” (designating the “local” relation – not devoid of interest - to certain tumultuous international events) and Lebanese “vulnerability” (referring to the dangerous convulsions in Lebanon’s immediate environment). The former concept is predominantly (and processually) related to an efficient normative activism on the part of identity entrepreneurs in the “public sphere” (affected by a simultaneous crisis of state and civil society). The latter concept is foremost the consequence of the interplay of “geopolitical forces” that are not guided in their policy-making by considerations pertaining to fundamental human rights in the Middle East nor to the future of the region’s peoples. The two abovementioned concepts follow intertwined dynamics that we attempt to identify and explain through the analysis of the representations and the policies of various actors at the local and global levels
Abou, Chahla Mireille. "Comprendre le Liban et son armée : analyse du discours du chef de l'armée libanaise, le Général Michel Sleiman de 1998 à 2004". Thesis, Normandie, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021NORMR001.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis is made with a particular ambition: to analyze the speeches of the Lebanese army chief General Michel Sleiman. A statistical, mathematical work, first, then draw the political conclusions. What words are used in Michel Sleiman's speeches? Why do some words repeat more than others? What is the purpose of repetition? Political goal? psychological goal? Through this statistical study, the basis of our working method, we will obtain very interesting results to better understand what is happening in the land of cedar. Because the words betray. How appear through Sleiman's words the relationship with Syria, the Israeli enemy, Hezbollah.. And why always the invocation of the motherland, France! To understand the privileged relationship between Lebanon and France, it was necessary to go back to distant origins. We had to precede our work of statistical and methodological analysis by a part which evokes the great questions relating to my country: the importance of confessionalism, the French Mandate and its repercussions, the phenomenon of Lebanization which invades Europe and sows seeds fears. It was also necessary to review the serious events passed during Sleiman's reign. We had to insist on steps that could only influence his speech to say later in our analysis whether the army leadership had the appropriate reactions: a big conflict issue
Lahad, Ziad. "Le Liban sur l'échiquier du Moyen-Orient 1940-1958". Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030015.
Texto completo da fonteThis research, traces the rivalries, between the year 1940 and 1958, amid the Western powers within Lebanon, which is the result of the gradual weakening of their former colonial powers, France and Great Britain. Through this study, we will expose the new order imposed on the Middle East, and we will analyze how the United States sought to supplant the former colonial forces.Furthermore, during the years 1947 to 1958, the Middle East witnessed a major political upheaval with the end of the mandate, the establishment of the State of Israel, the rise of Arab nationalism and the rise of a new superpower in that region: the Soviet Union. Moreover, we will specifically detail the causes and consequences of the Suez Canal crisis and we will try to assess its extent on the accelerated collapse of the former colonial forces, superseded by their two new challengers. In the light of these events, Lebanon will appear overwhelmed by the challenges, and torn by the internal opposition between pro-Nasserite Muslims and pro-Western Christians. It will be shown in detail how, to counter the Soviet influence in the Middle East after the Suez crisis, Eisenhower reshuffled his policy in the area, taking advantage of the decreasing influence of France and Great Britain.Eventually, we come to the conclusion, that the decade spanning from 1947 to 1958 is decisive to the history of the US-European rivalry in the Middle East, where the weakening of all other Western powers is definitive, and where the rules of the game, in the extremely complex region, became determined for the following decade
El, Khoury Paula. ""Je me responsabilise, donc je suis" : Récits et parcours des femmes entrepreneurs dans le Liban de l'après-guerre". Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00732515.
Texto completo da fonteDagher, Zeina. "Connotations, dénotations et stéréotypie dans l’affiche et le spot publicitaires au Liban : campagne électorale de 2009". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA102/document.
Texto completo da fonteOur thesis is based, in the first part, on the will of showing the originality behind the advertising communication and most specifically the electoral billboards by relying on a cultural analysis presented through multiculturalism and multilingualism, anchored in the Lebanese habits and know-how. This specificity has brought us to carry out a research work based on the conciliation between theory and practice in the fields of semiotics and sociolinguistics. We have based our study on the works of Charles Sanders Peirce for the analysis of the first part of the corpus taking into consideration the sign, the representamen and the interpretant in the billboards as well as the connotations and denotations that can be interpreted differently according to the visions of the world of each receptor. In the second part, we have chosen to observe and analyze the lebanese bilingualism in the world of advertising. Hence, the spot is based on the creation of a bilingual scenario accompanied with obvious and even exaggerated gestures by a Lebanese advertiser in order to show a stereotyped Lebanese across a Lebanese emigrant. The work we have undertaken is a work of language analysis beyond the only linguistic forms through a study of the speech in situation, undertaken by the gestures that accompany the speech of the comedian during all the sequences of the spot
Abou, Kasm Antonios. "Le Tribunal spécial pour le Liban : défis juridiques et enjeux stratégiques". Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GREND006.
Texto completo da fonteThe Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) is created through a bilateral agreement concluded between the UN and the Lebanese Government; but its essential instruments didn’t come into force until the adoption of the binding resolution 1757 (2007) of the Security Council adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The STL, sitting in the Netherlands, composed of foreign and Lebanese judges, is an internationalized criminal tribunal sui generis. Its primary mandate consists on prosecuting those responsible for the 14th February 2005 attempt which caused the death of the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic HARIRI and 22 other people; nevertheless the STL’s jurisdiction can be extended to cover connected attacks. Many features distinguish the STL, since it is the first criminal tribunal that was created under the UN’s framework outside of the International humanitarian law’s discipline; it judges terrorism crimes in peace time under the Lebanese domestic law; moreover, it is the first international criminal tribunal which holds trials in absentia, establishes an Office for the Defense as an autonomous organ equally with the Office of the Prosecutor giving the defense counsel large powers. The STL works according to its proper Rules of Procedure and Evidence – adopted by its judges – associating the civil law system and the common law system. The STL’s functioning confronts legal challenges due to its combined funding mechanism, assured by the conventional contribution of the Lebanese Government as by the voluntary contributions of member States; or due to its restricted primacy limited only to Lebanese courts, arising a problematical horizontal cooperation. In addition, the STL’s Statute expresses reluctance on the immunities’ question. The implementation of the STL has created a large political controversy in Lebanon; its work in an unstable geopolitical framework triggers relevant strategic issues having impacts on the political scene in Lebanon and Middle-East. The STL incurs strategic challenges since its first indictment incriminates Hezbollah members – an armed resistance against Israel – ally of Iran and Syria. The Arab spring and its implications on the Syrian revolution generate instability to the political and security conditions of Lebanon, alerting a new series of terrorist attempts. The main mission of the STL consists to end impunity in Lebanon related first and foremost to political assassinations. The STL is considered as an instrument of selective justice since it is established only to judge a single attempt and a small number of connected crimes in a restricted spatiotemporal framework, whereas a large number of serious crimes of International humanitarian law and political crimes perpetrated in Lebanon are still unpunished. For its detractors, the STL embodies the dilemma between "civil peace" and "international justice", although its finality seeks to consolidate the national reconciliation through the discovery of the truth
Trabulsi, Hussein. "Politique monétaire au Liban : entre latitude et gouvernance". Dijon, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005DIJOE008.
Texto completo da fonteHoneine, Louis. "Un Liban neutre malgré une géopolitique engagée". Paris 2, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA020064.
Texto completo da fonteThe geopolitics of lebanon led its history. It caused the country to be endowed with a political regime based on confessionalism. Since its installation in the nineteenth century, this reality revealed its elf as internally conflictual, and permitted the draining of regional problems inside the lebanese frontiers. This was the case for the massacres of eighteen sixty, and it is still persisting since the arab defeat of nineteen sixty-seven. But external problems, reactivating the internal conflictual spirit, cannot explain alone the displacement of populations and the genocides. The defective management of the lebanese socio-political (entity), and the political dilemma in which the country was thrusting with respect to the decision problem, were the main elements that led to the actual crisis. With the chehab mandate, the country had known an inventive politico-social attempt : president chehab tried to save the institutions by doubling them, and to save cohabitation through the social system. The attempt failed because of the oppressing outside and of the unconscious inside. Our proposal for a neutral lebanon attempts to save the country by protecting it from the external geopolitical oppression without alienating it from its environment, and by exorcising its internal demons through a new socio-political code putting in concrete from the claiming of some and the fears of others
Ayoub, Hassan. "Efficacité du système financier et rôle des banques dans le cadre d'une économie ouverte en cours de reconstruction et de développement : rôle du Liban". Nice, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002NICE0046.
Texto completo da fonteEl-Kaaki, Itaf. "L'Accord de Tae͏̈f et ses implications dans le système politique libanais". Bordeaux 3, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998BOR30029.
Texto completo da fonteSince the constitution of lebanon as a national entity the country has gone from one crisis to another, getting worse all the time, culminating in the lebanese war of 1975. These conflicts were of an historical, political, economic, idealogical and religious nature, and were made worse or fed by political and economic circumstances from abroad. This was aggravated by pressure and meddling in the internal affairs of the country by local and international powers in pursuit of their own interests. A new balance of power was one of the important factors in the war. None of the suggested projects could be adopted until approval of the taef agreement. The constitutional amendments contained in this agreement brought the second lebanese republic into being. However, in spite of the amendments to the lebanese constitution of 1926 modelled on the french third republic constitution, the lebanese political system has been torn between constitutional lacunae and the failings of politicians. Moreover, the treaty of fraternity, cooperation and coordination, and the lebanon-syria agreement on defence and security has placed the lebanon under the political yoke of syria
Tofeiliyah, Ahmad. "Les partis politiques et leur rôle dans les pays du Proche-Orient : Irak, Jordanie, Liban, Syrie". Montpellier 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987MON10036.
Texto completo da fonteThese thesis studies the origin and evolution of the political parties in the middle east. It gives a short description of the political organizations in these countries since the beginning of islam, through the different stages of the ottoman domination. Then the various elements which inside and outside middle east have helped the rise of arabic consciousness are studied, specially the parties and associations which appeared and grew during the nineteenth century. Later the parties have had their part in the struggle for independance against the ottoman empire. During the time these territories were mandated, the political parties broke up. Their evolution and their part in the political life are described at that time, after independance to our days. A part of these thesis is dedicated to the different ideologies and the systems of the parties. It presents also the dominating parties in iraq and syria. Then it tries ti analyse multipartism in lebanon and reasons which prevent non-religious parties from really playing their part in this country. Finaly we describe the illegal parties in jordan
Chokr, Mohamad Ali. "La démocratie consensuelle : Cas du Liban". Perpignan, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PERP1045.
Texto completo da fonteThe consensual democracy embodied a suitable regime for plural societies compared to the majority democracy. It provides a balance between the various vectors of the plural society, insuring political stability and the participation of minorities, non-domination the majority. Since Lebanon is deemed to be a plural society due to the presence of a multitude of confessions, it has sought to make the principles of the consensual regime prevail on those of the majority System. This study highlighted the nature of the existing political System in Lebanon, based on the sectarian diversity, since the establishment of the State of Greater Lebanon, passing through the most important events and conciliations in Lebanon, according to whish the consensual democracy was consecrated as an interim régime to achieve a modem democracy. When the division increase the mechanism of action of the political consensual system and its effectiveness in Lebanon grow at the level of governance and administration and the Islamic-Christian coexistence, it was time to highlight the operation of the consensual system, to show the main causes that hinder its evolution and the aim or feasibility of the continuity of its application on the political life in Lebanon. Especially, the Lebanese constitution amended according to the Taëf document, did not stipulate that the consensual democracy is an end but a means to attain stable democracy. Therefore, it was necessary to suggest an alternative system to the consensual democracy, as a solution to get out of the recurrent crises, in compliance with the multi confessional composition of the Lebanese society
Harb, el-Kak Mona. "Action publique et système politique pluricommunautaire : les mouvements politiques chiites dans le Liban de l'après-guerre". Aix-Marseille 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005AIX32060.
Texto completo da fonteRaad, Nazih. "La vie politique et économique au Liban après 1943". Montpellier 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985MON10063.
Texto completo da fonteIskandar, Hamid. "L'évolution de l'image de l'armée libanaise : 1990-2000". Paris 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA020037.
Texto completo da fonteGhazi, Simone. "Les entrepreneurs et l'Etat dans la crise libanaise : interaction du politique et de l'économique". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991IEPP0016.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis aims at examining the birth and growth of Lebanese capitalism, its evolution and adaptation to economical and political turmoils which affected the local and regional scene. The subject involves the question "entrepreneur-innovationnetworks" and prompts us to study at the same time the continuity within the entrepreneurial class, the social foundations of the entreprise and the political and confessional supports necessary to its survival. We shall first draw the profile of the Lebanese entrepreneur, examine the formation of the political elite and study the development of the Lebanese economy in the light of local and regional events which took place between 1943-1975 and between 1975-1989. While underlining the interaction of politics and economics, we shall show the role played by the entrepreneur between various Lebanese political factions when the whole political system was completely disrupted by the war. Finally an inquiry involving 50 industrialists and bankers was led with the objective of analysing the relations between the entrepreneur, his local environment and the outside world in order to show how the individual endeavor of the entrepreneur tofether with the influence of religious groups has helped maintaining the Lebanese economy with growing trend despite the weakness of the State
Dansou, Alidjinou Adolphe. "Le discours politique béninois : 1972 à 1990". Montpellier 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992MON10037.
Texto completo da fonteSabeh, Mikhaël. "Le rôle des minorités dans l'élaboration des courants politiques contemporains (Croissant fertile)". Bordeaux 3, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994BOR30016.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis is within the framework of politico-religious sociology. It consists of a study of social history and, above all, of the part played by foreigners to strengthen denominationalism. It includes various minority communities, especially the orthodox minority which played a specific part by enriching the political thought with elements taken from its own theology and vision. The second part is an analytical and microscopic study bearing on two orthodox "specimens": - antun sa'adaeh, the leader of the antiochian syrian political thought, who refused political denominational minority, and agreed to national adherence of all the minorities remaining free in their beliefs. - michel aflaq, the leader of the ba'athist thought, namely as regards the concept of freedom, socialism, and unity : secularism seen from the arabian point of view. The conclusion to the thesis : for its own safety, a minority produces a rationalistic political thought in order to avoid dissolving into another bigger minority
Akl, Marie-Thérèse. "Cohabitation communautaire et cohabitation politique : recherches sur les relations entre le Président de la République et le Premier ministre dans les systèmes politiques libanais et français". Poitiers, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003POIT3004.
Texto completo da fonteMawas, Charif Bachir. "Les communautés religieuses et la recherche d'un équilibre au sein de la vie politique libanaise". Montpellier 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985MON10042.
Texto completo da fonteGhoussoub, Dani. "Le rôle du confessionnalisme dans la vie institutionnelle libanaise". Lyon 3, 2007. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2007_out_ghoussoub_d.pdf.
Texto completo da fonteConfessionnalism in Lebanon overflows private sphere to monopolize public sphere. Lebanease democracy is so peculiar that it associates two concepts apparently inconsistent to set up a political system. For a western jurist this may look like a ludicrous idea. Impact of confessionnalism on lebanease institutions is so strong that lebanease “democracy”, that we called “community democracy”, seems to be conditioned by confessionnal membership of lebanease citizens. Thus no lebanease can have any legal existence unless being considered as member of such and such confession or such and such community. Even MPs election is subject to confessional agreements. A lebanease is conditionned by his confession membership from the cradle to the grave. Whatever, Lebanon remains a democracy that copes pretty well with religious matter. However, in order to modernize lebanease institutions it must be thought about a possible deconfessionnalisation process. Process considered by the lebanease Constitution as a “national objective”. But what about this objective? Is it reachable? Is it desirable?
Hariri, Ahmad. "L'Armée et le pouvoir politique au Liban". Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010273.
Texto completo da fonteHelou, Haissam. "L'influence des interventions étrangères sur la structure communautaire au Liban : de la perméabilité endémique du système à l'atomisation de la société : 1982-1985". Paris 10, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA100137.
Texto completo da fonteOn a small geographical area of 10 000km2 live more than 17 different religious sects that differ from each other in their origin and in their beliefs. The coexistence among minorities (theres is not one group that exceed 30% of the whole lebanese population) proceed within the framework of what has been labeled by the socio-juristic lebanese school as the consociational system. For such a system to survive, it should be characterized by neutrality. In fact,neutralism has never been the basis of the system, due to misunderstanding of the consociational system. One religious sect,the maronites, has monopolized the major government offices. The other religious sects, specially the moslems,went as far as asking for equal participation in the government. This has created fear among the christians and frustration among the moslems. In this context, appears the omos phenomenon of foreign interventions: on one hand, the lebanese religious sects request help from the foreign forces in order to acquire protection; on the other, the foreign countries and organisations take full advantage of the internal dissension and intervene in different ways in the country's internal affairs in the aim to set foot and obtain the vital interests that they are always eager to possess. The external effects have atomized the lebanese polotico-civil society, because of the rotation of the religious sects around different orbits. This state of affairs has reached its paroxysm during the period 1982-85