Bibliografias temáticas / League of Women Voters of Connecticut

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "League of Women Voters of Connecticut"

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Publicado: 26 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "League of Women Voters of Connecticut"

Blair, Karen J. "Papers of the League of Women Voters, 1918-1974". Journal of American History 74, n.º 4 (março de 1988): 1403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894519.

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Schulte, Terrianne K. "Citizen Experts: The League of Women Voters and Environmental Conservation". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 30, n.º 3 (2009): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fro.2009.a370527.

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Alonso, Harriet Hyman, Louise M. Young, Percy Maxim Lee e Ralph A. Young. "In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920-1970." American Historical Review 96, n.º 3 (junho de 1991): 986. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162656.

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Kimmel, Michael S., e Louise M. Young. "In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920-1970." Journal of American History 77, n.º 4 (março de 1991): 1395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078358.

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Hawks, Joanne V. "In the public interest: The league of women voters, 1920–1970". Women's Studies International Forum 16, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1993): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(93)90087-p.

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Schulte, Terrianne. "Emerging Routes to Environmental Activism: Lake Erie Sportsmen and the League of Women Voters". Excursions Journal 3, n.º 1 (13 de setembro de 2019): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/exs.3.2012.155.

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This paper comparatively examines how the League of Women Voters and Lake Erie sportsmen emerged to awaken the public to the pollution crisis affecting the Lake Erie watershed in the mid-twentieth century. Recognizing the degradation of the smallest of the Great Lakes due to the explosion of wartime industrial development and population growth, the League and the sportsmen commenced a decades-long struggle to clean up the lake and its tributaries through direct action in urban areas throughout the Lake Erie watershed. Disgusted by a fall in the number of fish, caused by cyanide poisoning, and the effect of oil on waterfowl, the sportsmen pressed for pollution control. The League members’ approach to water resources, on the other hand, was based on a broad and academic perspective regarding water quality and quantity in response to a series of regionally severe droughts that plagued the United States in the late 1940s and mid-1950s, and led to a national debate on water shortages and supplies. Ultimately, this paper examines two distinctly different approaches to an environmental emergency in the immediate postwar era.

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Hendley, Matthew. "Constructing the Citizen: The Primrose League and the Definition of Citizenship in the Age of Mass Democracy in Britain, 1918-1928". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 7, n.º 1 (9 de fevereiro de 2006): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031105ar.

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Abstract The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.

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Harvey, Anna L. "The Political Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion". Social Science History 20, n.º 1 (1996): 97–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021556.

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By the close of the first decade following ratification of constitutional female suffrage in the United States, it had become commonplace to read of female political leaders bemoaning the inefficacy of women's lobbying organizations, which despite their lobbying efforts did not engage in any electoral activity such as the mobilization of female voters (see, for example,NYT10 March 1928: 3;NYT31 March 1931: 22). That this should have been the case raises an interesting question: Why not? That is, given the likelihood that women's votes would have increased the efficacy of these lobbying efforts, why weren't the leaders of women's lobbying organizations, in particular those of the former suffrage machine, the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), pursuing those votes?

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Ballard, Barbara. "A community view of public jouralism: League of women voters chapter grades norfolk newspaper project". National Civic Review 85, n.º 1 (1996): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ncr.4100850109.

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Chappell, Marisa. "Rethinking Women's Politics in the 1970s: The League of Women Voters and the National Organization for Women Confront Poverty". Journal of Women's History 13, n.º 4 (2002): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2002.0002.

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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "League of Women Voters of Connecticut"

Black, J. E. "The League of Women Voters in South Carolina, 1947-1960". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596678.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate the relationship between women and politics in the mid-twentieth century South, by focusing on the activism of women in one Southern State. Studies of political groups that operated nationally, such as the League of Women Voters, have pointed to the importance of local chapters, but there have been few case studies to prove the real impact of such groups on politics or on women as individuals. Existing scholarship on women and politics emphasises women’s motivations and political identity, usually by marking women out as different to men. Applying these rules to women at local level, there is evidence both for and against common conceptions about women and politics. Studies of women as a group often fail to take into account the regional context of motivation, identity and the limitations on women to act. This study will examine the impact of grassroots political activity on women and their communities through a study of their experiences as members of the League of Women Voters in South Carolina, from 1947 to 1960. This work adds to three important bodies of literature. One is the increasing number of local and state studies mapping white and black women’s politics. Secondly it will add to literature mapping ways women were politically active in these years, establishing immediate roots of second wave feminism. This work has generally ignored the South. Thirdly the dissertation will add to increasing work on women in the postwar civil rights struggle.

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Brown, Rebekah A. S. "The League of Women Voters, Social Change, and Civic Education in 1920's Ohio". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu155473074939274.

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Bezbatchenko, Mary. "Virginia and the Equal Rights Amendment". VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/748.

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In 1972, the campaign to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) began in the states. Many states quickly ratified the amendment but the ERA stalled fifteen states short of the necessary three-fourths to become part of the United States Constitution. Virginia was one of the states who did not ratify the amendment and this study examines the reasons why. Much like other southern states, conservative Virginia legislators wanted to maintain traditional gender roles. STOP ERA and other anti-ERA organizations mobilized before the proponents developed a unified campaign. Legislators were able to use the rules of the General Assembly to block serious consideration and ratification of the ERA. Proponents of the amendment started with an educational campaign but faced the problem of not being in a position to challenge the powerful conservative leaders in the General Assembly. They then shifted to a campaign based on electoral politics. However, the transition occurred too late to effect the outcome of ERA ratification in Virginia.

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Clark-Wiltz, Meredith. "Revising Constitutions: Race and Sex Discrimination in Jury Service, 1868-1979". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305652946.

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Schulte, Terrianne K. "Grassroots at the water's edge The League of Women Voters and the struggle to save Lake Erie, 1956--1970 /". 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1192181781&sid=14&Fmt=2&clientId=39334&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--State University of New York at Buffalo, 2006.
Title from PDF title page (viewed on Mar. 09, 2007) Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Thesis adviser: Cahn, Susan. Includes bibliographical references.

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Murer, Joanne. "The importance of emotion in creating collective identity in the Stillwater League of Women Voters an exploratory case study /". 2008. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-2629.pdf.

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Livros sobre o assunto "League of Women Voters of Connecticut"

), League of Women Voters (U S. Papers of the League of Women Voters, 1918-1974. Frederick, MD: University Publications of America, 1985.

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1950-, Ware Susan, Schipper Martin Paul, Lester Robert, University Publications of America, Inc. e League of Women Voters (U.S.), eds. Papers of the League of Women Voters, 1918-1974. Frederick, MD: University Publications of America, 1985.

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Whitney, Susan E. The League of Women Voters: Seventy-five years rich : a perspective on the woman's suffrage movement and the League of Women Voters in Georgia. Atlanta: League of Women Voters of Georgia, 1995.

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Young, Louise Merwin. In the public interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920-1970. New York: Greenwood Press, 1989.

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A, Young Ralph, ed. In the public interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920-1970. New York: Greenwood, 1989.

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Brown, Arnetta. Recollections: A history of the League of Women Voters of Florida, 1939-1989. St. Petersburg, Fla: League of Women Voters Education Fund, 1989.

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League of Women Voters of Ohio. Agenda for action: State program 1995-97. Columbus, Ohio: League of Women Voters of Ohio, 1995.

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Moore, Mary Alice. More Power Than We Knew: The League of Women Voters in Oregon, 1920-1995. Salem, Or: League of Women Voters of Oregon, 1995.

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Beran, Janice A. The League of Women Voters of Iowa: A voice for citizens, a force for change. Des Moines, Iowa: League of Women Voters of Iowa, 1996.

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League of Women Voters of Ohio. Education Fund, ed. Financing education in Ohio: A report of the League of Women Voters of Ohio Education Fund. Columbus, Ohio: League of Women Voters of Ohio Education Fund, 1990.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "League of Women Voters of Connecticut"

Laville, Helen. "The League of Women Voters". In Organized White Women and the Challenge of Racial Integration, 1945-1965, 65–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49694-8_3.

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McArthur, Judith N., e Harold L. Smith. "In League With Women Voters". In Minnie Fisher Cunningham, 89–108. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0006.

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Rogoff, Leonard. "How Shall Women Vote". In Gertrude Weil. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630793.003.0007.

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In 1920 Weil convened a state League of Women Voters and was elected president. The League battled a corrupt, conservative Democratic political machine, which dominated state politics, and fought for ballot reform. Weil's leading campaign was for a state survey of working women. Weil was caught in the crossfire between advocates of the League's extensive and progressive national agenda and the conservatism of the state's women who argued for a state-centered approach to such issues as a child labor amendment. In the early 1930s Weil joined organizations dedicated to interracial cooperation and in opposition to lynching. As labor conflicts grew increasingly violent, Weil advocated for union rights. By the 1930s, with the onset of the Depression, the League had largely exhausted itself.

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"16. The Politics of the League of Women Voters". In Social Feminism, 289–304. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501745492-018.

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Mathews, Donald G., e Jane Sherron De Hart. "“We Are Called and We Must Not Be Found Wanting”: ERA and the Women’ s Movement". In Sex, Gender, And The Politics Of Era, 124–51. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195038583.003.0005.

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Abstract Commitment to the Equal Rights Amendment was mobilized in coalition. Feminists were only one constituency among the many who worked for ratification. Traditional women’ s groups such as the League of Women Voters and Church Women United joined newer organizations such as the National Organization for Women, the Women’ s Equity Action League, and the National Women’ s Political Caucus to achieve “equalty.” The goal was neither concrete nor specific but abstract and general, evoking the language of eighteenth-century revolution and twentieth-century idealism.

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Goan, Melanie Beals. "Epilogue". In A Simple Justice, 217–20. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813180175.003.0016.

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The epilogue discusses Laura Clay's work after 1920, the creation of the Kentucky League of Women Voters, and assesses the limited role women have played in Kentucky politics over the past century. It also explores why the suffrage movement still maters one hundred years later.

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Stark, Evan. "The Special Reasonableness Of Battered Women". In Coercive Control, 339–61. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195154276.003.0012.

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Abstract Bonnie Foreshaw lived with her son in Bloomfield, Connecticut, a middleclass suburb of Hartford. After 3 years of an abusive marriage, she had finally convinced her husband, Lessup, to move out, though she had to put a car in his name and pay off the loan to get him to do so. He continued to watch the house, called to threaten her, and often followed and harassed her when she went out. For protection, Bonnie bought a .38-caliber handgun on the street, though she had never fired a weapon. She took the gun with her late one evening in March 1986, when she drove a female friend home to the notorious East End of Hartford. She dropped her friend at around 12:30 A.M., then stopped for a nonalcoholic beer at the Progressive League, a Jamaican social club. She put the small weapon in her blouse. A stranger named Freeman asked to buy her a drink. Bonnie demurred, not meaning to offend. “You think you’re too good?” the man retorted.

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Kessler-Harris, Alice. "Ambition and Its Antidote in a New Generation of Female Workers". In Out To Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States, 217–49. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195157093.003.0008.

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Abstract In 1927 the Consumers’ League of New York surveyed 500 working women. Would they favor a law reducing hours from fifty-four to forty-eight, the League asked. Overwhelmingly, women answered affirmatively. “I want more time to live. You get old fast enough without working yourself to death,” responded a young worker. One added, “I go to ‘Y’ classes twice a week and am studying stenography. When I worked nine hours a day I was too tired to go anywhere.” Their answers differed dramatically from those the Connecticut League had received when it asked women about their working hours just ten years before. Now, women worried less about adequate incomes; they cared more about “living.” This was a new kind of woman wage earner, with different expectations and new demands. She came from a new kind of home, which had produced a shift in the composition of female labor. And she reflected new pulls in the work force, which led her to alter her expectations. Different women were working for different reasons. They had different marital profiles and came from different age groups. The women who had held the old jobs did not qualify for the new ones. And some of those who could have continued to work chose not to.

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Goan, Melanie Beals. "An Instrument to Help Humanity". In A Simple Justice, 206–16. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813180175.003.0015.

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This chapter follows Kentucky suffragists as they waited to see if the Nineteenth Amendment would win ratification. They were optimistic, hosting “citizenship schools” throughout the summer of 1920 to prepare women to use their new rights. Both political parties were courting the new voters and white suffragists and African American women played key roles at both party conventions that summer. Tennessee's ratification of the amendment meant that women across the country would go to the polls that fall and vote on issues important to women, including the League of Nations.

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Perry, Elisabeth Israels. "Profile". In After the Vote, 11–13. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199341849.003.0002.

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Shortly before his inauguration as mayor in January 1934, Fiorello La Guardia asked Pearl Bernstein, a young woman then working for the New York City League of Women Voters, to come see him. She had voted for him but never met him before. Wasting no time, he asked her straight out: “How would you like to be Secretary of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment and Director of the Budget?” This was a new position he hoped would rationalize the board’s chaotic budget procedures. “What they did,” Bernstein recalled later, “was to put some figures together and then every week they would add or subtract or multiply or divide—and nobody knew in the middle of the year how much had been spent.” The mayor chaired the board, but the borough presidents also submitted budgetary proposals, “and so it was a very unsatisfactory situation.” The League of Women Voters, where Bernstein had worked for the previous seven years monitoring municipal affairs, had advocated the city’s adoption of an executive budget prepared solely by the mayor. In the end she persuaded La Guardia to separate the two jobs he offered her, and because she knew nothing about accounting or budgets, she took the post of secretary. In January, the new board of estimate confirmed her appointment....

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