Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Lacs - Australie - Gippsland"

Biomarker geochemistry, maturation modelling and migration pathway analysis have been used in a new, integrated analysis of the Gippsland Basin. The analysis has resulted in the development of a predictive model for hydrocarbon charge and oil versus gas split. The study was carried out in 4 parts: analytical geochemistry, source distribution mapping, maturation modelling and migration pathway analysis.New geochemical biomarker studies confirm a non-marine source for the oils, but place peak oil generation in the upper part of the traditional oil window. Gas in the basin is mainly derived from overmature source rocks. Coals were recognised to contribute significantly to oil generation.The source rock thickness and distribution for the entire basin were mapped using analytical techniques plus wireline log analysis, coupled with seismic structural mapping and facies analysis. Prime oil-prone source rocks were found to be located in the lower coastal plain depositional environment. Extrapolations were necessary for older rocks, using stratigraphic models.Maturation modelling modelling of selected wells and synclines was carried out and an overall basin model constructed. Post-structuring yields of oil and gas were also derived. A key result was the lack of post-structuring overmature gas generation in the oil prone southeastern part of the basin, owing to high palaeo-temperatures associated with earlier rifting.Analysis of present day and palaeo-migration pathways gave an excellent match between predicted oil versus gas ratios and discoveries, both geographically and stratigraphically. The tool is now being used in a predictive mode to highgrade basin prospectivity.

Introduction. There is a higher prevalence of Parkinson’s disease (PD) in rural Australia and a poorer perceived quality of life of rural Australians with PD. Coordinated multidisciplinary teams specialised and experienced in the treatment of PD are recommended as the preferred model of care best able to manage the complexities of this disorder. There remains a lack of team-based specialised PD services in rural Australia available to people living with PD. This study aims to explore how the lack of specialised PD services impacts on the person’s experiences of the health care they receive in rural Victoria. This study compared the health-care experiences of two different cohorts of people with PD living in rural Victoria; one cohort living in East Gippsland have had an established comprehensive care model implemented with local trained teams and supported by a metropolitan PD centre, and the other cohort was recruited from the remainder of Victoria who had received standard rural care. Methods. This descriptive study used a survey to explore health-care experiences. Questionnaires were mailed to participants living in rural Victoria. Eligibility criteria included having a diagnosis of PD or Parkinsonism and sufficient English to respond to the survey. The validated Patient-Centred Questionnaire for PD was used to measure health-care experiences. The questions are grouped accordingly under one of the 6 subscales or domains. Outcomes from the questionnaire included summary experience scores (SES) for 6 subscales; overall patient-centeredness score (OPS); and quality improvement scores (QIS). Secondary outcomes included health-related quality of life using the disease-specific questionnaire PDQ39; disease severity using the Hoehn and Yahr staging tool; and disability using the Movement Disorders Society-Unified Parkinson’s Disease Rating Scale, part II. Results. Thirty-nine surveys were returned from the East Gippsland group and 68 from the rural group. The East Gippsland group rated significantly more positive the subscales “empathy and PD expertise,” P=0.02, and “continuity and collaboration of professionals,” P=0.01. The groups did not differ significantly for the remaining 4 subscales (P>0.05) nor for the OPS (P=0.17). The QIS showed both groups prioritised the health-care aspect “provision of tailored information” for improvement. Quality of life was greater (P<0.05) and impairment (P=0.012) and disability were less (P=0.002) in the East Gippsland group. Conclusion. Participants who received health care from the East Gippsland program had better key health-care experiences along with better QOL and less impairment and disability. Participants prioritised provision of information as needing further improvement.

In the Gippsland Basin, the seaward extent of paralic coal occurrences can be mapped in successive time slices through the Paleocene and Eocene to provide a series of straight to gently arcuate surrogate palaeoshorelines within the petroliferous Latrobe Group. Palaeogeographic reconstructions that incorporate this information provide a unique perspective on the changes affecting a siliciclastic depositional system on a passive continental margin where basin development has been primarily controlled by thermal sag. In contrast, the absence of calcareous marine fossils and lack of extensive, widespread and thick fine-grained sediments on the marine shelf and continental slope, beyond the seaward limits of coal accumulation, have contributed to the false impression that the Latrobe Group accumulated in a largely non-marine basin. Based on the proposed model for palaeoshoreline delineation, seismic data, sequence analysis, petrography and palynology can be integrated to subdivide the main depositional environments into distinct facies associations that can be used to predict the distribution of petroleum systems elements in the basin. The application of such palaeogeographic models to the older section of the Latrobe Group can improve the identification of these petroleum systems elements in as yet unexplored parts of the Gippsland Basin. Given the recent attention paid to the basin as a CO2 storage province, palaeogeographic interpretations may be able to assist with the selection of appropriate injection sites.

Australia’s early efforts in field abandonment have been limited in comparison to more mature basins, but have proven both complex and high cost, with delayed approvals caused by regulatory uncertainty and social concerns. Three underlying challenges impact operators and government and require action on both sides to resolve: (1) increasing size and scale of decommissioning liability, (2) limited understanding of challenges and cost drivers, and (3) uncertainty of regulations and taxes. Abandonment expenditure is expected to accelerate, with most industry companies already active and more companies expected to abandon in the future (e.g. Gippsland, North Carnarvon). Between 2017 and 2030, the overall impact of decommissioning is estimated to be ~US$5.5 billion, with the government taking up to 60% of this cost through taxes and liabilities. Many companies are looking to upgrade abandonment capabilities and take advantage of new technologies and approaches to reduce costs (although they seem to be struggling to bring programs forward in this period of lower prices). Some companies look to sell assets to late-life operators who tend to be smaller with less abandonment experience and capabilities. In an environment where regulations remain unclear and there is a lack of technology, skills and knowledge around abandonment, the industry is facing unprecedented challenges. Through strategic cost reduction, new technology and operating models, we believe costs could be optimised by a further 10–35%. The industry, National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority (NOPSEMA) and government have started engaging to clarify uncertainty in abandonment regulations. This will require an unbiased process that balances value and risk to all stakeholders and avoids the taxpayer bearing increased costs/rebates from inefficiencies.

CASE SETTING This study implemented a standardized exercise program for oncology patients in the Latrobe Valley region of Gippsland, Australia, aiming to assess its potential transferability to other regions. This was undertaken due to a lack of structured services available in Gippsland, limiting patient access to these programs, in which patients having to travel up to 2 hours for treatment in Melbourne. TREATMENT Implementation of a standardized exercise program for oncology patients, developed by a multidisciplinary team of exercise physiologists, oncology health professionals, and leisure centre fitness professionals. Exercise Physiologists conducted initial assessments and patients were placed in either individual, group exercise sessions and/or home-based programs. RESULTS The program demonstrated significant improvements in both physical and psychological well-being. The program has received 73 referrals, of which 48 participants completed initial assessments with an Exercise Physiologist. Of the remaining 25 participants, 2 were discharged to other services due to their location outside the program’s jurisdiction, 18 withdrew or did not attend their appointments, and 5 are currently on the waitlist for assessment. At the time of data collection, 17 participants had completed their reassessments.100% of participants improved on at least one physical test, and all participants improved on one of their subjective measures (fatigue, depression, anxiety, self-worth). Additionally, participant feedback was overwhelmingly positive, highlighting the program’s psycho-social support and the benefits of exercising outside a healthcare setting. REFLECTIONS/LEARNINGS This program successfully demonstrated the effectiveness of collaboration between healthcare services and leisure centres in delivering sustainable exercise programs for oncology patients outside of the healthcare setting. It also highlighted the value of providing both physical and psycho-social support, with the inclusion of care coordinators significantly reducing burdens on health services. The program’s success suggests strong potential for transferability to other regions.

Designing cost-effective methods for implementing measurement, monitoring and verification (MM&V) plans for subsea CO2 storage is an active area of research globally. Despite some preliminary research and examples overseas, there remains a lack of established protocols and configurations for offshore carbon capture and storage (CCS) monitoring overlying storage sites and an absence of methods to establish environmental impact in the event of leakage. Over the last 4 years, CSIRO in collaboration with ANLEC R&D and CarbonNet have been undertaking research in the Gippsland region to inform the development of assurance monitoring approaches for subsea CCS operations to address three key technical assurance monitoring challenges: The ‘signal-to-noise’ problem: distinguishing CO2 release signatures from similar naturally occurring variability to reduce false alarm rates in future baseline monitoring design; characterising impact: determining the level of CO2 release that would be associated with environmental impact at a range of scales; and attributing impact: distinguishing changes resulting from other drivers and pressures in multiple-use zones (e.g. climate change) from the activities of CCS operations. The research has included a wide variety of approaches and technologies including the development and testing of fixed and mobile autonomous monitoring systems, chemical and acoustic sensing and the collection of biological datasets. These data have been used in the development of biogeochemical models and to define possible integrated MM&V frameworks. This paper will summarise this research and identify how it could be applied for offshore CO2 storage projects around Australia.

Poster ESG7 Designing cost-effective methods for implementing measurement, monitoring and verification (MM&V) plans for subsea CO2 storage is an active area of research globally. Despite some preliminary research and examples overseas, there remains a lack of established protocols and configurations for offshore carbon capture and storage (CCS) monitoring overlying storage sites and an absence of methods to establish environmental impact in the event of leakage. Over the last 4 years, CSIRO in collaboration with ANLEC R&D and CarbonNet have been undertaking research in the Gippsland region to inform the development of assurance monitoring approaches for subsea CCS operations to address three key technical assurance monitoring challenges: The ‘signal-to-noise’ problem: distinguishing CO2 release signatures from similar naturally occurring variability to reduce false alarm rates in future baseline monitoring design; characterising impact: determining the level of CO2 release that would be associated with environmental impact at a range of scales; and attributing impact: distinguishing changes resulting from other drivers and pressures in multiple-use zones (e.g. climate change) from the activities of CCS operations. The research has included a wide variety of approaches and technologies including the development and testing of fixed and mobile autonomous monitoring systems, chemical and acoustic sensing and the collection of biological datasets. These data have been used in the development of biogeochemical models and to define possible integrated MM&V frameworks. This paper will summarise this research and identify how it could be applied for offshore CO2 storage projects around Australia. To access the poster click the link on the right. To read the full paper click here

The Black Summer of 2019/2020 saw the forests of southeast Australia go up in flames. The fire season started early, in September 2019, and by March 2020 fires had burned over 12.6 million hectares (Werner and Lyons). The scale and severity of the fires was quickly confirmed by scientists to be “unprecedented globally” (Boer et al.) and attributable to climate change (Nolan et al.).The fires were also a media spectacle, generating months of apocalyptic front-page images and harrowing broadcast footage. Media coverage was particularly preoccupied by the cause of the fires. Media framing of disasters often seeks to attribute blame (Anderson et al.; Ewart and McLean) and, over the course of the fire period, blame for the fires was attributed to climate change in much media coverage. However, as the disaster unfolded, denialist discourses in some media outlets sought to veil this revelation by providing alternative explanations for the fires. Misinformation originating from social media also contributed to this obscuration.In this article, we investigate the extent to which media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires functioned both to precipitate a climate change epiphany and also to support refutation of the connection between catastrophic fires and the climate crisis.Environmental Communication and RevelationIn its biblical sense, revelation is both an ending and an opening: it is the apocalyptic end-time and also the “revealing” of this time through stories and images. Environmental communication has always been revelatory, in these dual senses of the word – it is a mode of communication that is tightly bound to crisis; that has long grappled with obfuscation and misinformation; and that disrupts power structures and notions of the status quo as it seeks to reveal what is hidden. Climate change in particular is associated in the popular imagination with apocalypse, and is also a reality that is constantly being “revealed”. Indeed, the narrative of climate change has been “animated by the revelations of science” (McNeish 1045) and presented to the public through “key moments of disclosure and revelation”, or “signal moments”, such as scientist James Hansen’s 1988 US Senate testimony on global warming (Hamblyn 224).Journalism is “at the frontline of environmental communication” (Parham 96) and environmental news, too, is often revelatory in nature – it exposes the problems inherent in the human relationship with the natural world, and it reveals the scientific evidence behind contentious issues such as climate change. Like other environmental communicators, environmental journalists seek to “break through the perceptual paralysis” (Nisbet 44) surrounding climate change, with the dual aim of better informing the public and instigating policy change. Yet leading environmental commentators continually call for “better media coverage” of the planetary crisis (Suzuki), as climate change is repeatedly bumped off the news agenda by stories and events deemed more newsworthy.News coverage of climate-related disasters is often revelatory both in tone and in cultural function. The disasters themselves and the news narratives which communicate them become processes that make visible what is hidden. Because environmental news is “event driven” (Hansen 95), disasters receive far more news coverage than ongoing problems and trends such as climate change itself, or more quietly devastating issues such as species extinction or climate migration. Disasters are also highly visual in nature. Trumbo (269) describes climate change as an issue that is urgent, global in scale, and yet “practically invisible”; in this sense, climate-related disasters become a means of visualising and realising what is otherwise a complex, difficult, abstract, and un-seeable concept.Unsurprisingly, natural disasters are often presented to the public through a film of apocalyptic rhetoric and imagery. Yet natural disasters can be also “revelatory” moments: instances of awakening in which suppressed truths come spectacularly and devastatingly to the surface. Matthewman (9–10) argues that “disasters afford us insights into social reality that ordinarily pass unnoticed. As such, they can be read as modes of disclosure, forms of communication”. Disasters, he continues, can reveal both “our new normal” and “our general existential condition”, bringing “the underbelly of progress into sharp relief”. Similarly, Lukes (1) states that disasters “lift veils”, revealing “what is hidden from view in normal times”. Yet for Lukes, “the revelation tells us nothing new, nothing that we did not already know”, and is instead a forced confronting of that which is known yet difficult to engage with. Lukes’ concern is the “revealing” of poverty and inequality in New Orleans following the impact of Hurricane Katrina, yet climate-related disasters can also make visible what McNeish terms “the dark side effects of industrial civilisation” (1047). The Australian bushfires of 2019/2020 can be read in these terms, primarily because they unveiled the connection between climate change and extreme events. Scorching millions of hectares, with a devastating impact on human and non-human communities, the fires revealed climate change as a physical reality, and—for Australians—as a local issue as well as a global one. As media coverage of the fires unfolded and smoke settled on half the country, the impact of climate change on individual lives, communities, landscapes, native animal and plant species, and well-established cultural practices (such as the summer camping holiday) could be fully and dramatically realised. Even for those Australians not immediately impacted, the effects were lived and felt: in our lungs, and on our skin, a physical revelation that the impacts of climate change are not limited to geographically distant people or as-yet-unborn future generations. For many of us, the summer of fire was a realisation that climate change can no longer be held at arm’s length.“Revelation” also involves a temporal collapse whereby the future is dragged into the present. A revelatory streak of this nature has always existed at the heart of environmental communication and can be traced back at least as far as the environmentalist Rachel Carson, whose 1962 book Silent Spring revealed a bleak, apocalyptic future devoid of wildlife and birdsong. In other words, environmental communication can inspire action for change by exposing the ways in which the comforts and securities of the present are built upon a refusal to engage with the future. This temporal rupture where the future meets the present is particularly characteristic of climate change narratives. It is not surprising, then, that media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires addressed not just the immediate loss and devastation but also dread of the future, and the understanding that summer will increasingly hold such threats. Bushfires, Climate Change and the MediaThe link between bushfire risk and climate change generated a flurry of coverage in the Australian media well before the fires started in the spring of 2019. In April that year, a coalition of 23 former fire and emergency services leaders warned that Australia was “unprepared for an escalating climate threat” (Cox). They requested a meeting with the new government, to be elected in May, and better funding for firefighting to face the coming bushfire season. When that meeting was granted, at the end of Australia’s hottest and driest year on record (Doyle) in November 2019, bushfires had already been burning for two months. As the fires burned, the emergency leaders expressed frustration that their warnings had been ignored, claiming they had been “gagged” because “you are not allowed to talk about climate change”. They cited climate change as the key reason why the fire season was lengthening and fires were harder to fight. "If it's not time now to speak about climate and what's driving these events”, they asked, “– when?" (McCubbing).The mediatised uncovering of a bushfire/climate change connection was not strictly a revelation. Recent fires in California, Russia, the Amazon, Greece, and Sweden have all been reported in the media as having been exacerbated by climate change. Australia, however, has long regarded itself as a “fire continent”: a place adapted to fire, whose landscapes invite fire and can recover from it. Bushfires had therefore been considered part of the Australian “normal”. But in the Australian spring of 2019, with fires having started earlier than ever and charring rainforests that did not usually burn, the fire chiefs’ warning of a climate change-induced catastrophic bushfire season seemed prescient. As the fires spread and merged, taking homes, lives, landscapes, and driving people towards the water, revelatory images emerged in the media. Pictures of fire refugees fleeing under dystopian crimson skies, masked against the smoke, were accompanied by headlines like “Apocalypse Now” (Fife-Yeomans) and “Escaping Hell” (The Independent). Reports used words like “terror”, “nightmare” (Smee), “mayhem”, and “Armageddon” (Davidson).In the Australian media, the fire/climate change connection quickly became politicised. The Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack interviewed by the ABC, responding to a comment by Greens leader Adam Bandt, said connecting bushfire and climate while the fires raged was “disgraceful” and “disgusting”. People needed help, he said, not “the ravings of some pure enlightened and woke capital city greenies” (Goloubeva and Haydar). Gladys Berejiklian the NSW Premier also described it as “inappropriate” (Baker) and “disappointing” (Fox and Higgins) to talk about climate change at this time. However Carol Sparks, Mayor of bushfire-ravaged Glen Innes in rural NSW, contradicted this stance, telling the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) “Michael McCormack needs to read the science”. Climate change, she said, was “not a political thing” but “scientific fact” (Goloubeva and Haydar).As the fires merged and intensified, so did the media firestorm. Key Australian media became a sparring ground for issue definition, with media predictably split down ideological lines. Public broadcasters the ABC and SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), along with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Guardian Australia, predominantly framed the catastrophe as wrought by climate change. The Guardian, in an in-depth investigation of climate science and bushfire risk, stated that “despite the political smokescreen” the connection between the fires and global warming was “unequivocal” (Redfearn). The ABC characterised the fires as “a glimpse of the horrors of climate change’s crescendoing impact” (Rose). News outlets owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp Australia, however, actively sought to play down the fires’ seriousness. On 2 January, as front pages of newspapers across the world revealed horrifying fiery images, Murdoch’s Australian ran an upbeat shot of New Year’s Day picnic races as its lead, relegating discussion of the fires to page 4 (Meade). More than simply obscuring the fires’ significance, News Corp media actively sought to convince readers that the fires were not out of the ordinary. For example, as the fires’ magnitude was becoming clear on the last day of 2019, The Australian ran a piece comparing the fires with previous conflagrations, claiming such conditions were “not unprecedented” and the fires were “nothing new” (Johnstone). News Corp’s Sky News also used this frame: “climate alarmists”, “catastrophise”, and “don’t want to look at history”, it stated in a segment comparing the event to past major bushfires (Kenny).As the fires continued into January and February 2020, the refutation of the climate change frame solidified around several themes. Conservative media continued to insist the fires were “normal” for Australia and attributed their severity to a lack of hazard reduction burning, which they blamed on “Greens policies” (Brown and Caisley). They also promoted the argument, espoused by Energy Minister Angus Taylor, that with only “1.3% of global emissions” Australia “could not have meaningful impact” on global warming through emissions reductions, and that top-down climate mitigation pressure from the UN was “doomed to fail” (Lloyd). Foreign media saw the fires in quite different terms. From the outside looking in, the Australian fires were clearly revealed as fuelled by global heating and exacerbated by the Australian government’s climate denialism. Australia was framed as a “notorious climate offender” (Shield) that was—as The New York Times put it—“committing climate suicide” (Flanagan) with its lack of coherent climate policy and its predilection for mining coal. Ouest-France ran a headline reading “High on carbon, rich Australia denies global warming” in which it called Scott Morrison’s position on climate change “incomprehensible” (Guibert). The LA Times called the Australian fires “a climate change warning to its leaders—and ours”, noting how “fossil fuel friendly Morrison” had “gleefully wielded a fist-sized chunk of coal on the floor of parliament in 2017” (Karlik). In the UK, the Independent online ran a front page spread of the fires’ vast smoke plume, with the headline “This is what a climate crisis looks like” (Independent Online), while Australian MP Craig Kelly was called “disgraceful” by an interviewer on Good Morning Britain for denying the fires’ link to climate change (Good Morning Britain).Both in Australia and internationally, deliberate misinformation spread by social media additionally shaped media discourse on the fires. The false revelation that the fires had predominantly been started by arson spread on Twitter under the hashtag #ArsonEmergency. While research has been quick to show that this hashtag was artificially promoted by bots (Weber et al.), this and misinformation like it was also shared and amplified by real Twitter users, and quickly spread into mainstream media in Australia—including Murdoch’s Australian (Ross and Reid)—and internationally. Such misinformation was used to shore up denialist discourses about the fires, and to obscure revelation of the fire/climate change connection. Blame Framing, Public Opinion and the Extent of the Climate Change RevelationAs studies of media coverage of environmental disasters show us, media seek to apportion blame. This blame framing is “accountability work”, undertaken to explain how and why a disaster occurred, with the aim of “scrutinizing the actions of crisis actors, and holding responsible authorities to account” (Anderson et al. 930). In moments of disaster and in their aftermath, “framing contests” (Benford and Snow) can emerge in which some actors, regarding the crisis as an opportunity for change, highlight the systemic issues that have led to the crisis. Other actors, experiencing the crisis as a threat to the status quo, try to attribute the blame to others, and deny the need for policy change. As the Black Summer unfolded, just such a contest took place in Australian media discourse. While Murdoch’s dominant News Corp media sought to protect the status quo, promote conservative politicians’ views, and divert attention from the climate crisis, other Australian and overseas media outlets revealed the fires’ link to climate change and intransigent emissions policy. However, cracks did begin to show in the News Corp stance on climate change during the fires: an internal whistleblower publicly resigned over the media company’s fires coverage, calling it a “misinformation campaign”, and James Murdoch also spoke out about being “disappointed with the ongoing denial of the role of climate change” in reporting the fires (ABC/Reuters).Although media reporting on the environment has long been at the forefront of shaping social understanding of environmental issues, and news maintains a central role in both revealing environmental threats and shaping environmental politics (Lester), during Australia’s Black Summer people were also learning about the fires from lived experience. Polls show that the fires affected 57% of Australians. Even those distant from the catastrophe were, for some time, breathing the most toxic air in the world. This personal experience of disaster revealed a bushfire season that was far outside the normal, and public opinion reflected this. A YouGov Australia Institute poll in January 2020 found that 79% of Australians were concerned about climate change—an increase of 5% from July 2019—and 67% believed climate change was making the bushfires worse (Australia Institute). However, a January 2020 Ipsos poll also found that polarisation along political lines on whether climate change was indeed occurring had increased since 2018, and was at its highest levels since 2014 (Crowe). This may reflect the kind of polarised media landscape that was evident during the fires. A thorough dissection in public discourse of Australia’s unprecedented fire season has been largely eclipsed by the vast coverage of the coronavirus pandemic that so quickly followed it. In May 2020, however, the fires were back in the media, when the Bushfires Royal Commission found that the Black Summer “played out exactly as scientists predicted it would” and that more seasons like it were now “locked in” because of carbon emissions (Hitch). It now remains to be seen whether the revelatory extent of the climate change blame frame that played out in media discourse on the fires will be sufficient to garner meaningful action and policy change—or whether denialist discourses will again obscure climate change revelation and seek to maintain the status quo. References Anderson, Deb, et al. "Fanning the Blame: Media Accountability, Climate and Crisis on the Australian ‘Fire Continent’." 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