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Bibliografias temáticas / Labor, France, 1914-

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Labor, France, 1914-"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 27 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 28 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Labor, France, 1914-"

1

Reid, D. "Putting Social Reform into Practice: Labor Inspectors in France, 1892-1914". Journal of Social History 20, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 1986): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/20.1.67.

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2

Friedman, Gerald. "Strike Success and Union Ideology: The United States and France, 1880–1914". Journal of Economic History 48, n.º 1 (março de 1988): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004125.

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Scholars still disagree about why unions in different countries are radical or conservative. The differences between unions in France and America can be traced to the different requirements for success in strikes before 1914. In France radical unions could win large-scale strikes by involving state officials. In contrast, American unions, facing a more hostile government, avoided state intervention and learned to win strikes by providing financial support to small groups of critically positioned workers. The divergence between American and French union strategy reflected the greater success of American capitalists in winning state support against labor.

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3

Champlin, Dell. "State-Making and Labor Movements: France and the United States, 1876-1914". Journal of Economic Issues 34, n.º 3 (setembro de 2000): 755–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2000.11506310.

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4

Haydu, Jeffrey, e Gerald Friedman. "State-Making and Labor Movements: France and the United States, 1876-1914". American Historical Review 105, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2000): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652458.

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5

Schneirov, Richard, e Gerald Friedman. "State-Making and Labor Movements: France and the United States, 1876-1914." Journal of American History 86, n.º 4 (março de 2000): 1811. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567665.

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Saglio, Jean. "Friedman, Gerald, State-Making and Labor Movements: France and the United States, 1876-1914". Relations industrielles 55, n.º 3 (2000): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051338ar.

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Tucker,, Kenneth H. "State-Making and Labor-Movements: France and the United States, 1876-1914. Gerald Friedman". American Journal of Sociology 105, n.º 5 (março de 2000): 1504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/210454.

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Squicciarini, Mara P. "Devotion and Development: Religiosity, Education, and Economic Progress in Nineteenth-Century France". American Economic Review 110, n.º 11 (1 de novembro de 2020): 3454–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20191054.

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This paper studies when religion can hamper diffusion of knowledge and economic development, and through which mechanism. I examine Catholicism in France during the Second Industrial Revolution (1870–1914). In this period, technology became skill-intensive, leading to the introduction of technical education in primary schools. I find that more religious locations had lower economic development after 1870. Schooling appears to be the key mechanism: more religious areas saw a slower adoption of the technical curriculum and a push for religious education. In turn, religious education was negatively associated with industrial development 10 to 15 years later, when schoolchildren entered the labor market. (JEL D83, I21, I26, N33, Z12)

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Reid, Donald. "The Third Republic as Manager: Labor Policy in the Naval Shipyards, 1892–1920". International Review of Social History 30, n.º 2 (agosto de 1985): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111563.

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Recently there has been great interest in the re-organization of work and its effects on labor relations during the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, particularly in the metal-working and machine industries. Studies of this issue have generally been framed in terms of technological advances in the steel industry in the second half of the nineteenth century, the exigencies of the market during and after the Great Depression of the late nineteenth century, and the efforts of skilled labor to defend its position on the shopfloor. In France and elsewhere the importance of national and international arms sales before 1914 made the armaments industry one of the main arenas of these developments. Until mid-century the defense industry and the business of defense had been under state control in France. Largely for economic reasons, however, the Third Republic turned over increasing amounts of defense contracting, especially in shipbuilding, to private industry. The Etablissements Schneider at Le Creusot, the Compagnie des Aciéries de la Marine at Saint-Chamond and other large private firms established themselves as profitable arms manufacturers. National and foreign government contracts for weaponry encouraged these companies to make large capital investments, to rationalize work to permit greater managerial control, and to develop authoritarian paternalist systems of labor management.

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Yudin, N. V. "Patriotic Enthusiasm at the Beginning of the First World War". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 4(37) (28 de agosto de 2014): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-17-25.

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In the present paper from the constructionist perspective is examined one of the most controversial issues of the modern western historiography of the First World War - the issue of patriotic enthusiasm of 1914, its scopes and nature. On the basis of a wide range of primary sources, including Russian and foreign archives, memoirs and letters of contemporaries the author carries out a comparative analysis of the response to the beginning of the war of urban and rural population of Great Britain, France and Russia. Against the backdrop of numerous patriotic demonstrations in large cities, the rural population's response looked much more constrained and passive. At the same time the latter attests rather to the peculiarities of rural culture than to the absence of patriotic upsurge. The author points out that besides apparent distinctions there was a lot of similarities in the urban and rural population's reaction to the beginning of the war. This refers to an immensely successful mobilization of continental armies, a rush of volunteers to the British army, and a drop of the labor movement in all European countries. The author comes to the conclusion that the patriotic upsurge in Europe in 1914 was not founded on a momentary outburst of chauvinism, but reflected a broad popular consensus on the war.

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Mais fontes

Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Labor, France, 1914-"

1

Smet, Catherine. "Secularization and syndicalization : the rise of professional nursing in France, 1870-1914 /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9728767.

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2

Mansfield, Malcolm Richard. "Organising the labour market : unemployment and policy in Great Britain and France 1880-1914". Thesis, University of Bristol, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265500.

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3

Stein, Margot Ballou. "The social origins of a labor elite : French engine-drivers, 1837-1917 /". New York : Garland, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355292738.

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4

Steinhouse, Adam. "Workers' participation and the French state, 1944-1948". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3c55c0da-460f-4f12-9e93-db25ae76a181.

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This thesis explores attempts by state officials to enable workers and the principal trade union, the Confédération Générate du Travail, to participate at the workplace and in the French state from 1944 to 1948. At a time of increased state intervention and new social welfare policies, workers gained new responsibilities in the comités d'entreprises, or works councils. The regional government, the commissaires, helped to initiate worker control experiments, notably at the Berliet truck plant in Lyon. By the end of 1948, however, the strength of the French labour movement had not significantly increased, either at the workplace or in the state. In their demand for greater participation, workers faced resistance from state officials, employers and even unions. State actors, such as labour inspectors, prefects, and commissaires, actively sought social peace and greater productivity in 1944-1946. At the level of the shopfloor, the new comités d'entreprises gave workers, for the first time, an official voice in the firm. However, they had no say over production decisions. Nor did worker participation extend to unskilled workers, immigrants, or women. Worker participation did not go further at the time for three reasons. Employers intensified rationalisation measures at the workplace and refused to accept new powers given to the works councils. The CGT was insufficiently committed to workplace participation. Finally, the power of the centralised state was entrenched in the domain of economic planning but did not influence the workplace sufficiently to support participation, particularly in 1946-1948. The postwar settlement that led to increased growth in the 1950s was structured around the private sector and the planning capabilities of the state, at the expense of any involvement by labour. The exclusion of workers from planning decisions and the failure of worker control attempts led not only to the strikes of 1947-1948, but to a profound degree of powerlessness that was to mark the labour movement for the next generation.

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5

Pâris, de Bollardière Constance. ""La pérennité de notre peuple" : une aide socialiste juive américaine dans la diaspora yiddish, le Jewish Labor Committee en France (1944-1948)". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0024.

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Après la Shoah, l'aide matérielle et le soutien moral des Juifs des Etats-Unis jouent un rôle considérable dans la reconstruction du monde juif en Europe. Cette vaste entreprise philanthropique se manifeste aussi bien de façon unifiée que par l’intermédiaire de réseaux plus ciblés, chaque pan du monde juif des Etats-Unis souhaitant secourir les siens et œuvrer de manière indépendante à la pérennité de sa vision particulière de la judaïcité. C’est dans ce cadre que les socialistes juifs américains du Jewish Labor Committee, organisation antinazie créée à New York en 1934, se tournent vers les rescapés du monde yiddish non-communiste et plus particulièrement vers ceux résidant en France, majoritairement concentrés dans et autour de la capitale. Paris, ville vers laquelle affluent à la fin des années 1940 des milliers de survivants de la Shoah, dont nombre de transitaires en route vers des destinations outre-mer, représente alors un des lieux d’espoir pour l’épanouissement de leur culture minoritaire. L’étude de cas de l’intervention du Jewish Labor Committee en France de 1944 à 1948 présente la singularité des préoccupations des bundistes et des socialistes de culture yiddish à la sortie du génocide et au début de la guerre froide. Elle observe l’évolution de leurs idées comme leurs efforts et doutes pour affronter les défis de l’après-guerre et perpétuer leur projet politique et culturel national hors de leur territoire d’origine en Europe orientale. Pour approfondir ces thématiques, cette recherche met en perspective le monde yiddish avec les mondes juif et non-juif, socialiste et syndical, qui l’environnent. Etant le cadre de vastes échanges de courriers, d’informations, d’hommes, de biens matériels et d'argent entre les Etats-Unis et la France, l’action du Jewish Labor Committee se prête à l’analyse de l’interaction entre des immigrés situés dans deux pôles d’une migration divergente. Inspirée par les recherches sur le transnationalisme des primo-immigrés, cette étude transpose les questions de circulations entre les frontières et de négociations entre deux environnements nationaux dans le cas d’acteurs se tournant non pas vers leur pays d’origine mais vers un autre centre de leur diaspora. Appréhendée via cette rencontre entre socialistes juifs aux Etats-Unis et en France, une telle approche transnationale amène à questionner les degrés de proximité entre deux centres de la « diaspora yiddish » au lendemain de la destruction
In the aftermath of the Holocaust, the material aid and moral support provided by the Jews of the United States played a considerable role in the reconstruction of European Jewry. This wide philanthropic undertaking was implemented through several completementary channels: the major, inclusive and unified relief of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee was supplemented by smaller networks of aid. If communal action was indeed necessary and efficient, each part of the Jewish world of the United States was willing to rescue its kin and to act independently to ensure the continuance of its own meaning of Jewishness. Within this frame, American Jewish Socialists of the Jewish Labor Committee, an anti-Nazi organizaton created in New York in 1934, supported the survivors of the non-Communist Yiddish world. Thousands of Holocaust survivors headed to Paris in the late 1940s, many staying in transit before leaving for their final destinations overseas. At that time, this European metropolis represented a place of hope for the fulfilment of their minority culture. The Jewish Labor Committee thus significantly concentrated on those survivors settled in France, who for the most part lived in or around the French capital. This study of the Jewish Labor Committee in France from 1944 to 1948 describes the concerns Bundists and Jewish Socialists of Yiddish culture faced in the aftermath of the genocide and the early Cold War period. Focusing on the inner circles of those actors as well as their interaction with the different Jewish and political groups which surrounded them, I question how they responded to the stakes of the postwar years and how they worked to perpetuate their political and cultural project outside of their communities of origin in Eastern Europe. The action of the Jewish Labor Committee in postwar France required considerable exchanges: of letters, information, people, material goods and money. These exchanges provide the resources for an analysis of the interaction of immigrants settled in two centers of a divergent migration. Inspired by research on transnationalism among first-generation immigrants, this study explores the movement of ideas and people across frontiers and the negotiation between two national contexts. If such questions are usually applied to migrants’ connections to their country of origin, I adapt them in the context of connections of migrants with another center of their diaspora. In the case of this encounter between Jewish Socialists in the United States and France, such a transnational approach leads me to evaluate the degrees of proximity between these two centers of the « Yiddish diaspora » in the aftermath of destruction

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Tracol, Matthieu. "La rigueur et les réformes : histoire des politiques du travail et de l'emploi du gouvernement Mauroy (1981-1984)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010700.

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Le gouvernement Mauroy est habituellement associé au « tournant de la rigueur » de 1983. Après l’euphorie, le pouvoir socialiste aurait brusquement adopté l’austérité économique. L’étude des politiques du travail et de l’emploi permet de remettre en cause ce schéma d’une double manière. Tout d’abord, l’alternance permit à des hauts fonctionnaires modernistes, très influencés par la philosophie négociatrice de Jacques Delors et de la CFDT, de parvenir aux postes de décision clés en matière de politique sociale. Dès 1981, les réformes sociales furent engagées sous le signe de la rigueur, avec la volonté de ne pas provoquer de dérapage économique et budgétaire irréversible. La réduction du temps de travail, mise au point au sein du Commissariat général du plan, fut réalisée en privilégiant la négociation sociale décentralisée et la modération salariale. L’abaissement de l’âge de la retraite à 60 ans fut à l’origine élaboré en augmentant la durée de cotisation. Les lois Auroux réformant le droit du travail n’attaquèrent pas le pouvoir des chefs d’entreprise. La deuxième remise en cause concerne le tournant de 1983 : en fait, le point d’inflexion de la politique du gouvernement Mauroy se situe au premier semestre de 1982. Après l’abandon des 35 heures, la lutte contre le chômage ne constitua plus pour lui qu’un objectif secondaire. Il se trouva alors dans une impasse, sans grande réforme à réaliser. Son agenda fut certes dominé par les problèmes financiers (déficit de l’UNEDIC, qui conduisit à réduire drastiquement les prestations chômage, et financement de la retraite), mais cela ne signifie pas qu’il y ait eu conversion généralisée des élites socialistes au néolibéralisme
The Mauroy government is usually associated with the 1983 “austerity turn”. It is commonly agreed after the eurphoria following their electoral victory, the socialist power suddendly adopted economic austerity. The study of labour and employment policies can undermine this idea in two ways. Firstly, the political changeover allowed modernist high-ranking civil servants to reach key decision-making positions in social policies. They were under the influence of Jacques Delors and of the CFDT union, who both strongly supported collective bargaining. Already in 1981, sicoial reforms were initiated in an atmosphere of rigour, in ordre not to cause irrerversible economic and budgetary slippage. The reduction of working time, developed within the StatePlanning Commision was realized by focusing on decentralized social negotiation and wage moderation. The lowering of the retirement age to 60 years was initially associated with the increase of the contribution period. The Auroux labour laws did not put into question the power of entrepreneurs. Secondly, the inflection point of the Mauroy government policy is actually not to be found in 1983, but in the first half of 1982. After project of the 35 hour working week was scrapped, the fighting against unemployment was no longer a primary objective for the gouvernment. It was then in a dead end with no major reform to achieve. Its agenda was indeed dominated by financial problems (the UNEDIC deficit, which led to a dramatic reduction of unemployment benefits, and retirement fundings), but that does not mean that there was a widespread conversion of socialiste lite to neoliberalism at the time

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7

Ali, Ibrahim. "Esclaves, engagés et travailleurs libres à la Grande Comore et au Mozambique pendant le sultanat de Saïd Ali ben Saïd Omar (1883-1910)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040028.

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Cette thèse étudie du trafic des esclaves au départ de l’Afrique orientale (Mozambique) vers les Comores où des planteurs étrangers venaient les acheter comme engagés libres. Le sultanat de Saïd Ali né en 1883, a bénéficié de la protection de de la France en 1886. Malgré ce protectorat, l’esclavage n’est aboli qu’en 1904. Pour maintenir la main-d’œuvre coloniale, l’État protecteur a retardé cette abolition. Face aux hésitations, le sultanat est rattaché à Magascar en 1908, le sultan abdique en 1910, avant que la Grande Comore devienne colonie française en 1912
This Thesis studies the slaves trade starting from East Africa to Comoros where foreign growers came to buy them as free Endentured servant. The Sultanat of Saïd Ali born in 1883 benefited of French protection in 1886. Even thought this protectorate, the slavery is abolished in 1904. To maintain the colonialworkforce, The Protecting State has delayed this abolition. In front of theses hesitations, the Sultan is attached to Madagascar in 1908, the sultan abdicated in 1910, before that the Great Comoro become a French colony in 1912

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8

Alonzo, Anne. "La guerre est déclarée ! : La mobilisation industrielle à Toulouse pendant la Première Guerre mondiale". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL062.

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Entre 1914 et 1918, la mise en place de la mobilisation industrielle décrétée par le gouvernement de l'Union sacrée a profondément transformé Toulouse. Alors que la ville était restée à l'écart des mouvements d'industrialisation au XIXe siècle, les investissements publics importants consacrés à la production d'équipements militaires ont accéléré le développement de son industrie. Les acteurs de cette transformation ont cependant été mis à l'épreuve en raison des réquisitions de main-d’œuvre, des pénuries et de la hausse des prix. A la différence de l'Allemagne, les mouvements sociaux qui résultent de la dégradation du niveau de vie en 1917 n'ont pourtant pas remis en question le consensus autour de l'effort de guerre, ni à Toulouse, ni en France. La thèse étudie les raisons du succès de la mise en place de la mobilisation industrielle comme de sa réalisation. Elle montre que la France disposait d'un avantage institutionnel et qu'elle a pu s'appuyer sur son capital civique démocratique pour préserver le pacte politique de l'union patriotique. Le taux de croissance négatif de l'activité économique à Toulouse entre 1914 et 1918 rend compte du fait que l'effort de guerre a été largement supporté par les entreprises et les ouvriers. La capacité et l'action de l'Etat ont été renforcées par l'adhésion des populations au programme de l'Union sacrée
Between 1914 and 1918, the implementation of industrial mobilization decreed by the Union sacrée's government profoundly transformed Toulouse. While the city remained less economically modernized in the 19th century, significant public investments devoted to the production of military equipment accelerated the development of its industry. Population faced difficulties, however, due to labor requisitions, shortages and rising prices. Unlike Germany, social movements which resulted from the deterioration in the standard of living in 1917 did not, however, call into question the consensus around the war effort, neither in Toulouse nor in France. The thesis studies the reasons for the success of setting up industrial mobilization as well as its execution. It shows that France had an institutional advantage and that it was able to rely on its democratic civic capital to preserve the political pact of his patriotic union. The negative growth rate of economic activity in Toulouse between 1914 and 1918 reflects the fact that the war effort was largely supported by businesses and workers. The State capacity and his action were reinforced by the adhesion of the populations to the program of the Union sacrée

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Vernet, Antoine. "Les disciplines de l'industrie : le patronat métallurgique et la formation organisée des travailleurs dans la région de Saint-Etienne (1865-1954)". Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2122.

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La formation des travailleurs présente, à l’intersection des politiques publiques et de l’action privée, un objet potentiellement conflictuel. Le développement d’une offre différenciée s’est appuyé sur la détermination d’objectifs négociés. Les modalités de la préparation au travail divergent selon les branches professionnelles et les conceptions patronales des savoirs nécessaires à la production industrielle à à son organisation. L’offre publique et l’offre privée se sont tantôt opposées, tantôt complétées afin de répondre à l’ensemble des besoins en compétences. Le cas des industries métallurgiques et mécaniques de la région de Saint-Étienne, permet d’étudier les motivations et rapports de forces à l’œuvre. Depuis le Second Empire, l’offre de formation ne cesse de se développer. La pérennité de ces réalisations se révèle au départ fragile, par sa dépendance à l’initiative municipale ou à l’action collective privée. L’œuvre scolaire de la Troisième République modifie la donne. Le développement à partir de 1879 d’une offre municipale d’enseignement technique suscite la réaction du clan clérical, soutenu par les bourgeoisies catholiques locales. L’évolution de ces deux offres s’explique par une différence importante dans les objectifs de ces formations scolaires, entre, d’une part, savoirs scientifiques et techniques et, d’autre part, objectifs moraux et hiérarchiques. À travers les différentes stratégies patronales à l’œuvre, entre externalisation et intégration de la fonction formation, la préparation d’une élite ouvrière tend à placer la question de l’autorité au cœur du dispositif. Avec le début du XXe siècle, l’institutionnalisation des cours professionnels comme support de l’apprentissage ouvrier s’inscrit dans la continuité de la scolarisation des décennies précédentes. La montée de la conflictualité ouvrière, l’évolution des techniques de production et de leur organisation donnent une importance nouvelle aux compétences scientifiques et techniques. Le patronat, soucieux de ses prérogatives dans le domaine des relations sociales, tente de limiter l’intervention de l’État. La taxe d’apprentissage est un exemple remarquable. L’offre de formation ouvrière, publique comme privée, est confortée dans ses fonctions par le patronat métallurgique. Les innovations demeurent faibles jusqu’au développement difficile des formations professionnelles accélérées à la fin des années 1930. La Seconde Guerre mondiale confirme l’intérêt des employeurs pour des filières de formation moins engoncées dans les normes de l’Éducation nationale. L’étatisation de l’apprentissage ouvrier traduit enfin, après la Libération, le ralliement du patronat métallurgique à la forme scolaire
Vocational education and training presented a potentially conflicting object crossing the lines of public policies and private action. The development of a differentiated supply was based on the negociated determination of skills. The modalities of VET diverged according to professional branches. They followed different conceptions, related to the knowledge required by the industrial production and organization. Public and private VET supplies were sometimes opposed, sometimes supplemented in order to meet all needs. The case of metallurgical, metalworking and machine-building industries of the region of Saint-Étienne allows us to study the motivations and the balance of forces. Since the Second Empire, the supply for vocational training growed. The sustainability of these achievements was initially fragile. They depended on municipal initiative or private organization. The vocational schools founded during the early times of the Third Republic changed the outcome. The development of a municipal supply aroused the reaction of the clerical side, supported by local catholic bourgeoisies. The evolution of these paths was due to a significant difference in the objectives of theses courses. On one hand, VET was considered as a mean for the diffusion and scientific and technical knowledge. On the other hand, it was used as a way to diffuse moral and hierarchical principles. Through the various strategies at work, from outsourcing to integration, the training of a workers elite tended to place the question of authority at the heart of VET organization. With the beginning of the twentieth century, the initiated schooling process drove to the institutionalization of vocational courses, as a support for apprenticeship. The rise of workers’ conflictuality, the evolution of production et organization renewed the role to scientific and technical skills. Employers, willing to reinforce their leadership in the field of industrial relations, tried to limit the intervention of the state within VET. The apprenticeship levy was a remarkable example of such a resistance. The supply of workers training, both public and private, was reinforced in its functions by the metalworking employers. Institutional innovations remained weak until the tough developpement of accelerated vocational training in the late 1930s. The Second World War confirmed the interest of metalworking employers for a traning organization less squeezed into the standards of the ministry of National Education. Finally, after the Libération, the stateization of workers apprenticeship brought about the rallying of businesses to the schooling form

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Ali, Ibrahim. "Esclaves, engagés et travailleurs libres à la Grande Comore et au Mozambique pendant le sultanat de Saïd Ali ben Saïd Omar (1883-1910)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040028.

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Cette thèse étudie du trafic des esclaves au départ de l’Afrique orientale (Mozambique) vers les Comores où des planteurs étrangers venaient les acheter comme engagés libres. Le sultanat de Saïd Ali né en 1883, a bénéficié de la protection de de la France en 1886. Malgré ce protectorat, l’esclavage n’est aboli qu’en 1904. Pour maintenir la main-d’œuvre coloniale, l’État protecteur a retardé cette abolition. Face aux hésitations, le sultanat est rattaché à Magascar en 1908, le sultan abdique en 1910, avant que la Grande Comore devienne colonie française en 1912
This Thesis studies the slaves trade starting from East Africa to Comoros where foreign growers came to buy them as free Endentured servant. The Sultanat of Saïd Ali born in 1883 benefited of French protection in 1886. Even thought this protectorate, the slavery is abolished in 1904. To maintain the colonialworkforce, The Protecting State has delayed this abolition. In front of theses hesitations, the Sultan is attached to Madagascar in 1908, the sultan abdicated in 1910, before that the Great Comoro become a French colony in 1912

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Livros sobre o assunto "Labor, France, 1914-"

1

Horne, John N. Labour at war: France and Britain, 1914-1918. Oxford [England]: Clarendon Press, 1991.

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2

Feeley, Francis McCollum. The French Anarchist Labor Movement and “La Vie Ouvriere”, 1909–1914. New York, USA: Peter Lang, 1991.

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3

Pierre, Milza, ed. Les Italiens en France de 1914 à 1940. Roma: Ecole française de Rome, 1986.

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4

State-making and labor movements: France and the United Staes, 1876-1914. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998.

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5

Friedman, Gerald. State-making and labor movements: France and the United States, 1876-1914. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998.

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6

Lespinet-Moret, Isabelle. L' Office du travail, 1891-1914: La République et la réforme sociale. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007.

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7

Guerrand, Roger-Henri. Propriétaires et locataires: Les origines du logement social en France 1850-1914. Paris: Quintette, 1987.

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8

Hilden, Patricia. Working women and socialist politics in France 1880-1914: A regional study. Oxford: Clarendon, 1986.

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9

Peasants and protest: Agricultural workers, politics, and unions in the Aude, 1850-1914. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.

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10

Milner, Susan. The dilemmas of internationalism: French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900-1914. New York: Berg, 1990.

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Mais fontes

Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Labor, France, 1914-"

1

Waithe, Marcus, e Claire White. "Introduction: Literature and Labour". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 1–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_1.

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2

Potolsky, Matthew. "The Work of Imitation: Decadent Writing as Mimetic Labour". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 167–81. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_10.

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3

Shiach, Morag. "Coda: Immaterial Labour and the Modernist Work of Literature". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 237–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_14.

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4

Bray, Patrick M. "Flaubert’s Cailloux: Hard Labour and the Beauty of Stones". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 97–110. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_6.

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5

Waithe, Marcus. "‘Strenuous Minds’: Walter Pater and the Labour of Aestheticism". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 147–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_9.

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6

Birch, Edmund. "Literary Machines: George Gissing’s Lost Illusions". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 187–201. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_11.

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7

Harrow, Susan. "Worlds of Work and the Work of Words: Zola". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 203–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_12.

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8

White, Nicholas. "Gender Difference and Cultural Labour in French Fiction from Zola to Colette". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 221–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_13.

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9

Waithe, Marcus, e Claire White. "Epilogue: Work Ethics, Past and Present". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 253–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_15.

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10

Schramm, Jan-Melissa. "‘[A] common and not a divided interest’: Literature and the Labour of Representation". In The Labour of Literature in Britain and France, 1830-1910, 27–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55253-2_2.

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Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Labor, France, 1914-"

1

Uspensky, A. V., M. V. Arisov e O. A. Panova. "145th ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF KONSTANTIN IVANOVICH SKRYABIN (1878-1972)". In THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PARASITIC DISEASE CONTROL. All-Russian Scientific Research Institute for Fundamental and Applied Parasitology of Animals and Plant – a branch of the Federal State Budget Scientific Institution “Federal Scientific Centre VIEV”, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31016/978-5-6048555-6-0.2023.24.23-34.

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Resumo:

Konstantin Ivanovich Skryabin is an outstanding Helminthologist, Academician of three Academies of Sciences (V. I. Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences, USSR Academy of Sciences, USSR Academy of Medical Sciences), Hero of Socialist Labor, Lenin and Stalin (twice) prize winner, and Recipient of six Orders of Lenin. In 2023, the 145th Anniversary of his birth will be celebrated on December 7, 1878. Konstantin Ivanovich received the degree of Doctor of Veterinary Medicine in 1905 at the Yuryev Veterinary Institute (now the University of Tartu, Estonia). After completing his studies until 1911, he worked as a local city veterinarian for the first 2 years in Chimkent, and then in Aulie-Ata (later Dzhambul, now Taraz) of Turkestan where he collected an extensive helminthological collection. From 1912 to 1914 he worked on probation in the field of helminthology abroad, namely, in Germany, Switzerland, and France. Upon returning to Russia, he remained to work at the Veterinary Laboratory of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in St. Petersburg. From 1917 to 1920, K. I. Skryabin became the first Professor of the first Department of Parasitology in Russia at the Don Veterinary Institute in Novocherkassk. He organized not only pedagogical, but also scientific work; the idea of organizing helminthological expeditions was born here. In 1920, upon his return to Moscow, he became the Head of the Helminthological Department of the State Institute of Experimental Veterinary Medicine (SIEVM). All subsequent vigorous scientific activity of Konstantin Ivanovich was aimed at strengthening the positions of helminthology as a science in Russia, and expanding the network of educational and scientific organizations. K. I. Skryabin and his students created a huge number of works: articles and monographs. His publications list includes about 700 titles including a number of fundamental multivolume papers. Konstantin Ivanovich Skryabin died on October 17, 1972. He was buried at the Novo-Dyevitchiye cemetery in Moscow.

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