Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Justiţie - Congrese"

In the last years, there is a gradually participation of the Judicial Branch in the Congress competences and functions to supervise and inquire into issues of public interest. As a result, it has questioned the separation of powers principle. In that context, this article focuses on analyzing what the judicial supervision limits of the due process in the procedures before the inquiry commissions in the Congress are.
Durante los últimos años se observa una paulatina intervención del Poder Judicial en las competencias y atribuciones del Parlamento para fiscalizar o investigar asuntos de interés público, llegando a cuestionarse el propio principio de separación de poderes. En dicho contexto, el presente artículo busca analizar cuáles son los límites del control judicial del debido proceso sobre los procedimientos que se desarrollan a través de las comisiones de investigación del Congreso de la República.

Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão.
In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.

Todo saber está enraizado en una situación concreta histórico-temporal. Aquí y ahora, lugar e instante, condicionamiento histórico, condicionamiento geográfico son determinaciones básicas del saber y de la vida. El saber, sin embargo, tiene también movimiento y libertad. Libertad en la elección desde dónde partir y en la elección para la clarificación de las metas, pues el campo de lo dado inmediato es un amplio campo de múltiples singularidades y relaciones. El lugar y el tiempo donde se vivió y tuvo lugar el Primer Congreso Nacional de Filosofía de 1949, en Mendoza, Argentina, constituyeron el enclave donde una sociedad de personas condicionadas por su historia y simultáneamente libres en la elección y ejecución de sus actos lo llevaron a cabo. Determinismo y libertad conjugados en este momento de la historia argentina, nuestra historia concreta.
Fil: Simó, Ana María Nancy. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the causes and antecedents that have contributed to the fact that, in Argentina, the office of Ombudsman remains vacant. Likewise, the normative origins of the organ are reviewed, in order to understand its value and democratic mission. In the ruling entitled Center for Studies for the Promotion of Equality and Solidarity and Others and the Ministry of Energy and Mining under Collective Protection (Centro de Estudios para la Promoción de la Igualdad y la Solidaridad y otros c/ Ministerio de Energía y Minería s/ amparo colectivo), issued on August 18, 2016, the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation exhorted the Congress of the Nation to appoint an Ombudsman in accordance with the provisions conferred on it by article 86 of the National Constitution. The Court’s decision exposed a long-standing legal problem: the absence of an Ombudsman.
El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las causas y antecedentes que han contribuido a que, en Argentina, el cargo de Defensor del Pueblo permanezca vacante. Asimismo, repasa los orígenes normativos del órgano, a fin de comprender su valor y misión democrática. En el fallo caratulado Centro de Estudios para la Promoción de la Igualdad y la Solidaridad y otros c/ Ministerio de Energía y Minería s/ amparo colectivo, emitido el 18 de agosto de 2016, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación exhortó al Congreso de la Nación a nombrar un Defensor del Pueblo con arreglo a las disposiciones que le ha conferido el artículo 86 de la Constitución Nacional. La decisión de la Corte expuso una problemática jurídica de larga data: la ausencia de un Defensor del Pueblo.

The Environmental Justice Networking Forum’s first national conference had three major objectives: to constitute the organisation on a national basis; to make policy recommendations regarding the implementation of the RDP both for submission to government and as a guide to action by EJNFparticipants; to build and disseminate the workof thelDRC/ANC/ COSATU/ SACP/ SANCO International Mission on Environmental Policy (referred to here as the Mission). EJNF was in itiated at the Earthlife Africa International Environment Conference in 1992 at Pietermaritzburg. That conference mandated an interim national steering committee to guide a process of establishing an organised voice within civil society for environmental justice. It stipulated that the organisation should be formed on a regional basis leading up to the national constitution of EJNF at a national conference. The EJNF conference is thus the culmination of a two year process. During that time, meetings were held to establish EJNF in six regions: Gauteng, Northern Transvaal, Western Cape, Eastern Cape, KwaZulu- Natal and OFS. Participating organisations include women’s, rural, youth, religious and environmental organisations, unions, civics and service NGOs. Each region sent delegations to the national conference. Two other regions, Eastern Transvaal and Northern Cape, also sent delegations which will form the focus groups for establishing EJNF in those regions. Regional EJNF participant organisations also elected members to the national steering committee. They took office at the constitutive conference. The minutes of the constitutive session of the conference are not included here but are available from the EJNF national office. The EJNF delegates were joined by a number of guest delegates for the conference on Greening the RDP. They included members of national organisations which represent or work with the constitutuencies which EJNF is developing and researchers working in the sectors covered by the conference. Government was represented by Ministers Kader Asmal (Water Affairs) and Derek Hanekom (Land Affairs), by provincial MECs, by members of standing committees in parliament and provincial legislatures andby ministry or department officials.

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A partir de meados dos anos 90 do século XX até os dias atuais, parte da literatura internacional sobre criminalização, segurança pública e justiça criminal (sobretudo nos EUA e Inglaterra) sinalizou o abandono da política criminal tradicional - chamada de penal welfarism. Esta política, baseada na tradição liberal dos direitos humanos e pautada no ideal de ressocialização do criminoso, teria sido substituída por uma política penal mais dura, abrangente e agora mais voltada para a defesa social. Modificou-se o funcionamento estratégico da justiça penal contemporânea e sua importância. A partir desse enquadramento teórico geral, este trabalho analisa quais foram as políticas criminais adotadas pelo Parlamento brasileiro. Para isso analiso a produção das principais leis aprovadas em segurança pública e justiça criminal no Congresso Nacional brasileiro no período de 1989 a 2006. Divido a pesquisa em dois momentos: i) um mapeamento do material apontando quais são os partidos, estados e casas proponentes; mandatos presidenciais que sancionaram as leis; número de leis aprovadas por ano e o tempo de tramitação das leis de acordo com a casa propositora; ii) os tipos gerais (modelos) de punição propostos pelas normas. Proponho nas considerações finais que é possível pensar: coexistências na política criminal entre criminalização, recrudescimento penal e leis que despenalizaram ou buscaram efetivar direitos dos réus; ii) apesar da coexistência ou (e) sobreposição entre estes domínios na política criminal, o Parlamento e o Executivo 'escolhem' o uso simbólico do Penal como forma fundamental de resolução de conflitos, a partir de demandas estatais (ou da sociedade civil) por maior (ou mais pesada) criminalização de condutas
Abstract: From the mid-90s of the twentieth century until today, part of the international literature on criminality, public safety and criminal justice (primarily in the U.S. and England) signaled the abandonment of traditional criminal policy - called the penal welfarism. The policy, based on the liberal tradition of human rights and on the ideal of social resocialization of criminals, would have been replaced by a tougher criminal justice policy, more comprehensive and now more focused on social defense. The strategic functioning of criminal justice and its contemporary relevance has changed. From this general framework, this research examines the criminal policies which were adopted by the Brazilian Parliament. To that end, I analyze the production of the major laws approved on public safety and criminal justice in the Brazilian Parliament in the period from 1989 to 2006. The research is divided into two different moments: i) a mapping of the material indicating which are the proponent parties, states and houses; presidential mandates, the number of laws adopted per year and the time of the drafting of laws in according to the proponent house ii) the general types (models) of punishment proposed by the laws. I propose in my final considerations that: the coexistence in Brazilian criminal policy of criminalization and the stiffening of criminal laws/expansion of rights in Brazil. Despite this coexistence or (and) overlap between these areas, the Parliament and the Executive 'choose' the symbolic use of the penal laws as a fundamental form of conflict resolution from state (or civil society) demands for more extensive (or heavier) criminalization of conducts
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

Aux Etats-Unis, les années 1990 ont été marquées par l’émergence de nouveaux débats politiques sur le libre-échange. Une large coalition de syndicats et d’organisations pour la protection de l’environnement et des consommateurs s’est pour la première fois mobilisée dans le but de redéfinir les règles de la politique commerciale américaine. Quel est le bilan de leurs activités politiques, près de quinze après leur première bataille législative contre l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain (ALENA) ? Ce travail de recherche s’appuie sur une série d’entretiens avec des acteurs politiques, des documents internes de groupes d’intérêts (syndicats, écologistes, patronat, etc.) et les registres du Congrès pour analyser les conflits entre les défenseurs du libre-échange et les partisans d’une « équité des échanges » à travers cinq études de cas entre 1991 et 2005. L’analyse conclut que la « relation spéciale » entre le patronat et l’exécutif a été l’un des principaux obstacles aux progrès de l’alliance entre syndicalistes et écologistes depuis l’origine du processus de décision jusqu’à la ratification au Congrès. Non seulement les institutions américaines ont limité l’influence des groupes de la société civile à l’origine des négociations commerciales, mais le président a également fortement assisté les organisations patronales dans leurs efforts de lobbying, leur permettant de remporter la plupart des batailles législatives entre 1991 et 2005
The 1990s marked the emergence of the “new politics of American trade.” A large coalition of labor, environmental and consumer organizations fought to broaden the narrow economic scope of American trade policy and change the rules of globalization. More than fifteen years after their first legislative battle against the North American Free Trade Agreement, what is the legacy of their political mobilization? What factors constrained their progress? Drawing from interviews with political actors, lobbying materials from labor, environmental and business organizations, and congressional records, this dissertation analyzes the clash between “fair” and “free” traders in five major legislative battles from 1991 to 2005. It reveals that the “special relationship” between the business community and the executive branch was the key obstacle to the achievements of the “blue (collar)-green” alliance from the beginning to the end of the policy process. Not only did the private sector enjoy privileged access to the negotiations phase, but the president also assisted free trade coalitions in their lobbying efforts, allowing them to win most legislative battles

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Based on the fact that higher courts are assuming a greater role in Brazil today, as is the global trend in complex contemporary societies, in the shaping of public policy and regulation, the study aims to map the evolution – and progressive democratization – of the checks and balances structure established in the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, i.e., the selection process of justice for Federal Supreme Court, Brazil’s apex constitutional court. The text analyses the institutional/constitutional framework of the selection process for new justices, and exemplify changes in the profile of political players, in the network of competences of institutions involved in the process and in the social, political, economic and cultural context that pushed through the practical transformation of the institutional selection model without altering, however, the format originally established in the 19th Century. By mapping the origin and evolution of the constitutional formula for collaboration between the Executive and Legislative branches in choosing the members of the Judiciary’s highest court, the study finds the origin of the Brazilian model in the US experience, describing the latter and making parallels between the two. Taking the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil as a milestone, the work demonstrates the even greater mobilization of political and social players concerning the selection process, especially in relation to the hearings and confirmation of appointments for the Federal Supreme Court by the Federal Senate Constitution, Justice and Civic Rights Commission (CCJ). Finally, the studies analyzes actual CCJ hearing sessions and some of the main discussions therein so as to draw lessons that may guide the debate on the evolution of the selection process of justices to the Federal Supreme Court , including as an early control tool used by those involved in the creation of future public policy through Federal Supreme Court decisions.
Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil acompanha hoje um fenômeno global de protagonismo das cortes supremas nas sociedades complexas contemporâneas, notadamente na criação de políticas-públicas e regulação, o estudo procura mapear a evolução – e progressiva democratização – de uma estrutura de freios e contrapesos prevista na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 ('Constituição'), qual seja, o processo de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ao longo do texto é analisada a arquitetura institucional e constitucional do processo de indicação e aprovação de novos ministros, bem como exemplificadas mudanças no perfil dos atores políticos, no plexo de competências das instituições envolvidas e no contexto social, político, econômico e cultural que forçaram a transformação prática do modelo de seleção institucional, sem alteração, no entanto, da formatação originalmente prevista desde o Século XIX. Mapeando a origem e evolução da fórmula constitucional de colaboração entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo para a escolha dos membros da cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o estudo identifica a origem do modelo brasileiro na inspiração da experiência norte-americana, descrevendo esta e os paralelos possíveis com aquele. A partir do marco central da Constituição, o trabalho procura demonstrar uma progressiva mobilização de atores políticos e sociais em relação ao processo de escolha, notadamente em relação ao momento em que os indicados para o Supremo Tribunal Federal são sabatinados pela Comissão de Constituição, Justiça e Cidadania do Senado Federal. Finalmente, são analisadas concretamente as sabatinas e algumas das suas principais discussões, buscando extrair lições que sirvam de norte colaborativo para a evolução da forma de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal, inclusive como instrumento de controle prévio de seus membros, futuros elaboradores de políticas-públicas.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
106
President Tsai Ing-wen, in order to implement her electoral promise, organized ”National Congress on Judicial Reform” and “Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee” after she assumed the presidency. According to the constitutional norms of R.O.C., the President does not have especial power to take over the job far. Therefore, the role of President’s non-institutional council in the R.O.C constitutional system is an important issue of concern. This paper’s reference consisted of the meeting minutes of the non-institutional council. The writer based on it to do research and explore the performance of the President, the Executive Yuan, the relevant agencies and the committee members in the non-institutional council, and the non-institutional council’s role in the R.O.C constitutional system. According to research result, there are five similarities in the non-institutional council:(1) The organizational structure: Which the President personally convened is established by the guidelines approved by the President, and the non-institutional council is a task force; (2) The general staff affairs: The secretary-general and deputy secretary-general to the President serves as the executive secretary or deputy executive secretary of the non-institutional council, and is the chief person in charge of the general staff affairs. The budget and personnel shall be provided and staffed by the Office of the President, the Executive Yuan, and the relevant agencies; (3) It is a controversy over the power that the President convened the non-institutional council; (4) The Executive Yuan and the relevant agencies are subordinate to the President in the non-institutional council; (5) The committee members have high expectation for the influence of the President. Furthermore, the difference between the non-institutional council is that National Congress on Judicial Reform is defined as an advisory committee, but Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee has the power to make decisions on major policies.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the possibility of political influence upon the Department of Justice merger decisions within the brewing industry. Political preference was measured by the congressional ratings of a liberal political action committee, The Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), thus giving a liberalness score. Regressions including the merger guideline variables and the political preference measurement were estimated with a logit model. After running numerous regressions, the addition of the political preference variable resulted in insignificance for otherwise significant 1968 and 1982 guidelines variables. These results may indicate an inability of the model to differentiate between political pressure on antitrust enforcement during the establishment of the 1968 and 1982 guidelines, or beyond the establishment of the guidelines. However, the Chair of the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee, the oversight committee for the Department of Justice, is found to be the most significant with liberalness having a positive impact upon the probability of DOJ merger litigation.
Graduation date: 1995

INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA (WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and dances.
INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik.
Anthropology and Archaeology
M.A. (Anthropology)