Bibliografias temáticas / Justiţie - Congrese

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Justiţie - Congrese"

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Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Justiţie - Congrese"

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Pływaczewski, Emil W. "Zapobieganie przestępczości i sprawiedliwość karna z perspektywy Kongresów Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2021): 543–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.41.

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For over 65 years, the United Nations has held congresses aimed at strengthening international cooperation against expanding crime. The First Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders took place in Geneva in 1955. Sixty-six years later, in 2021, this tradition continued, postponed by the Covid-19 epidemic, as the Fourteenth United Nations Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice took place in the former capital of Japan — Kyoto. The aim of the paper is to present the most important achievements of all 14 congresses, especially focusing on the development of UN standards and norms in crime prevention and criminal justice. The author also presents the history of the participation and activities of Polish participants of the Congresses (official delegates and individual experts) in the years 1960–2021. The general conclusion is that the institution of the UN Crime Congresses is a major high-level forum to steer the development of the rule of law, to promote global security and good governance, and to improve the response to crime.
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LASAGABASTER HERRARTE, IÑAKI. "Las medidas cautelarísimas frente a una decisión de la Mesa del Congreso de los Diputados, ATC 177/2022. Falta de conexión material entre enmiendas y proyecto de ley en tramitación; afectación al ius in officium de los diputados". RVAP 126, n.º 126 (1 de agosto de 2023): 245–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.126.2023.07.

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El Tribunal Constitucional resuelve suspender la tramitación de una ley debido a la interposición de un recurso de amparo. Este recurso se interpone por afectar una decisión de la Comisión de Justicia del Congreso de los Diputados al ius in officium de los Diputados. La decisión consiste en la aceptación de una enmienda cuyo contenido no se corresponde con el contenido del proyecto de ley en tramitación. Se plantea también la recusación del Presidente y de un miembro del Tribunal Constitucional. Konstituzio Auzitegiak lege baten izapidetzea etetea ebazten du, babes-errekurtsoa jarri delako. Diputatuen Kongresuko Justizia Batzordearen erabaki batek diputatuen ius in officium delakoari eragiten diolako jarri da errekurtso hori. Erabakia zuzenketa bat onartzean datza. Zuzenketa horren edukia ez dator bat izapidetzen ari den lege-proiektuaren edukiarekin. Lehendakariaren eta Konstituzio Auzitegiko kide baten errekusazioa ere planteatzen da. The Constitutional Court decided to halt the passage of a bill due to the submission of an application of amparo. This appeal is submitted on the basis that a decision by the Committee of Justice of the Congress of Deputies infringed the ius in officium of the deputies. The decision regards the acceptatance in respect of an amendment whose content does not correspond to the content of the draft legislation in the pipeline. The President and a member of the Constitutional Court are also being challenged.
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Bilovus, L. "World Congress of Ukrainians on the USA Ukrainian Diaspora’s Pages of Periodicals (Since 1991) – Key Priorities to Preserve the National Identity". Problems of World History, n.º 4 (8 de junho de 2017): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-14.

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The main aspects of the World Congress of Ukrainians’ activities aimed at the preservation the Ukrainian Diaspora’s national identity are revealed in the article. Due to the analysis of Ukrainian periodicals in the United States (“Svoboda”, “Mist”, “Chas i Podii”) the vigorous activity of the Ukrainian association in the presentation of Ukrainians among the international community has been identified. The World Congress of Ukrainians has been working efficiently to preserve the religious and cultural heritage, national identity, and it has been also making significant efforts for Ukraine’s entering the Western educational and political space as well. The materials of periodicals suggest a lot of information on the association’s activities in the protection of future generations from the assimilation; on a sustainable cooperation with the USA government officials in order to support Ukraine, defending the right of Ukrainians to establish the historical justice about Holodomor-Genocide, its statehood and unity. Attention is paid to the Congresses of organization, as Chief Executive and heads of committees’ reports show the diversity and importance of the activity of the World Congress of Ukrainians.
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RUIZ, V. "UNA MUJER SIN FRONTERAS". Pacific Historical Review 73, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2004): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.1.

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Making strategic choices regarding her class and ethnic identiÞcation for the cause of social justice, Luisa Moreno was the most visible Latina labor and civil rights activist in the United States during the Great Depression and World War II. Vice-president of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA-CIO), this charismatic Guatemalan immigrant organized farm and cannery workers across the Southwest, achieving particular success among Mexican and Russian Jewish women in southern California plants. In 1939 she was also the driving force behind El Congreso de Pueblos de Hablan Espa–ola (the Congress of Spanish-speaking Peoples), the Þrst national Latino civil rights assembly. A feminist and leftist, she faced government harassment and red-baiting in the late 1940s, especially for her past Communist Party membership.
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Horst, Claudio Henrique Miranda. "FAMÍLIA, HOMOSSEXUALIDADE E CONSERVADORISMO: discursos no Congresso Nacional brasileiro". Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, n.º 1 (24 de junho de 2020): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p366-384.

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O artigo analisa os discursos que atravessam os projetos de lei no Congresso Nacional, que propõem regulamentar a união civil/casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo buscando identificar as características que esses discursos assumem. Pesquisa documental envolvendo sete projetos de lei que foram propostos entre 1995-2013. As defesas expressaram hegemonicamente a negação da totalidade da vida social, ocultando as determinações sociais, econômicas, políticas e culturais, advindas do modo de produção que afetam as famílias, atribuindo às famílias homoparentais a “culpa” por uma suposta “crise” ou “desestruturação” da família nuclear. Defendem uma concepção de família patriarcal, justificada pelo desejo de procriação, tido como natural e constituído apenas entre homens e mulheres.Palavras-chave: Família. Congresso Nacional Brasileiro. Família homoparental.FAMILY, HOMOSEXUALITY AND CONSERVATISM: discourses at the Brazilian National CongressAbstractThis article analyses discourses that pass through bills of law on the National Congress, proposing the regulation of civil/marriage union/partnership between people of the same sex, aiming to identify the characteristics assumed by thosediscourses. Documental research evolving seven bills of law that were issued between 1995-2013. Their pleads have expressed mostly the denial of totality of social life, hiding social, economic, political and cultural determinations originated from capitalism, that affect families, and attributing to homoparental families the “blame” for a supposed “crisis” or “restructuring” of families. They’ve defended a concept of patriarchal family, justified by the desire of procreation, conceived as natural and constituted only of men and womenKeywords: Family. Brazilian National Congress. Homoparental family.
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 . "Congres ‘Deskundigenrapportage Pro Justitia’". Tijdschrift voor Gezondheidsrecht 32, n.º 5 (maio de 2008): 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03081528.

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Gibson, Gary M. "Justice Delayed is Justice Denied". Ontario History 108, n.º 2 (23 de julho de 2018): 156–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050593ar.

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In 1811, William and James Crooks of Niagara built the schooner Lord Nelson. A year later, that vessel was seized by the United States Navy for violating American law, beginning a case unique in the relations between the United States, Great Britain and Canada. Although the seizure was declared illegal by an American court, settlement was delayed by actions taken (or not taken) by the American courts, Congress and the executive, the Canadian provincial and national governments, the British government, wars, rebellions, crime, international disputes and tribunals. It was 1930 before twenty-five descendants of the two brothers finally received any money.
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S.a, S. a. "IV CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL SOBRE JUSTICIA INTERCULTURAL 2012". Revista Oficial del Poder Judicial. Órgano de Investigación de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la República del Perú 7, n.º 8/9 (1 de dezembro de 2012): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35292/ropj.v7i8/9.295.

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Malpartida Castillo, Víctor. "Poder Judicial, justicia inclusiva y justicia intercultural". Revista Oficial del Poder Judicial. Órgano de Investigación de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la República del Perú 7, n.º 8/9 (1 de novembro de 2020): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35292/ropj.v7i8/9.275.

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Se tiene como aspecto central el recuento de cómo el Poder Judicial ha ido asumiendo la justicia intercultural, desde la valoración del peritaje antropológico hasta la realización de congresos internacionales de justicia intercultural, preocupándose constantemente por la relación entre la justicia denominada ordinaria y la justicia comunal, planteándose finalmente un Proyecto de Ley de Coordinación y Armonización Intercultural de la Justicia en 2011.
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Heppner, Jr., Richard L. "Rooted: Metaphors and Judicial Philosophy in Artis v. District of Columbia". Indiana Law Review 56, n.º 2 (24 de março de 2023): 329–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/27224.

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This Article examines how the metaphors in judicial opinions reveal judicial theories of lawmaking and judicial philosophies. It does so through a close reading of Justice Ginsburg’s majority opinion and Justice Gorsuch’s dissenting opinion in Artis v. District of Columbia, 138 S. Ct. 594 (2018). Artis was about what the phrase “shall be tolled” means in the federal supplemental jurisdiction statute, 28 U.S.C. §1367. Does it pause the statute of limitations while a state-law claim is in federal court or keep it running? In holding that Congress used “stop the clock” tolling, an “off-the-shelf” legal device that pauses the statute of limitations, Justice Ginsburg’s majority opinion uses conventional, mechanistic metaphors. Justice Gorsuch’s dissent uses more elaborate, agrarian metaphors to argue that Congress used a stricter “grace period” version of tolling because “[w]hen Congress replants the roots of preexisting law in the federal code, this Court assumes it brings with it the surrounding soil.” This Article shows that Justice Ginsburg’s mechanistic metaphors describe lawmaking like engineering and bespeak a mode of judicial interpretation based on purpose and precedent—while Justice Gorsuch’s agrarian metaphors hark back to a pastoral conception of lawmaking and interpretation “rooted” in a mythical common-law history and tradition. It then compares Justice Ginsburg’s moreunderstated use of conventional metaphors to Justice Gorsuch’s more performative metaphorical technique, arguing that their different rhetorical strategies reflect their different visions of lawmaking and interpretive philosophies. And it closes by showing how close attention to the metaphors theyuse can reveal the flaws in each approach.
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Mais fontes

Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Justiţie - Congrese"

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Landa, Arroyo César. "General concerns on the judicial supervision limits of the due process in the procedures before the inquiry commissions in the Congress". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115345.

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In the last years, there is a gradually participation of the Judicial Branch in the Congress competences and functions to supervise and inquire into issues of public interest. As a result, it has questioned the separation of powers principle. In that context, this article focuses on analyzing what the judicial supervision limits of the due process in the procedures before the inquiry commissions in the Congress are.
Durante los últimos años se observa una paulatina intervención del Poder Judicial en las competencias y atribuciones del Parlamento para fiscalizar o investigar asuntos de interés público, llegando a cuestionarse el propio principio de separación de poderes. En dicho contexto, el presente artículo busca analizar cuáles son los límites del control judicial del debido proceso sobre los procedimientos que se desarrollan a través de las comisiones de investigación del Congreso de la República.
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Agee, Gary Bruce. "“A Cry for Justice:” Daniel A. Rudd’s Ecclesiologically-Centered Vision of Justice in the American Catholic Tribune". University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1224170155.

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Campos, Marcelo da Silveira. "Pela metade: as principais implicações da nova lei de drogas no sistema de justiça criminal em São Paulo". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-31072015-151308/.

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Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão.
In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.
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Simó, Ana María Nancy. "La comunidad organizada en el contexto del Primer Congreso Nacional de Filosofía, 1949". Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 2005. http://bdigital.uncu.edu.ar/4570.

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Todo saber está enraizado en una situación concreta histórico-temporal. Aquí y ahora, lugar e instante, condicionamiento histórico, condicionamiento geográfico son determinaciones básicas del saber y de la vida. El saber, sin embargo, tiene también movimiento y libertad. Libertad en la elección desde dónde partir y en la elección para la clarificación de las metas, pues el campo de lo dado inmediato es un amplio campo de múltiples singularidades y relaciones. El lugar y el tiempo donde se vivió y tuvo lugar el Primer Congreso Nacional de Filosofía de 1949, en Mendoza, Argentina, constituyeron el enclave donde una sociedad de personas condicionadas por su historia y simultáneamente libres en la elección y ejecución de sus actos lo llevaron a cabo. Determinismo y libertad conjugados en este momento de la historia argentina, nuestra historia concreta.
Fil: Simó, Ana María Nancy. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.
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Basaure, Miranda Isaac Marcelo. "The Absence of the Ombudsman in Argentina: Seven Years without Collective Representation". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116533.

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The objective of this paper is to analyze the causes and antecedents that have contributed to the fact that, in Argentina, the office of Ombudsman remains vacant. Likewise, the normative origins of the organ are reviewed, in order to understand its value and democratic mission. In the ruling entitled Center for Studies for the Promotion of Equality and Solidarity and Others and the Ministry of Energy and Mining under Collective Protection (Centro de Estudios para la Promoción de la Igualdad y la Solidaridad y otros c/ Ministerio de Energía y Minería s/ amparo colectivo), issued on August 18, 2016, the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation exhorted the Congress of the Nation to appoint an Ombudsman in accordance with the provisions conferred on it by article 86 of the National Constitution. The Court’s decision exposed a long-standing legal problem: the absence of an Ombudsman.
El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las causas y antecedentes que han contribuido a que, en Argentina, el cargo de Defensor del Pueblo permanezca vacante. Asimismo, repasa los orígenes normativos del órgano, a fin de comprender su valor y misión democrática. En el fallo caratulado Centro de Estudios para la Promoción de la Igualdad y la Solidaridad y otros c/ Ministerio de Energía y Minería s/ amparo colectivo, emitido el 18 de agosto de 2016, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación exhortó al Congreso de la Nación a nombrar un Defensor del Pueblo con arreglo a las disposiciones que le ha conferido el artículo 86 de la Constitución Nacional. La decisión de la Corte expuso una problemática jurídica de larga data: la ausencia de un Defensor del Pueblo.
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Hallowes, David, Mark Butler, David Fig, Greg Knill, Roben Penny, Gillian Watkins e David Wiley. "Greening the RDP: people, environment, development: report of proceedings [of the] Environmental Justice Networking Forum Constitutive Conference, Kempton Park Conference Centre, 25-27 November 1994". Environmental Justice Networking Forum, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69373.

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The Environmental Justice Networking Forum’s first national conference had three major objectives: to constitute the organisation on a national basis; to make policy recommendations regarding the implementation of the RDP both for submission to government and as a guide to action by EJNFparticipants; to build and disseminate the workof thelDRC/ANC/ COSATU/ SACP/ SANCO International Mission on Environmental Policy (referred to here as the Mission). EJNF was in itiated at the Earthlife Africa International Environment Conference in 1992 at Pietermaritzburg. That conference mandated an interim national steering committee to guide a process of establishing an organised voice within civil society for environmental justice. It stipulated that the organisation should be formed on a regional basis leading up to the national constitution of EJNF at a national conference. The EJNF conference is thus the culmination of a two year process. During that time, meetings were held to establish EJNF in six regions: Gauteng, Northern Transvaal, Western Cape, Eastern Cape, KwaZulu- Natal and OFS. Participating organisations include women’s, rural, youth, religious and environmental organisations, unions, civics and service NGOs. Each region sent delegations to the national conference. Two other regions, Eastern Transvaal and Northern Cape, also sent delegations which will form the focus groups for establishing EJNF in those regions. Regional EJNF participant organisations also elected members to the national steering committee. They took office at the constitutive conference. The minutes of the constitutive session of the conference are not included here but are available from the EJNF national office. The EJNF delegates were joined by a number of guest delegates for the conference on Greening the RDP. They included members of national organisations which represent or work with the constitutuencies which EJNF is developing and researchers working in the sectors covered by the conference. Government was represented by Ministers Kader Asmal (Water Affairs) and Derek Hanekom (Land Affairs), by provincial MECs, by members of standing committees in parliament and provincial legislatures andby ministry or department officials.
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Campos, Marcelo da Silveira. "Crime e Congresso Nacional no Brasil pós-1988 = uma análise da política criminal aprovada de 1989 a 2006". [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279483.

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Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T01:58:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Campos_MarcelodaSilveira_M.pdf: 1640796 bytes, checksum: def943ef6673f053b6e0656187694bdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
Resumo: A partir de meados dos anos 90 do século XX até os dias atuais, parte da literatura internacional sobre criminalização, segurança pública e justiça criminal (sobretudo nos EUA e Inglaterra) sinalizou o abandono da política criminal tradicional - chamada de penal welfarism. Esta política, baseada na tradição liberal dos direitos humanos e pautada no ideal de ressocialização do criminoso, teria sido substituída por uma política penal mais dura, abrangente e agora mais voltada para a defesa social. Modificou-se o funcionamento estratégico da justiça penal contemporânea e sua importância. A partir desse enquadramento teórico geral, este trabalho analisa quais foram as políticas criminais adotadas pelo Parlamento brasileiro. Para isso analiso a produção das principais leis aprovadas em segurança pública e justiça criminal no Congresso Nacional brasileiro no período de 1989 a 2006. Divido a pesquisa em dois momentos: i) um mapeamento do material apontando quais são os partidos, estados e casas proponentes; mandatos presidenciais que sancionaram as leis; número de leis aprovadas por ano e o tempo de tramitação das leis de acordo com a casa propositora; ii) os tipos gerais (modelos) de punição propostos pelas normas. Proponho nas considerações finais que é possível pensar: coexistências na política criminal entre criminalização, recrudescimento penal e leis que despenalizaram ou buscaram efetivar direitos dos réus; ii) apesar da coexistência ou (e) sobreposição entre estes domínios na política criminal, o Parlamento e o Executivo 'escolhem' o uso simbólico do Penal como forma fundamental de resolução de conflitos, a partir de demandas estatais (ou da sociedade civil) por maior (ou mais pesada) criminalização de condutas
Abstract: From the mid-90s of the twentieth century until today, part of the international literature on criminality, public safety and criminal justice (primarily in the U.S. and England) signaled the abandonment of traditional criminal policy - called the penal welfarism. The policy, based on the liberal tradition of human rights and on the ideal of social resocialization of criminals, would have been replaced by a tougher criminal justice policy, more comprehensive and now more focused on social defense. The strategic functioning of criminal justice and its contemporary relevance has changed. From this general framework, this research examines the criminal policies which were adopted by the Brazilian Parliament. To that end, I analyze the production of the major laws approved on public safety and criminal justice in the Brazilian Parliament in the period from 1989 to 2006. The research is divided into two different moments: i) a mapping of the material indicating which are the proponent parties, states and houses; presidential mandates, the number of laws adopted per year and the time of the drafting of laws in according to the proponent house ii) the general types (models) of punishment proposed by the laws. I propose in my final considerations that: the coexistence in Brazilian criminal policy of criminalization and the stiffening of criminal laws/expansion of rights in Brazil. Despite this coexistence or (and) overlap between these areas, the Parliament and the Executive 'choose' the symbolic use of the penal laws as a fundamental form of conflict resolution from state (or civil society) demands for more extensive (or heavier) criminalization of conducts
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Belhumeur, Andréa. "Le débat au sénat américain entourant l'adhésion des États-Unis à la cour permanente de justice internationale de janvier 1935". Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24780/24780.pdf.

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Velut, Jean-Baptiste. "Libéralisation ou équité des échanges? : Les conflits sur les modalités de l'élaboration de la politique commerciale américaine de l'ALENA à l'ALEAC (1991-2005)". Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030017/document.

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Aux Etats-Unis, les années 1990 ont été marquées par l’émergence de nouveaux débats politiques sur le libre-échange. Une large coalition de syndicats et d’organisations pour la protection de l’environnement et des consommateurs s’est pour la première fois mobilisée dans le but de redéfinir les règles de la politique commerciale américaine. Quel est le bilan de leurs activités politiques, près de quinze après leur première bataille législative contre l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain (ALENA) ? Ce travail de recherche s’appuie sur une série d’entretiens avec des acteurs politiques, des documents internes de groupes d’intérêts (syndicats, écologistes, patronat, etc.) et les registres du Congrès pour analyser les conflits entre les défenseurs du libre-échange et les partisans d’une « équité des échanges » à travers cinq études de cas entre 1991 et 2005. L’analyse conclut que la « relation spéciale » entre le patronat et l’exécutif a été l’un des principaux obstacles aux progrès de l’alliance entre syndicalistes et écologistes depuis l’origine du processus de décision jusqu’à la ratification au Congrès. Non seulement les institutions américaines ont limité l’influence des groupes de la société civile à l’origine des négociations commerciales, mais le président a également fortement assisté les organisations patronales dans leurs efforts de lobbying, leur permettant de remporter la plupart des batailles législatives entre 1991 et 2005
The 1990s marked the emergence of the “new politics of American trade.” A large coalition of labor, environmental and consumer organizations fought to broaden the narrow economic scope of American trade policy and change the rules of globalization. More than fifteen years after their first legislative battle against the North American Free Trade Agreement, what is the legacy of their political mobilization? What factors constrained their progress? Drawing from interviews with political actors, lobbying materials from labor, environmental and business organizations, and congressional records, this dissertation analyzes the clash between “fair” and “free” traders in five major legislative battles from 1991 to 2005. It reveals that the “special relationship” between the business community and the executive branch was the key obstacle to the achievements of the “blue (collar)-green” alliance from the beginning to the end of the policy process. Not only did the private sector enjoy privileged access to the negotiations phase, but the president also assisted free trade coalitions in their lobbying efforts, allowing them to win most legislative battles
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Jorge, Álvaro Palma de. "Supremo interesse: protagonismo político-regulatório e a evolução institucional do processo de seleção dos ministros do STF". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16202.

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Based on the fact that higher courts are assuming a greater role in Brazil today, as is the global trend in complex contemporary societies, in the shaping of public policy and regulation, the study aims to map the evolution – and progressive democratization – of the checks and balances structure established in the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, i.e., the selection process of justice for Federal Supreme Court, Brazil’s apex constitutional court. The text analyses the institutional/constitutional framework of the selection process for new justices, and exemplify changes in the profile of political players, in the network of competences of institutions involved in the process and in the social, political, economic and cultural context that pushed through the practical transformation of the institutional selection model without altering, however, the format originally established in the 19th Century. By mapping the origin and evolution of the constitutional formula for collaboration between the Executive and Legislative branches in choosing the members of the Judiciary’s highest court, the study finds the origin of the Brazilian model in the US experience, describing the latter and making parallels between the two. Taking the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil as a milestone, the work demonstrates the even greater mobilization of political and social players concerning the selection process, especially in relation to the hearings and confirmation of appointments for the Federal Supreme Court by the Federal Senate Constitution, Justice and Civic Rights Commission (CCJ). Finally, the studies analyzes actual CCJ hearing sessions and some of the main discussions therein so as to draw lessons that may guide the debate on the evolution of the selection process of justices to the Federal Supreme Court , including as an early control tool used by those involved in the creation of future public policy through Federal Supreme Court decisions.
Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil acompanha hoje um fenômeno global de protagonismo das cortes supremas nas sociedades complexas contemporâneas, notadamente na criação de políticas-públicas e regulação, o estudo procura mapear a evolução – e progressiva democratização – de uma estrutura de freios e contrapesos prevista na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 ('Constituição'), qual seja, o processo de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ao longo do texto é analisada a arquitetura institucional e constitucional do processo de indicação e aprovação de novos ministros, bem como exemplificadas mudanças no perfil dos atores políticos, no plexo de competências das instituições envolvidas e no contexto social, político, econômico e cultural que forçaram a transformação prática do modelo de seleção institucional, sem alteração, no entanto, da formatação originalmente prevista desde o Século XIX. Mapeando a origem e evolução da fórmula constitucional de colaboração entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo para a escolha dos membros da cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o estudo identifica a origem do modelo brasileiro na inspiração da experiência norte-americana, descrevendo esta e os paralelos possíveis com aquele. A partir do marco central da Constituição, o trabalho procura demonstrar uma progressiva mobilização de atores políticos e sociais em relação ao processo de escolha, notadamente em relação ao momento em que os indicados para o Supremo Tribunal Federal são sabatinados pela Comissão de Constituição, Justiça e Cidadania do Senado Federal. Finalmente, são analisadas concretamente as sabatinas e algumas das suas principais discussões, buscando extrair lições que sirvam de norte colaborativo para a evolução da forma de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal, inclusive como instrumento de controle prévio de seus membros, futuros elaboradores de políticas-públicas.
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Livros sobre o assunto "Justiţie - Congrese"

1

Ruiz, Jorge Fernández, e Filiberto Otero Salas. Justicia contenciosa administrativa: Congreso internacional. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, 2013.

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Spain) Jornadas Internacionales de Estudios de la Mujer (9th 2010 Madrid. Diferencia, (des)igualdad y justicia: Differences, (in)equality and justice. Madrid: Editorial Fundamentos, 2010.

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Congreso Internacional sobre Justicia Constitucional (1st 2009 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México). I Congreso Internacional sobre Justicia Constitucional. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, 2009.

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4

Charles, Doyle. Obstruction of Congress: Federal law. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2008.

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5

Congreso Internacional Género, Justicia y Derecho (1st Bogotá, Colombia). Primer Congreso Internacional: Género, justicia y derecho, memorias. Bogotá: Procuraduría General de la Nación, Instituto de Estudios del Ministerio Público, 2004.

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Colombia. Ministerio de Justicia y del Derecho. Memoria al Congreso Nacional, 1995-1996. Santafé de Bogotá, D.C: El Ministerio, 1996.

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Constance, Grewe, e Beaud Olivier, eds. La notion de "justice constitutionnelle". Paris: Dalloz, 2005.

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Ingrid, Van Beuren, Soto Badillo Oscar D, Kolvenbach Peter-Hans e Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla, eds. Derechos humanos y globalización alternativa: Una perspectiva iberoamericana. Puebla, México: Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla, 2004.

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Nils, Andersson, e Lagot Daniel, eds. La justice internationale aujourd'hui: Vraie justice ou justice à sens unique? Paris: Harmattan, 2009.

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Andersson, Nils. La justice internationale aujourd'hui: Vraie justice ou justice à sens unique? Paris: Harmattan, 2009.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Justiţie - Congrese"

1

Hamm, Theodore. "Wesley Robert Wells and the Civil Rights Congress Campaign". In Racializing Justice, Disenfranchising Lives, 353–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607347_30.

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Di Castro, Elisabetta. "Justicia e identidad - Justice and identity". In Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy, 497–501. Philosophy Documentation Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp232018691607.

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"Towards Bethlehem: The Indra Congress". In Drama and Social Justice, 117–28. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315755977-17.

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Guardino, Matt. "“Gipper Sweeps Congress”". In Framing Inequality, 50–97. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190888183.003.0003.

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This chapter analyzes media content, elite discourse, and public opinion surrounding Ronald Reagan’s 1981 economic plan. It demonstrates that major television and newspaper coverage of this early neoliberal policy significantly favored free-market perspectives that justified economic inequality. It also shows that media outlets marginalized elite and nongovernmental criticism of the Reagan plan. Commercial tendencies of the media system in that historical context are connected to these patterns in the news. Survey data suggest that such media coverage shaped public opinion to support this influential model of regressive tax policy.
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Carnahan, Burrus M. "Congress Acts and the Confederacy Responds". In Act of Justice, 82–92. University Press of Kentucky, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813124636.003.0007.

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"4. The American Jewish Congress". In Social Scientists for Social Justice, 61–78. New York University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9780814743836.003.0007.

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Hernández, Felipe Ignacio Westermeyer. "RELACIÓN DEL CONGRESO". In Poder, sociedad y administración de justicia en la América Hispánica (siglos XVI-XIX), 35–44. Dykinson, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1ks0h0s.8.

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Scott, Susan Weldon. "The President and the Congress in Concert". In Justice and Violence, 39–56. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351154642-4.

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Staszak, Sarah. "Privatizing the Workplace in the New Millennium". In Privatizing Justice, 169–97. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197771723.003.0006.

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Abstract Chapter 6 details the modern shift toward the use of mandatory, private arbitration between employers and employees. Facilitated by conservatives in Congress, the executive, and on the Supreme Court, a wave of corporations rushed to include mandatory arbitration clauses in their standard contracts in the 2000s. These modern employment arbitration provisions took a form that would be unrecognizable to arbitration’s original proponents: they became mandatory, pre-dispute, employer-promulgated contracts between individual employees and employers, required as part of the terms of accepting a job. In short order, this led to predictable patterns in Congress, where a Democratic legislative movement aiming to limit arbitration’s use ran headlong into conservative resistance, itself fortified by what was then a fully developed Supreme Court jurisprudence in support of the PDAA employment contracts.
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Staszak, Sarah. "The Consumer Rights Movement". In Privatizing Justice, 130–66. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197771723.003.0005.

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Abstract Chapter 5 details the consumer rights movement and the ways in which actors and institutions across government prompted the advent of consumer arbitration in the United States. It shows that a mix of Republicans and Democrats in Congress clearly recognized arbitration’s potential use as a tool for unburdening the judiciary in the 1970s, putting it on the radar as a bipartisan mechanism for litigation reform. It details the ways in which liberals in Congress and on the courts allowed arbitration with Progressive era trappings—voluntary, reviewable—to expand into new areas of dispute resolution. These coalitions were very different than those who would pursue the modern pre-dispute arbitration agreement (PDAA). But once the Supreme Court further embraced arbitration through a merger of the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA), labor, and securities jurisprudence, the unfettered expansion of consumer arbitration clauses that followed increasingly made their anti-litigation prowess clear to corporate America.
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Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Justiţie - Congrese"

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Bombelli, Giovanni. "Aristotle on Justice and Law: Koinonia, Justice and Politeia". In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_sws96_03.

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"Exploring the impact of modelling assumptions on distributive justice using JUSTICE". In 25th International Congress on Modelling and Simulation. Modelling and Simulation Society of Australia and New Zealand, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36334/modsim.2023.biswas.

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Isola-Miettinen, Hannele. "Kelsen and Justice". In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_sws17_01.

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Kao, Feng-Hsia, Min-Ping Huang e Bor-Shiuan Cheng. "Why Employee Turnover? The influence of Chinese Management and Organizational Justice". In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/zbhy9656.

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Employee turnover is an important topic in organizational behavior research. Understanding how to address turnover in Chinese organizations is also a practice problem. The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of paternalistic leadership (authoritarianism, benevolence, and morality) on employee turnover and examine the moderating effect of organizational justice (distributive justice, interactional justice, and procedural justice). Data were collected from 207 supervisor and subordinate dyads of 51 stores in a Chinese food and beverage company. Paternalistic leadership and organizational justice were initially collected from subordinates. After six months, employee turnover was collected from supervisors. The results indicate that benevolent and moral leadership were both negatively related to employee turnover. Authoritarianism failed to predict employee turnover. Furthermore, the relationship between authoritarianism and employee turnover is moderated by distributive justice and procedural justice. Finally, the theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.
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Zobel, R. "Economically Justified Passenger Protection Results of Simulation". In SAE International Congress and Exposition. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/850516.

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Vitória Abrahão Cabral, Marina, e Valdir Júnio dos Santos. "Restorative justice and the resolution of judicial conflicts: na analysis of the restorative justice Program of the General Department of Social and Education Actions (DEGASE –RJ)". In 7th International Congress on Scientific Knowledge. Perspectivas Online: Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25242/8876113220212436.

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The analytical and practical field of restorative justice is linked to the debates on the new social conflict management that challenge the institutional design of criminal justice and the Brazilian legal system. When starting from the problematization of the Brazilian criminal justice, we assume that the penalty under neoliberalism presents itself as a societal project that is sustained by the paradox of the potentiation of the police and penitentiary State and the minimization of the economic and social areas of action of the State. Thus, restorative justice emerges as an efficient conflict resolution mechanism, mainly because its criminal approach is based on equating relationships and repairing the damage caused to individuals and communities. In this context, this research aims at analyzing the impact of the implementation of the Restorative Justice Program of the General Department of Social and Education Actions (DEGASE, abbreviation in Portuguese) established by Ordinance 441 of September 13, 2017, within the scope of the social and education units, as well as the challenges presented to those responsible for implementing the law in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (judges, public defenders, members of the Public Prosecution Service and the DEGASE System) inthe management of restorative practices directed at juvenile offenders deprived of freedom. This problematization raises questions about the limits of the definition of crime and punishment; the relationship between criminal law; and the protection of human rights. The research is structured in three stages: systematic review of the academic field of restorative justice and the Brazilian criminal justice system; elaboration of a framework of the experiences of policies developed in the field of restorativejustice in the state of Rio de Janeiro; and the elaboration of the sociodemographic profile of adolescents and their family structure –analyzing the variables:gender, infraction, age group, monthly family income, education, family structure, and territoriality. It is expected to obtain a critical view of the state of the art of literature on restorative justice in the Brazilian criminal justice system and the debate in the field of conflict resolution criminalized by juvenile offenders served by the Restorative Justice Program of the General Department of Social and Education Actions (DEGASE).
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Pais Álvarez, Natalia. "Neoliberal hegemony versus social Justice". In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_wg142_03.

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Pais Álvarez, Natalia. "Neoliberal hegemony versus social justice". In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_wg161_01.

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Bayurova, S. G. "SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIAL SECURITY: CONFLICTS AND CONTRADICTIONS". In XIV International Social Congress. Russian State Social University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15216/rgsu-xiv-62.

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Sanz García, María T., Antonio Caselles, Joan Carles Micó e David Soler. "Development of the Happiness Index in a country". In Systems & Design: Beyond Processes and Thinking. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ifdp.2016.3096.

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In this paper, a Happiness Index is built with quantitative variables that are defined in the United Nations Development Report (UNDP). This Index is calculated through the terms that Caselles A. proposes in his research “Trying to evaluate the human dignity in a social group” which was presented in 9th Congress of the European Union of Systems (UES-EUS). Valencia (Spain), 2014. There, an exhaustive analysis of the literature has been done to conclude that the supreme value is Human Dignity and a Human Dignity Respect Index has been proposed. In this work, the Happiness Index has been built from the Human Dignity Respect Index. Immediate subordinated values to human dignity are development, freedom and equality. Subordinates to equality are solidarity, justice and peace. The aim of this paper is to obtain the minimum quantitative variables to explain these values as well as to obtain a generic formula, which allows measuring the happiness of a country/region per gender. The term “generic” is introduced because this formula could be extrapolated to any country, nevertheless in this work the index is calculated for a selection of countries.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/IFDP.2016.3096
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Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Justiţie - Congrese"

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Torrenegra Ariza, José David. II Congreso Internacional de Derechos Humanos, Justicia y Sociedad: Derechos humanos para la paz. Ediciones Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia, dezembro de 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.16925/eccr.02.

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Fernández Mirabal, Jaime David. Palabras del Dr. Jaime David Fernández Mirabal, Vicepresidente de la República Dominicana en el Foro sobre Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana en el Istmo Centroamericano, Haití y República Dominicana. Inter-American Development Bank, junho de 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0007813.

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Esta presentación trata sobre el problema del creciente índice de violencia intrafamiliar y comunitaria, que se constituye en una amenaza para la paz social en República Dominicana y la voluntad política de impulsar un Plan Nacional de Desarrollo Social que garantice el derecho humano a la paz. El autor afirma que en la República Dominicana se expresa cada vez más un compromiso de la sociedad civil y las instituciones del estado (poder ejecutivo, congreso, justicia, etc.) en lo que se refiere a la prevención y atención del fenómeno de la violencia. Esta presentación fue preparada para el Foro sobre Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana en el Istmo Centroamericano, Haití y República Dominicana, que tuvo lugar en San Salvador, 4 de junio de 1998.
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Calle Meza, Melba Luz. Libro de actas del I Congreso Internacional de Estudios Sociojurídicos: transición a la paz, justicia y bioética en el siglo XXI. Tomo II. Universidad Militar Nueva Granada, maio de 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18359/litgris.7356.

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Este libro de actas es un registro escrito de las conferencias y de los resúmenes de investigaciones (ponencias) realizadas en el I Congreso Internacional de Estudios Sociojurídicos. Transición a la paz, justicia y bioética en el siglo xxi, llevado a cabo los días 12 y 13 de noviembre de 2020, en el Aula Máxima Virtual de la Universidad Militar Nueva Granada (UMNG), en Bogotá (Colombia). El grupo de investigación Red de Estudios Sociojurídicos Comparados y Políticas Públicas (RESCYPP) y el Observatorio Internacional de la Transición a la paz (Obitpaz), del Centro de Investigaciones de la Facultad de Derecho, Sede Campus de la UMNG, con el apoyo de la Red Iberoamericana de Investigación de la Transición a la Paz (Iberpaz), organizaron este evento in ternacional y seriado, cuya primera edición propuso un debate entre académicos de Colombia, España, Italia y México. Los temas específicamente tratados fueron: 1) transición a la paz, fundamentos filosóficos y constitucionales; 2) transición a la paz, seguridad y fuerzas militares; 3) transiciones políticas y paz territorial; 4) justicia transicional, características y fundamentos político-jurídicos; 5) transición a la paz y bioética: relaciones y aportes; 6) la Jurisdicción Especial Para La Paz (jep), tribunales internacionales de paz y derecho penal internacional; 7) justicia transicional, sociedad y empresa, y 8) transición a la paz, paramilitarismo y delincuencia organizada. El asesinato de líderes sociales. El principal logro de este encuentro científico fue el establecimiento de rasgos culturales e intereses académicos comunes, a pesar de las grandes diferencias entre los países de Latinoamérica y de Europa que fueron objeto de estudio. Se ha constatado la proximidad de experiencias, desde el punto de vista jurídico, histórico y político, que contribuyen a una mejor comprensión de nuestras conflictivas sociedades y a la formulación de alternativas, además de confirmar la gran utilidad de este tipo de cooperación científica internacional.
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Calle Meza, Melba Luz. Libro de actas del I Congreso Internacional de Estudios Sociojurídicos: transición a la paz, justicia y bioética en el siglo XXI. Tomo I. Universidad Militar Nueva Granada, maio de 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18359/litgris.7355.

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Este libro de actas es un registro escrito de las conferencias y de los resúmenes de investigaciones (ponencias) realizadas en el I Congreso Internacional de Estudios Sociojurídicos. Transición a la paz, justicia y bioética en el siglo xxi, llevado a cabo los días 12 y 13 de noviembre de 2020, en el Aula Máxima Virtual de la Universidad Militar Nueva Granada (UMNG), en Bogotá (Colombia). El grupo de investigación Red de Estudios Sociojurídicos Comparados y Políticas Públicas (RESCYPP) y el Observatorio Internacional de la Transición a la paz (Obitpaz), del Centro de Investigaciones de la Facultad de Derecho, Sede Campus de la UMNG, con el apoyo de la Red Iberoamericana de Investigación de la Transición a la Paz (Iberpaz), organizaron este evento in ternacional y seriado, cuya primera edición propuso un debate entre académicos de Colombia, España, Italia y México. Los temas específicamente tratados fueron: 1) transición a la paz, fundamentos filosóficos y constitucionales; 2) transición a la paz, seguridad y fuerzas militares; 3) transiciones políticas y paz territorial; 4) justicia transicional, características y fundamentos político-jurídicos; 5) transición a la paz y bioética: relaciones y aportes; 6) la Jurisdicción Especial Para La Paz (jep), tribunales internacionales de paz y derecho penal internacional; 7) justicia transicional, sociedad y empresa, y 8) transición a la paz, paramilitarismo y delincuencia organizada. El asesinato de líderes sociales. El principal logro de este encuentro científico fue el establecimiento de rasgos culturales e intereses académicos comunes, a pesar de las grandes diferencias entre los países de Latinoamérica y de Europa que fueron objeto de estudio. Se ha constatado la proximidad de experiencias, desde el punto de vista jurídico, histórico y político, que contribuyen a una mejor comprensión de nuestras conflictivas sociedades y a la formulación de alternativas, además de confirmar la gran utilidad de este tipo de cooperación científica internacional.
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