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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II". Problems of World History, n.º 18 (8 de novembro de 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction". Ethics & International Affairs 33, n.º 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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Robb, Thomas K., e David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific". Journal of Cold War Studies 17, n.º 4 (outubro de 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.
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This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific". American History & Politics Scientific edition, n.º 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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He, Kai, e Mingjiang Li. "Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond". International Affairs 96, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz242.
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Abstract As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs, which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture.
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Ryazantsev, S. V., e L. S. Ruban. "GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION AND NEW TRENDS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION". BULLETIN 2, n.º 390 (15 de abril de 2021): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.75.
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The article analyzes the process of globalization and the role of the Russian Federation in this process. The relevance of considering the current stage of globalization is due to the strengthening of the inter-connectedness and interdependence of the world, which requires the improvement of interstate relations and mechanisms of global governance with the primacy of the economic aspect of the development of society in the conditions of the functioning of the global scale of production. The historiography presents the regulation of international relations from the Westphalian system (state-centrist model of the world) to the Vienna Congress and the attempt to create a system of collective security and regulation of international relations: to the League of Nations and the United Nations. The formation of global governance institutions is shown: the largest international intergovernmental organizations (UN, WTO, IMF, IBRD, G-8, G-20, etc.), the most important function of which is to determine the norms and rules of interstate interaction. The main idea of the authors of the article is to show the historical conditionality of the transition to a polycentric model of development, as it most fully meets the needs of society on a global scale. The main purpose of this work was to substantiate and confirm the characteristics of the role of Russia in the international arena at the present stage of development by empirical material obtained during international surveys of experts from sixteen APR countries (VIPs and decision-makers). Thus, among the current trends in global development, the authors highlight the dilemma globalism - sovereignty and the correlation of globalism - transregionalism, in particular, the concept of the Indian-Pacific region (Indo-Pacific) instead of the Asia-Pacific region, put forward by the United States, Japan, Australia and India and the concept of "One belt is one road ”, initiated by China. Another trans-regional structure, such as BRICS, remains largely insufficiently structured, institutionalized and little realized in the specific political and economic activities of the countries that gave the name to this abbreviation.
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Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business". Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (1 de abril de 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.
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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
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Baykov, A. A., e V. A. Gnevasheva. "Econometric Estimates of Russia's Turn to the East". MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, n.º 6 (31 de dezembro de 2020): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-175-207.
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The emerging trend in Russia’s foreign policy is its reorientation from active interstate and socio-economic interaction with the states of the "collective West" to the countries that make up the Asian macroregion. The article presents the qualitative and quantitative assessment of the emerging relations between Russia and the countries of the East, namely the ASEAN countries, Northeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Assuming that the prerequisites for the strengthening of such relationships between countries should be reflected in changes in trade relations, increased migration flows, and changes in policy in terms of countries' military spending, the study attempts to evaluate such changes econometrically. We use the method of constructing multiple linear regression, as well as indicators for assessing country-by-country correlation and cluster analysis. The object of the research is the countries of Northeast Asia (China, Japan, Republic of Korea); ASEAN countries (Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore); India; Australia and Oceania. The empirical base of the study is the official statistics of World Bank, SIPRI, FSGS. The findings indicate the emerging conditions for Russia's turn to the East. The analysis reveals a number of stable features indicating the possibility of modeling a reasonable predictive scenario. The proposed estimates can also be used for further study of the directions of interaction between Russia and the East, methodological and empirical clarification of the emerging relationships, determination of significant factors strengthening the noted interactions.
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Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia". Asian Economic Papers 2, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.
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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.
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Lebedev, S., A. Kazantsev, L. Fljyan e S. Medvedeva. "The Debate about Collective Goods in the Context of Contemporary Issues of Global Governance". World Economy and International Relations 65, n.º 2 (2021): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-109-116.
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This article is dedicated to three interconnected concepts – “collective goods”, “free rider” and “hegemony” in the context of modern politics. We analyze three theoretical approaches to the problem of provision of collective goods by hegemonic states. These approaches are: neoliberal, (neo) realist and World-System Theory. Basing on these theoretical premises, we analyze the debate about free-ridng in the Western political discourse (especially among US allies) and we point out that particular interests of US can be disguised as “collective goods”. Basing on this, we analyze discussions about free-riding both in the Western world (among NATO and EU members) and among US allies in the Pacific region (Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand). We point out that in fact US can use the concept of collective goods to push their own agenda. Than we move to popular in western political science idea that China is a global free rider – for instance in the sphere of sea lane security and global energy security. Basing on A. Kennedy works, we demonstrate that China in fact does not wish to make western powers pay the costs of collective goods. China is rather afraid that western powers will exploit his resources. This idea is supported with the evidence, gathered during in-depth interview with Chinese diplomats and foreign policy experts. Having said that, paper points out that mentioned cases mark the importance of the concept of trust. Trust is well-studied in the field of behavioral economics, but IR theory doesn`t usually takes the concept of trust into account. Also this paper raises a question about including historical and cultural topics in the theory of international relations. Basing on analysis of different ways to incorporate economic arguments in IR theory, authors point out that modern IR theory lacks economic argumentation. Paper concludes with the idea that IR theory should capitalize on behavioral economics. Acknowledgements. This paper is a part of MGIMO University research program no. 1921-01-02.
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Ostrovska, Natalia. "WORLD EXPERIENCE OF TAX AND FEES MANAGEMENT". Economic discourse, n.º 1-2 (31 de maio de 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.36742/2410-0919-2021-1-10.
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Introduction. Given the deepening disparities in the economic and social system of the state, political confrontations, resulting in imbalances in public finances and increased debt risks, the tax component should be the basis for the formation of budgetary resources of the state. State revenues determine the social and economic level of development of regions and countries, as well as financial support of the population. Looking at this, the main task of the state is to balance its revenues with expenditures. Since a significant excess of expenditures over revenues lead to an economic crisis, rising public debt, the budget deficit of others. The tax component is the basis for the formation of state budget resources in an unstable fiscal space. This is an important link that contributes to the development of social and economic relations and requires constant monitoring. Methods. The study uses the fundamental provisions of economic theory, tax theory, as well as studies of domestic and foreign scholars. General scientific principles of conducting complex scientific researches were used to solve the set tasks. In the process of research a number of general scientific methods were used, in particular: analogies, logical generalization and system analysis. Results. Based on the selected problems, the foreign experience of such countries as the USA, Germany, Canada, France, Japan, Australia, Great Britain and Italy was studied, on the basis of which the prospects of improving the collection of taxes and fees in Ukraine were singled out. Discussion. In order to solve the problems of collecting taxes and fees, it is necessary to: gradually shift the fiscal burden towards direct taxes, which will be a direct result of increasing the dependence of public authorities on the economic development of the territory; the preservation of the current rather high role of intergovernmental transfers is a consequence of the strong differentiation of regions according to the level of social and economic development and the objective necessity in modern conditions; competition between regions should, first of all, be carried out at the expense of formation of a favourable business environment: improvement of investment climate, development of infrastructure, reduction of administrative barriers, instead of establishment of preferential tax regimes. Prospects for further research on the collection of taxes and fees may be to strengthen the study not only of the level of tax burden, but also the optimal combination of direct and indirect taxes. Keywords: taxes, tax system, budget, budget revenues.
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Jouanjean, Marie-Agnes, Jean-Christophe Maur e Ben Shepherd. "US phytosanitary restrictions: the forgotten non-tariff barrier". Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 15, n.º 1 (21 de março de 2016): 2–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-10-2015-0027.
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Purpose This paper aims to provide new evidence that the US phytosanitary regime is associated with a restrictive market access environment for fruit and vegetable products. One chief reason seems to be that the US regime uses a positive list approach, under which only authorized countries can export. Design/methodology/approach The methodology of the paper is primarily qualitative. This paper reviews the US sanitary and phytosanitary measures (SPS) system and its scope for use to protect markets, in addition to protecting life and health. The approach is institutional and political economic. Findings For most products, only a portion of global production is authorized for export to the USA. Even among authorized countries, only a small proportion is actually exported. As a result, the number of countries exporting fresh fruit and vegetables to the USA is far lower than those exporting to countries like the EU and Canada, but it is on a par with markets known to be restrictive in this area, such as Australia and Japan. Using a data set of fruit and vegetable market access and political contributions, this paper also provides evidence showing that domestic political economy considerations may influence the decision to grant market access to foreign producers. Originality/value The US SPS system has not previously been analyzed in this way, and the distinction between negative and positive list approaches is highlighted in terms of its implications for third-party exporters. Similarly, the analysis of political contributions is novel and suggestive of an important dynamic at work in the determination of the US policy.
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Lebedeva, Liudmila F. "Transcontinental Partnerships at the Crossroads: Factors, Risks, Consequences". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, n.º 4 (28 de novembro de 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-54-69.
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Transcontinental partnerships – Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TATIP) – have been analyzed in view of the new challenges in polycentric world, US foreign economic policy changes, risks for the national economies of the block’s participants, as well as for the other countries. The TPP and the TATIP are in focus as the new stage of the world integration process. The TATIP can deepen the already substantial economic ties between the US and the European Union. But what will be included in the chapters of the agreement on financial services, agricultural products, some other sectors is still subject to debate. Particular concerns arise about the role for the TATIP in harmonizing financial regulation. The practical implementation of president Donald Trump plans to «promote American industry, protect American workers» began with the US withdrawal from the TPP, with negotiating new bilateral trade deals in mind. Since that decision, the leaders of Japan, Singapore, Australia, and other TPP participants emphasized the strategic importance of this agreement for their countries and for US leadership in the region. Withdrawing from the TPP raises concerns among US trade partners and allies in the region and put many questions before them. Besides, US withdrawal from the TPP effectively gives green light to assert a more pronounced leadership role in the region for China, which is already a major trade and investment partner for TPP countries. Furthermore, Donald Trump turned attention to certain imports as a threat to national security and thus potentially subject to steep tariffs. The US steps in this way may undermine the rules-based trading system, and put many questions before TPP partners and other countries. Whether import restrictions for national security reasons be implemented, they may damage not only China as the main U.S. imports driver; but other countries as well, and lead to new barriers against US exports by trading partners. The Trump administration initiatives not only represents a challenge for countries that linked closely to the American economy due to the trade-economic agreements, but leads to new opportunities and choices in international economic relations.
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Shupyk, S. "Foreign experience in the development of dairy cattle and directions of its use in domestic practice". Ekonomìka ta upravlìnnâ APK, n.º 1 (155) (21 de maio de 2020): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33245/2310-9262-2020-155-1-36-46.
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The article analyzes the support for the US market, where the government has allocated almost $ 22.2 billion for the development of dairy cattle. direct and indirect subsidies to the country's dairy sector (35.02 c/l), which is equivalent to 73% of farmers' milk sales, showed relatively high domestic support, export subsidies, conservation programs, risk management programs, disaster relief programs, loan programs, crop insurance, livestock support. Surveys to support the Indian market, which ranks second in the world in raw milk production (9.5%), have shown that almost 80% of small-scale farmers are small-scale farmers. Milk collection is carried out by 130 thousand dairy cooperatives. NABARD (National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development) under DEDS, provides for subsidies of up to 25% of costs. China is investing heavily in the construction of large dairy farms and livestock complexes with up to 100,000 cows. The Australian market produces 9.3 million tonnes of milk, of which 36% is exported and is the world's fourth exporter of dairy products (6% of the world market). Australia's dairy cattle are characterized by a small amount of direct government support. During 2015-2016, agriculture received financial and commercial assistance over $ 147 million. US in the form of payments to farms. It has been established that price forecasting plays an important role in regulating the milk market in Australia, on the basis of which the profile Ministry, taking into account world prices, generates milk price indices. Analysis of milk production in Switzerland has shown that it remains highly subsidized. In 2013, state support for milk producers amounted to CHF 1.8 billion, incl. direct subsidies are estimated at 1.5 billion Swiss francs, which is 61 thousand Swiss francs per dairy farm, or 0.41 Swiss francs per 1 liter of milk. The state support system for dairy cattle in Canada has been found to include the following instruments: import tariffs that restrict dairy imports; minimum guaranteed prices for raw milk that are set at the maximum amount of milk sold to the dairies within the quota; a system of direct payments to farmers for milk production within the quota. The amount of direct payments per 1 liter of milk is set annually by the government. In order to support Canadian producers in technological modernization aimed at improving the efficiency of milk production, a dairy farm investment program (DFIP) is implemented with state support of $ 250 million. USA According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Iceland, Japan, Norway and Switzerland, the level of support for dairy producers exceeds on average 70% of the gross income of farmers, in Canada, the EU, Hungary, Korea and the USA the amount of support is 40-55%. An analysis of the support for the development of dairy cattle in the EU countries showed that the following instruments are allocated for these purposes: production restrictions (milk production quotas); government interventions and storage; Establishment of product sales regulations / regulations; the dairy package (including regulating contractual relations in the dairy sector); foreign trade (import regulations, export subsidies); government subsidies. It is found that the main factor that increases the profitability of dairy production in developed countries is the improvement of quality and differentiation of the range. Major factors contributing to the successful development of dairy cattle are increased government support and economical use of resources. Also used are a set of financial incentives, including reducing the tax burden. Key words: Livestock, milk market, domestic support, development programs, cooperation, financial incentives, subsidies, import tariffs, quotas.
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr. "US sanctions against the USSR in response to soviet aggression in Afghanistan (1980 – 1988)". American History & Politics: Scientific edition, n.º 11 (2021): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.7.
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The aim of the article is to studу the sanctions against the Soviet Union imposed by the United States in response to Soviet aggression in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. At the core of the research methodology is the method of a content analysis of historical sources, problem-chronological, typological, comparative methods. Main results and conclusions. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979 was condemned by most countries in the world. The reaction to those events on the part of the United States, which led to the escalation of the Cold War and the deterioration of Soviet-American relations, was especially sharp. The continuation of the policy of sanctions announced by President J. Carter in 1980 became the main means of putting pressure on the USSR under the Reagan΄s Administration. The stages of introduction of trade, economic and scientific-technological restrictions on the USSR and discussions about them in American political and business circles have been observed. Thanks to the efforts of American diplomacy, the US allies in Western Europe, Canada, Australia, Japan and other countries joined the sanctions. It was found that the main direction of sanctions was the restriction on the sale to the USSR of equipment for the fuel and energy complex, high-tech products and the refusal to provide «cheap» loans. The effects of the sanctions were exacerbated by falling oil prices in 1985–1986, in which, according to the author, could be involved the United States. The purpose of American sanctions policy was to force the Soviet leadership to make internal changes, as well as to revise the principles of foreign policy, in particular, in the «Afghan question». American sanctions had a detrimental effect on the Soviet economy, deepened the crisis of the Soviet system and contributed to the further technological backwardness of the USSR from developed countries. Scientific novelty. The sanctions against the Soviet Union imposed by the United States in connection with the Soviet aggression in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on the base of new US sources are specified for the first time.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, n.º 02 (abril de 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN". Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (5 de fevereiro de 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.
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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.
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Phong, Nguyen Quoc. "Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) in Bilateral Foreign Economic Relations Between Vietnam and Japan". International Journal of Research and Review 9, n.º 8 (10 de agosto de 2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20220808.
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Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) is the first bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) of Vietnam after the country joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). The article outlines the main trade and investment commitments of the agreement. The implementation of the VJEPA has promoted the flow of goods from Vietnam to Japan, and at the same time has attracted FDI capital from Japan. The role of VJEPA is confirmed as a catalyst to promote bilateral foreign economic relations between Vietnam and Japan in the article. Keywords: VJEPA, agreement, international trade, FDI.
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Miller, Geoff. "Australia–Japan economic relations: ten years after the NARA Treaty". Australian Journal of International Affairs 60, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2006): 506–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710601007000.
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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, n.º 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.
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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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Beeson, Mark. "Bilateral Economic Relations in a Global Political Economy: Australia and Japan". Competition & Change 2, n.º 2 (junho de 1997): 137–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102452949700200201.
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This paper argues that despite the internationalisation of economic activity, and a concomitant diminution of economic policy-making autonomy, national policy settings continue to display a surprising degree of divergence and remain important determinants of economic outcomes. Similarly, there are distinctively different and enduring patterns of corporate organisation across nations which confer specific competitive advantages. Important theoretical and practical questions are raised, therefore, about the potential efficacy of national economic policies and their capacity to accommodate such divergent practices. This paper examines the bilateral relationship between Australia and Japan, and assesses the effectiveness of Australia's predominantly neoliberal economic policy framework in the light of such national and organisational variation. It will be suggested that Australian policy-makers' faith in market mechanisms caused them to underestimate the significance of Japanese commercial practices and regional production strategies, rendering attempts to transform the relationship largely unsuccessful.
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Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China". China Quarterly 136 (dezembro de 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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Lee, Suman, e Byungwook Kim. "A Time-Series Analysis of International Public Relations Expenditure and Economic Outcome". Communication Research 45, n.º 7 (19 de abril de 2015): 1012–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215581370.
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This study tested a causal relationship between international public relations (PR) expenditure and its economic outcome at the country level by using a time-series analysis. International PR expenditures of four client countries (Japan, Colombia, Belgium, and the Philippines) were collected from the semi-annual reports of the Foreign Agency Registration Act (FARA) from 1996 to 2009. Economic outcome was measured by U.S. imports from the client countries and U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) toward them. This study found that the past PR expenditure holds power in forecasting future economic outcomes for Japan, Belgium, and the Philippines except Colombia.
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "Economic Cooperation Between The European Union And Japan". Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 20, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2017): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2017-0016.
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The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to Japan.
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Sato, Kazuo. "Economic Growth, Foreign Trade, and Trade Policy in Japan". World Economy 18, n.º 2 (março de 1995): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1995.tb00210.x.
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Wong, Audrye. "PEDDLING OR PERSUADING: CHINA'S ECONOMIC STATECRAFT IN AUSTRALIA". Journal of East Asian Studies 21, n.º 2 (julho de 2021): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.19.
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AbstractWith the globalization of Chinese capital, economic statecraft has become an increasingly prominent component of China's foreign policy. In this article, I examine China's use of economic inducements in developed democracies, a topic of growing concern for policymakers, focusing on the case of Australia. I show how Beijing's attempts to coopt public voices and influence Australia's foreign policy using non-transparent political donations and academic funding generated a strong backlash. At the same time, economic interdependence has provided a buffering effect, with key domestic actors in Australia advocating for cooperative relations, although this effect can in turn be limited by Beijing's coercive economic tactics. My findings underline the reputational costs of certain approaches to economic statecraft, the value of building supportive coalitions, and the challenges faced by China's authoritarian state capitalist model. They also highlight the impacts of globalized Chinese capital in developed democracies, including the resilience and vulnerabilities inherent in democratic political processes.
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Nakane, Ikuko, Chihiro Kinoshita Thomson e Satoko Tokumaru. "Negotiation of power and solidarity in email". Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 24, n.º 1 (18 de abril de 2014): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.24.1.04nak.
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The issue of e-politeness has been attracting increasing attention in the field of foreign language teaching and learning. This article examines how students of Japanese as a foreign language in Australia negotiated power and solidarity in their email correspondence with ‘facilitators’ in Japan who provided support in essay writing tasks. Their relationships, which were neither completely status-unequal nor status-equal, offer a unique social context for an examination of politeness. The study examines whether and how power and solidarity shifted over the 12 weeks of email exchanges. The results show varying levels of rapport and orientations to politeness developing over time, as well as evidence of students applying implicit input from the facilitators’ email messages. The article also considers the impacts, on the politeness phenomena in the data, of students’ cultural backgrounds and prior exposure to casual Japanese. The findings are discussed in relation to the question of ‘appropriateness’ in fostering foreign language learner ability to negotiate power and solidarity in intercultural communication.
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Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (setembro de 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.
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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.
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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "China’s Economic Relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Sustained by Persistent Technological Gaps". East Asian Policy 11, n.º 02 (abril de 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000138.
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Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are China’s leading sources of imports, a result of China’s efforts to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to develop its high-technology industry in the 1990s and beyond. Foreign firms in China have relied on importing key components and capital equipment from their home countries. Despite its industrial upgrading in recent years, China continues to run an increasingly large trade deficit with the three economies due to its lack of key technology.
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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC". Eastern Analytics, n.º 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.
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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
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QINGSONG, TIAN, e IRINA ZELENEVA. "JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)". Sociopolitical Sciences 12, n.º 3 (28 de junho de 2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.
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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s economic growth and internal stability play a positive role for the Japanese economy. On the other hand, he sees China as a rising power that threatens Japan’s external environment and at the same time shakes its dominance in Asia. During Koizumi’s rule, Sino-Japanese relations generally showed a deteriorating trend: he actively deepened economic exchanges with China, but at the same time took a tough stance towards China in the field of foreign policy and security. Koizumi’s repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine seriously damaged Sino-Japanese relations, leading to the suspension of high-level visits between China and Japan. And Sino-Japanese relations have deteriorated to their lowest point since 1972.
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Chudinova, K. O. "Scale and development of foreign economic interaction between the USA and Japan in 2009–2021". Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), n.º 12 (30 de novembro de 2022): 902–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2212-06.
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The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going through global value chains (GVCs). Over the past decade, the US foreign trade policy priorities have changed several times: from the attempt to create a free trade area in the Asia-Pacific under the Obama administration to President Trump’s protectionism and to more liberal economic agenda of the Biden administration. The role of Japan in the Trans-Pacific Partnership creation and reformatting after the US withdrawal is shown. The prerequisites for the progress of bilateral relations to a new stage of scientifi c, technical and economic cooperation in the context of confrontation between the USA and China are analyzed. President Biden’s economic policy priority in the Asia-Pacific is attracting allies to crucial technologies development and increasing global value chains sustainability. Japan is a key partner for the US to secure control over technology transfer, diversify supply sources and strengthen GVCs. Coordination of approaches to promoting economic security is an important priority for the renewed US-Japan alliance, so the two countries can reach a new level of cooperation.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia". Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, n.º 2 (27 de maio de 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations". Foreign Policy Review 14, n.º 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.
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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview of the possible foreign policy strategies vis-à-vis the United States and China. The last chapter tries to find the common platform on which these two countries could work together to achieve their political and economic interests.
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Fry-McKibbin, Renée, e Than Thuong Nguyen. "Does Commercial Diplomacy Overcome Impediments to International Economic Flows? The Case of Australia". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, n.º 4 (15 de novembro de 2019): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14011015.
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Summary This article empirically examines the effectiveness of commercial diplomacy in contributing to Australia’s merchandise exports and inbound foreign investment with 181 countries over the period 2010-2015. The combined effect of diplomatic entities increases Australian exports by 12.9 per cent and increases inbound foreign investment by 16.1 per cent compared to countries without representation. Commercial diplomacy is effective when there are impediments to exporting, such as markets being outside the region and having low economic freedom. Commercial diplomacy substantially boosts inbound investment from countries outside and within the region, from emerging and developed markets, and from countries with high levels of economic freedom.
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Schmiegelow, Michèle. "Cutting across doctrines: positive adjustment in Japan". International Organization 39, n.º 2 (1985): 261–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300026977.
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Japan's economy keeps changing too fast, its economic policies are too active and independent, and its domestic structures seemingly deviate too much from Western patterns to conform to theories that rely on general equilibrium in mature economies. Static economics, including recent monetarist, supply-side, and rational expectations models, some aspects of dynamic and development economics, and most of the neoliberal current in international relations theory are seriously challenged. On the other hand, the mercantilist paradigm, theories focusing on the role of the state, and analyses exclusively adopting the subsystemic level of international relations theory have substantial problems with the ample evidence of adaptation to external factors, the dynamism and Schumpeterian qualities of Japanese private enterprises and the far-reaching liberalization of Japan's foreign-exchange and foreign-trade control regime. As the only OECD member to have pursued “anticipatory adjustment” on the macrolevel and as the obvious model for the OECD category of “positive adjustment,” Japan presents a case of universal relevance. It suggests propositions linking targets and instruments of quantitative and qualitative policies, as well as processes of internalization of global factors and externalization of domestic factors. It provides material for revising, extending, and integrating international relations theory and the theory of economic policy.
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Vivoda, Vlado. "‘Steady as She Goes’: Effect of the Fukushima Disaster on Australia-Japan Relations". International Studies Review 19, n.º 2 (19 de outubro de 2018): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902005.
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This paper analyses the effect of the March 11, 2011 (3/11) disaster on bilateral relations between Australia and Japan. It explores key areas of cooperation and conflict in the bilateral relationship and evaluates the extent to which these were affected by the Fukushima disaster. While the main focus is on bilateral energy relations, the paper also considers broader security and trade relationship between Canberra and Tokyo. The paper accounts for change and continuity in mutual political and economic interests, perspectives towards security cooperation, and ideational factors. The argument put forward is that the Australia-Japan relationship has been strengthened in the aftermath of the 3/11 disaster.
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Kokubun, Ryosei. "The Politics of Foreign Economic Policy-making in China: The Case of Plant Cancellations with Japan". China Quarterly 105 (março de 1986): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000036754.
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The following analysis of China's foreign economic policy-making will focus particularly on the decision of 1980–81 to suspend contracts with foreign countries, taking Baoshan and the petrochemical complexes as specific examples. I discuss this issue in terms of Sino-Japanese relations because Japan was the main target of the cancellations and because the relevant Japanese materials are plentiful. The decision-making process of Chinese foreign economic policy has barely been touched upon in previous research. However, recently there has been some study of the decision-making process in domestic economic policy. For example, Michel Oksenberg, relying on personal interviews, has published two perceptive articles that have been of great use to this study.
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Nelson, Kim, e Amie Louise Matthews. "Foreign presents or foreign presence? Resident perceptions of Australian and Chinese tourists in Niseko, Japan". Tourist Studies 18, n.º 2 (11 de julho de 2017): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468797617717466.
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Over the past decade Niseko, a small ski resort in Japan, has experienced rapid growth in international tourism. Informed by a small-scale qualitative study, this article provides an account of Niseko residents’ perceptions of tourism and, more specifically, compares their responses to two key groups of inbound tourists, those from Australia and China. Where increases in the number of Australian tourists and tourism business owners have had significant influence on this previously homogeneous town, the reaction of residents to Australians is generally more positive than the response reserved for the more recent arrival of Chinese tourists. Although the former group is associated with increased living costs, leakage of profits and inappropriate behaviour, Australians were generally characterised by research participants as ‘friendly’ and ‘relaxed’ and relations were typically described as ‘harmonious’. Conversely, Chinese tourists were viewed by residents as being pushy and demanding, and these host–guest interactions were described as ‘difficult’. Drawing on Japanese notions of hospitality and residents’ discussions of cultural difference, this article explores the different reactions engendered by foreign presence, pointing as it does so to the ambivalence and contingency that underpins many host–guest relationships.
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Govindasamy, Geetha, e Muhammad Danial Azman. "Regime Change and Malaysia – Japan Relations: Explaining Shifts and Continuity In Foreign Policy". International Journal of East Asian Studies 9, n.º 1 (15 de dezembro de 2020): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol9no1.6.
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The article offers an initial exploration into the causal linkage between domestic political regime change and foreign policy recalibration in Malaysia. While not popular, the notion that foreign policy objectives are more often than not shaped by internal dynamics is rather true in the Malaysian case. The discussion examines Malaysia’s relations with Japan during the Pakatan Harapan government which began in May 2018 but collapsed by February 2020. After being sworn in as the Prime Minister of Malaysia for the second time, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pledged to re-energize the Look East Policy to facilitate economic growth and investments into the country. Though the move was far from surprising, the consequence of the development needs to be understood within the broader context of Malaysia’s domestic ties with China. Malaysia’s move to expand cooperation with Japan can be explained by a desire to reduce overreliance on Chinese investments. The basic premise is that Malaysia was not tilting towards Japan, rather the move to court Japan through the LEP 2.0 was a function of regime legitimation through which Pakatan Harapan diversified its foreign policy partners for the goal of expanding investment and collaboration opportunities.
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Madaminova, Durdona, Khilola Mustapova e Barno Suyunova. "ESTABLISHING AND DEVELOPING PROSPECTS OF CENTRAL ASIAN VECTOR IN JAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY". JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 23, n.º 2 (8 de dezembro de 2019): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-23-11.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of Japanese politics in Central Asia. The interests and opportunities of Japan have been carefully studied. The article discusses the social,political and cultural issues between Japan and Central Asian countries. The author examines the current state and prospects of political and economic cooperation between Japan and Central Asian countries, joint efforts to address the problems and threats facing sustainable development of the region, which must be addressed in the development of bilateral and multilateral relations - logistics and investment cooperation.
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Hosoe, Nobuhiro. "Economic de-integration in North America and foreign direct investment from Japan". Japan and the World Economy 61 (março de 2022): 101114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.japwor.2021.101114.
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Alunaza, Hardi, e Virginia Sherin. "The Strategic Value of China's Foreign Policy and The Rivalry of The Majors Power in The Indo-Pacific". JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 21, n.º 1 (3 de janeiro de 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.1-13.
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The Indo-Pacific in the development of world politics is a meeting place for stakeholders from the US, China, Japan, India, Australia, and ASEAN to articulate each country's strategic interests. The rivalry between the US and China has been referred to as the new cold war in Southeast Asia. This momentum is an excellent opportunity for ASEAN to develop and expand its role in the Indo-Pacific by emphasizing centrality and putting its role to good use. Including the challenges of how China projects its strategic values to Australia, Japan, and India. This research analyzes the strategic value and emerging challenges of Majors Power in the Indo-Pacific. This article uses the theory balance of power with a qualitative descriptive method. It explains how China expands its influence in the Indo-Pacific region by increasing the distribution of rising power, new security concepts, peaceful rise, engagement, and comprehensive establishments and how this strategic value poses a challenge to India, the US, Australia, and Japan. The rise of the Indo-Pacific is one of the influences involving the superpowers by looking at the potential in the region. This is inextricably linked to China's national interest. The results of this research is that China uses the strategic value of rising power and new security concepts in its rivalry with the US and ASEAN. Concerning Australia, China prioritizes engagement and comprehensive establishment by leveraging economic benefits. In addition, China has shown a peaceful rise and engagement, as well as geopolitical rivalries with Japan and India.
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Kálmán, Botond, e Arnold Tóth. "The Success of Japanese Foreign Market Investments in Hungary". International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance 12, n.º 4 (agosto de 2021): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijtef.2021.12.4.700.
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This study examines the recent history and current state of a special area of Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. We reviewed the flow of Japanese capital into Hungary. Foreign direct capital investments can improve productivity on the one hand via technology transfer, and one the other hand, they may have further positive effects through corporate relationships, such as market access or improved financing conditions. Through these means, they strengthen economic growth. When analyzing the data on the historical development of Japanese investment, we showed that the automotive industry plays a dominant role. Based on our results, the influx of Japanese FDI into the Hungarian economy is mutually advantageous to both parties. The most important result for Hungary was economic growth and for Japan, the easier access to the EU markets. Japanese-Hungarian relations are not limited to economic cooperation, they are present in everyday life and continue to grow closer.
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Smirnova, О. V. "Development of Foreign Policy Relations Between Japan and Russia: a Retrospective Analysis". Post-Soviet Issues 8, n.º 1 (12 de junho de 2021): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-1-163-176.
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The article provides a retrospective analysis of the development of political relations between Japan and Russia from the middle of the XIX century to the present. The international relations have a nearly three-hundred-year history that reflects various periods of recession and recovery, stability and tension. There was and is a diplomatic struggle of states for financial strength, influence on the world stage, standing up for the national interests in the territorial issue, etc. But despite such moments, these relations did not go beyond the boundaries of “peaceful”. Russia and Japan, as strong players in the Pacific region, have always understood the need for cooperation and have looked for it in political, economic and cultural formats. At the present stage relations between Japan and Russia include different areas: security, economy, culture, science. But the unsigned amicable agreement, which has been delayed for more than 70 years, does not provide ample opportunities for further development of productive mutually beneficial relations. Through the “prehistory” of modern bilateral relations between Russia and Japan, the sequence and nature of relations between the countries is determined. The key aspect that determines the sequence and nature of relations between countries is the historical connection. The material of the article is ranked by time periods (stages), the factors that influenced each of the stages are investigated, and the main problems of the relationships are determined. Special emphasis is placed on the problems of our times, in particular the territorial issue of the Southern Kuril Islands, which were formed historically. Today the relations are based on solving common problems in the economy, security and energy. Within the framework of common interests Japan and Russia are seeking to resolve a long-running dispute. Thus, the article consistently reveals the “prehistory” and the nature of modern bilateral relations. The stages and factors that influenced each of the stages are studied, the corresponding conclusions and forecasts are made.
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Vekasi, Kristin, e Jiwon Nam. "Boycotting Japan: Explaining Divergence in Chinese and South Korean Economic Backlash". Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2019): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019886725.
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Japan has a ‘cold politics, hot economics’ relationship with both China and South Korea where political relations are tense and business overall flourishes. Despite the similarities, the political mobilisation of consumers in response to Japanese business interests diverge: event, trade and tourism data show that South Koreans are less likely to link economic interests with their political grievances with Japan compared to their Chinese counterparts even though the sources of the tensions are largely parallel. The divergence arises from different ways economic globalisation has shaped national identity. In China, economic globalisation has strengthened a nativist identity with strong anti-foreign components. Korean national identity has been formed by economic integration and interdependence. While strong national identity and anti-foreign elements exist, they are delinked from economic interests. Survey and event data from South Korea and China show that the variation in consumer politics is driven by attitudinal differences in the population that is strongly anti-Japanese. Social media data shows how citizens link or delink politics and business to mobilise for collective action and provide qualitative evidence that how identities interact with globalisation explain country-level variation.
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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)". Bulletin of Science and Practice, n.º 8 (15 de agosto de 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.
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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.
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WEEDE, ERICH. "Comparative Economic Development in China and Japan". Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, n.º 1 (maio de 2004): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990400132x.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Three hundred years ago per capita incomes in China and Japan were about equal and fairly close to the global mean. At the end of the twentieth century Japanese per capita incomes are about as high as Western incomes and about seven times as high as Chinese incomes. How could this happen? Manchu China and Tokugawa Japan did not establish equally safe property rights for merchants and producers as the West did. But political fragmentation and feudalism within Japan provided something like checks and balances against arbitrary government which China lacked. Moreover, a similar lack of respect for merchants in both countries had more favourable consequences for early commercialisation in Japan than in China.Japan's revolution from above led to a much earlier and faster restoration of orderly government than China's protracted decay of imperial rule first and its revolution from below thereafter. Whereas the Japanese revolution from above implied the preservation of human and social capital, the Chinese revolution from below led to a massive destruction of both. Moreover, Japanese nationalism was oriented toward the conquest of foreign markets and economic supremacy earlier than Chinese nationalism. This provided another Japanese advantage over China.Japan began its process of catch-up with the West about hundred years earlier than China. In both countries high savings and investment as well as human capital formation contributed to growth. China was held back first by political instability and later by diluted property rights and distorted incentives. In the last quarter century, however, China has re-established incentives, opened up its economy, and established some substitute for private property rights. It has done well enough to have already overtaken the Japanese economy in size. The size gap between the two economies is likely to widen quickly, whereas the still huge gap in per capita incomes will narrow only very slowly.
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Chirkin, S. A. "NEW NON-R EGI ONAL PARTNERS OF LATIN AMERICA: CHALLENGES AND LESSONS FOR RUSSIA". International Trade and Trade Policy 8, n.º 1 (15 de abril de 2022): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-1-66-83.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article examines the trade and economic relations of Latin American countries with individual non-regional partners represented by Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey. The main focus is on the evolution of the foreign economic relations of these countries with the Latin American region and the efforts of the governments of these states to develop them. The main features and trends of bilateral economic cooperation are revealed. The main indicators of trade and economic interaction of the studied countries with the Latin American region are given. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation with the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements. There is a clear desire on the part of Turkey to develop a dialogue with Latin American countries in the field of military-technical cooperation. A comparative analysis of the level and content of foreign economic relations with Latin America of the mentioned countries and Russia is carried out. It is concluded that recently there has been a noticeable intensification of trade and economic cooperation between Latin America and Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey, which creates certain challenges for the Russian Federation in terms of increasing the supply of export products to the region. In conclusion, a number of recommendations are formulated to increase the pace of cooperation between Russia and Latin-American countries in the context of increasing competition in the region from other states.
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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva e Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks". RUDN Journal of World History 14, n.º 4 (15 de dezembro de 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.