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1
Cetin, Idil. "Israel And Palestine Face2face". Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610825/index.pdf.
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Face2Face is a photographic project realized by JR, an undercover photographer and Marco, a technology consultant, in 2007 in the Middle East context. It consisted of taking the portraits of Israeli and Palestinian people who were doing the same job, printing them in huge formats and putting them on various unavoidable places in Israeli and Palestinian cities. The project was based on the idea that Israeli and Palestinian people were so much similar to each other, as if they were &lsquotwin brothers raised in different families&rsquo
but that they were not aware of that. Therefore, the artists decided to provide them with images of the other side which would make people be surprised, laugh, stop for a while and think about the other side once again. The artists hoped that such a reworking of the ideas about the other side would hopefully motivate people to enter into dialogue with each other, which would eventually end up in peaceful co-existence. This thesis sets this photographic project as its starting point. It focuses upon its conceptualization of dialogue, which is based on the idea of seeing the other from a new perspective, and compares it with Mikhail Bakhtin&rsquo
s concept of dialogue and Emmanuel Levinas&rsquo
s concept of face-to-face, which are based on the idea of disrupting the self. It then criticizes the project for its neglect of various dimensions which shape Israeli and Palestinian identities, such as diaspora, nostalgia and home and of the heavy burden of the past on these two communities&rsquo
present. As a result, the thesis focuses upon the concept of collective memory at length and then discusses photography at the service of collective memory. Another section is devoted to the analysis of Israeli and Palestinian collective memories. The photographic project Face2Face is discussed all throughout the thesis in terms of its failure to spot the crucial dimensions in Israeli-Palestinian context, no matter how well intended it was.
2
Borhani, Seyed Hadi. "Israel/Palestine : a critical textbook analysis of the question's history in Anglophone universities". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18334.
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The Israel/Palestine question, and its resonance for international peace and security, has turned into a central interest of the modern world. It also raises much controversy in the academic community. The Western support for Israel, a key factor in Israel's survival, is a significant feature of this issue. It has been revealed, through preceding studies, that Western policies towards Israel, foreign human rights policy for instance, are biased. The West appears biased, also, in what it produces about the question. Western products in the cinema and the mass media examined in this regard. How knowledge produced in the West is influenced by the pro-Israeli environment has been an academic concern. No empirical investigation, at the same time, has been made into how academic knowledge at university level treats the Israel/Palestine question. The popular belief about the scientific and impartial characteristics of Western knowledge has probably contributed to such a state of affairs. A sample of the most popular college level textbooks on the history of the Israel/Palestine question has been selected, through an extensive survey, to represent relevant Western knowledge. The selected textbooks have been analysed through a method of 'Historical Narrative Analysis' against a Zionist/pro-Israeli structure of Israel's history. The immediate context of the histories produced, the relevant historians and their background, are analysed to answer the second part of the key question of the research: âHow the knowledge of history of the Israel/Palestine question is presented in Western academia, and why it has been presented in that particular way. The results of the first analysis, a textbook analysis, support the claim that textbook knowledge on the question is mainly pro-Israeli in bias. In relation to the question 'why', the analysis offers the 'Jewish pro-Israeli producer' as the main factor that can explain that bias in the products. Another factor is identified in this analysis as well; the relevant knowledge has been produced in a certain, American or Israeli, national and educational environment.
3
Baroud, Ramzy Mohamed. "History from below : writing a people's history of Palestine". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17480.
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This submission for PhD by Publication includes three studies designed to reflect the popular view of ordinary Palestinians regarding events and politics in Palestine throughout modern history. They aim to primarily provide a ‘history from below’ political discourse of the Palestinian people. While the studies do not purport to determine with certainty the exact dynamics that propel Palestinian politics and society - as in where political power ultimately lies - they attempt to present a long-dormant argument that sees ‘history from below’ as an indispensable platform providing essential insight into Palestinian history to explain present political currents. Over the course of 11 years, I conducted three studies which resulted in the publication of the following volumes: The first work, Searching Jenin: Eyewitness Accounts of the Israeli Invasion (2003) is centered on the events that surrounded the Israeli siege, invasion and subsequent violence in and around the Palestinian West Bank refugee camp of Jenin in April 2002. The study includes forty two eyewitness accounts, collected from people who witnessed the violence and were affected by it, were recorded and positioned to create a clear and unified narrative. The reality that the refugees portrayed in these accounts was mostly inconsistent with the official Israeli narrative of the violent events that occurred in the refugee camp, on one hand, and that were provided by the Palestinian Authority (PA) or factions, on the other. The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle (2006) shows the impact of the Israeli military policies used against revolting Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, and the popular response to these policies during the first five years of the Second Palestinian Intifada (2000-2005). The results of the study also demonstrate the inconsistencies between the views and practices held by the official political representation of Palestinians, and the popular view, as demonstrated in the discernible collective behavior of ordinary Palestinians throughout the Occupied Territories. In My Father was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (2010) my research pursues the roots of the current situation in the Gaza Strip – that of siege, political deadlock and violence. The study traces the lives of selected refugees before the Nakba - the Catastrophe of 1947-48 - back in Palestine during the British Mandate in the 1920s and just before the Zionist colonial project went into full swing. In the three studies, the central argument is that historical and political events are best explained through non-elitist actors, who although at times lack political representation and platform, are capable of influencing, if not shaping the course of history, thus the present situation on the ground. The studies also indicate that such notions as popular resistance, collective memory and steadfastness (sumud in Arabic) are not mere idealistic and sentimental values, but notions with tangible and decipherable impact on past events and present realities. The central argument endeavors to demonstrate that although the Palestinian people are divided into various collectives, they are united by a common sense of identity and an undeclared political discourse, and they have historically proven to be a viable political actor that has influenced, affected, or, in some instances, deeply altered political realities. To examine my thesis, my paper will be reviewing several theoretical notions of historiography including the Great Man Theory, which uses an elitist approach to understanding the formation and conversion of history. The Great Man Theory argues that single individuals of importance have made decisions that drive the outcomes of history. This notion is challenged by Group Theories which argue that history is shaped by the outcome of competing interest groups belonging to socio-economic elites, and that multidimensional forces often shape political realities. Furthermore, I examine a third theoretical approach that of ‘history from below’, which argues that history is scarcely shaped by ‘great men’ or socio-economic elites. Such historiography rarely contends with how history is formed; instead, it is mostly concerned with attempting to reconstruct the flow of history. It does so through deconstructing largely collective phenomena that are believed to be responsible for shaping current political movements. I attempt, through these volumes, to present a flow of Palestinian history based on the ‘history from below’ approach. The following paper will attempt to explain the logic behind my choice.
4
Weisz, Talia M. "Voices from Israel/Palestine: A Documentary Video Exhibition". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274903253.
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5
Moore, Megan Bishop. "Philosophy and practice in writing a history of ancient Israel /". New York [u.a.] : T & T Clark, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0610/2006007656.html.
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Zugl.: @Diss.Includes bibliographical references and index. Current philosophical issues in history writing -- Evaluating and using evidence -- Assumptions and practices of historians of ancient Israel -- In the mid-twentieth century -- Assumptions and practices of minimalist historians of ancient Israel -- Non-minimalist historians of ancient Israel.
6
KOTTER, WADE RALPH. "SPATIAL ASPECTS OF THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF PALESTINE DURING THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE (ISRAEL)". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183821.
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During the Middle Bronze II B-C period (1800-1500 B.C.) Palestine underwent an unprecedented period of urban development. This urban development had several spatial consequences, which may be divided into three categories: (1) Spatial relationships between urban settlements and features of the local and regional environment, (2) Spatial patterns in the internal organization of urban settlements, and (3) Spatial patterns in the distribution of urban and rural settlements across the landscape. These three categories form the basis of this dissertation. With respect to the relationship between urban settlements and environmental features, it is demonstrated that urban settlements are associated with productive agricultural land, ample natural water sources, and natural routes of travel. They are also found only in regions where rainfall is sufficient for successful dry farming. The internal spatial organization of Middle Bronze urban settlements is found to be characterized by both agglomeration and centrality. Zones of land-use related to various urban functions are identified, and the similarity of these cities to other pre-industrial cities is demonstrated. Examination of the distribution of urban settlements across the land-scape suggests that these cities were not integrated into a regional urban system, but rather were independent city-states, each with its own supporting region. An examination of rural settlements within the hypothetical supporting region of each urban center supports this conclusion, although the inadequacies of survey within each of these regions preclude definitive conclusions.
7
Keinvall, Kristoffer. ""Ett Herrefolk i Israel" : Debatten om Israel-Palestinakonflikten i Dagens Nyheter 1988". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-71047.
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This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.
8
Adan-Bayewitz, David. "Manufacture and local trade in the Galilee of Roman-Byzantine Palestine : a case study /". Online version, 1985. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25530.
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9
Cohen, Hella Bloom. "Private Affections: Miscegenation and the Literary Imagination in Israel-Palestine". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500171/.
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This study politicizes the mixed relationship in Israeli-Palestinian literature. I examine Arab-Jewish and interethnic Jewish intimacy in works by Palestinian national poet Mahmoud Darwish, canonical Israeli novelist A. B. Yehoshua, select anthologized Anglophone and translated Palestinian and Israeli poetry, and Israeli feminist writer Orly Castel-Bloom. I also examine the material cultural discourses issuing from Israel’s textile industry, in which Arabs and Jews interact. Drawing from the methodology of twentieth-century Brazilian miscegenation theorist Gilberto Freyre, I argue that mixed intimacies in the Israeli-Palestinian imaginary represent a desire to restructure a hegemonic public sphere in the same way Freyre’s Brazilian mestizo was meant to rhetorically undermine what he deemed a Western cult of uniformity. This project constitutes a threefold contribution. I offer one of the few postcolonial perspectives on Israeli literature, as it remains underrepresented in the field in comparison to its Palestinian counterparts. I also present the first sustained critique of the hetero relationship and the figure of the hybrid in Israeli-Palestinian literature, especially as I focus on its representation for political options rather than its aesthetic intrigue. Finally, I reexamine and apply Gilberto Freyre in a way that excavates him from critical interment and advocates for his global relevance.
10
Templin, Julia S. "Zababdeh: A Palestinian Water History". DigitalCommons@USU, 2011. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/911.
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This study explores the historical evolution of the water situation in Palestine at a local level in the West Bank village of Zababdeh. The thesis examines Palestine's geography and the historical relationship of Zababdeh's people with this environment. A sudden shift in this relationship took place during the second half of the 20th century, particularly after the advent of Israeli occupation. The thesis also addresses the Palestinians' involvement, or lack thereof, in water politics of the West Bank during the 20th century. The pattern of neglect has left Palestinians in a weak position to secure safe and reliable water supplies for villages like Zababdeh. Though some have speculated that the water situation in Palestine will one day lead to violent conflict, the example of Zababdeh's water history shows that such conflict has not yet occurred because the village's inhabitants experienced many new water-related conveniences under Israeli occupation. The new conveniences left Zababdeh's people relatively contented and without incentive to fight over water. The study finds that water is an underlying, and sometimes overt stress that has been exacerbating the conflict in Palestine for decades and will continue to foster instability in the region until the people of Palestine all have safe, consistent, and sufficient supplies of water for their needs.
11
Mitter, Sreemati. "A History of Money in Palestine: From the 1900s to the Present". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11308.
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12
Guediri, Kaoutar. "A history of anti-partitionist terspectives in Palestine 1915-1988". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/13970.
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The diplomatic and political deadlock in what has come to be known as the Palestine/Israel conflict, has led to the re-emergence of an anti-partition discourse that draws its arguments from the reality on the ground and/or from anti-Zionism. Why such a re-emergence? Actually, anti-partitionism as an antagonism depends on its corollary, partitionism, and as such, they have existed for the same period of time. Furthermore, the debate between antipartitionists and pro-partitionists – nowadays often referred to as a debate between the one-state and the two-state solution – is not peculiar to the period around 2000. It echoes the situation in the late 1910s when the British were settling in Palestine and authorising the Zionist settler colonial movement to build a Jewish homeland thus introducing the seeds of partition and arousing expressions of anti-partitionism. This dissertation aims to articulate a political history of the antipartitionist perspectives against the backdrop of an increasing acceptance of Palestine's partition as a solution. This account runs from 1915 and the first partition – that of the Arab territories of the Ottoman Empire – to 1988 and the Palestinian recognition of the principle of partition. Thus, I argue that the antipartitionist perspectives have persisted throughout history. Such a historical perspective enabled me to consider the acceptance of partition as the result of a shift from a “national and territorial liberation” strategy to the search for “sovereignty and national independence”, a shift that was operated in the Palestinian national movement as well as in the Zionist movement, and which made statehood the main objective. In this regard, the Palestinian acceptance of the principle of partition and of a two-state solution may be regarded as a legitimation of the Israeli colonial settler state.
13
Wells, C. Richard (Calvin Richard) 1949. "Hebrew Wisdom as the Sitz im Leben for Higher Education in Ancient Israel". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277793/.
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This research grows out of an interest in what scholars commonly call the wisdom tradition of the ancient near east. This tradition or movement involved groups of thinkers and writers, known collectively as scribes, who were concerned in a philosophical way with the problems of living, and with principles of living well. Such communities are known to have flourished in Egypt, the various kingdoms of Mesopotamia, and western Asia, from at least the middle of the third millennium B.C. These scribal communities are also known to have sponsored schools, intended primarily for training in statecraft and the professions, but also for training in the scribal profession per se. The documentary and historical record indicates that such schools provided education from the most rudimentary level of literacy and writing to the most advanced levels of scribal scholarship. These advanced levels of training were functionally equivalent to what is nowadays known as higher education; and the ideals, the philosophy, which guided this enterprise found expression in a corpus of literature bearing the name "wisdom." The problem for this dissertation is whether or not there was in ancient Israel, specifically in the Solomonic era (10th century, B.C.), such an advanced scribal school associated with a Hebrew wisdom tradition. This is a research problem precisely because the evidence for such a school in Israel is both less abundant and less accessible than for the rest of the ancient near east.
14
Jacobs-Smith, Michelle Wilma. "Die sosiale en religieuse rol van die vrou in oud-Israel". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53387.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study investigates the social and religious roles of women in Ancient Israel. The thesis comprises of four parts. Chapter 1 focuses on the role of women in an anthropological perspective. We take a look at how women were perceived within the pre-industrial communities. Israel did not live in a vacuum but was part and parcel of the ancient Near Eastern cultural world. Chapter 2 therefore focuses on the role of women in Egyptian and Assyrio-Babylonian cultures. Her social, economic, political and religious roles are under investigation. In Chapter 3 the focus shifts to the role of women within the social organisation. A short overview with a few examples demonstrates where the role of women expands beyond that of social organisation. This role, which could be described as a "political function", was only allocated to a few privileged women. Chapter 4 deals with the religious role of the Israelite women. This chapter forms the other focus point of the study. The religious activities of women within the official, popular and familiy religious spheres are examined. Chapter 5 presents a brief summary of the main conclusions of the study.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word ondersoek ingestel na die sosiale en religieuse rol van die vrou in Oud-Israel. Die tesis bestaan uit vier dele: In Hoofstuk I word aandag gegee aan die rol van die vrou in antropologiese perspektief. Hier word nagegaan hoe die vrou gesien is in pre-industriële gemeenskappe. Omdat Israel nie in 'n vakuum geleef het nie, maar 'n integrale deel van die ou Nabye Oosterse kultuurwêreld was, word daar in Hoofstuk 2 op 'n oorsigtelike wyse op die plek van die vrou in die kulture van Egipte en Assirië- Babilonië gekonsentreer. In Hoofstuk 3 verskuif die fokus na Israel en word nagegaan watter rol die vrou in die sosiale organisasie gehad het. Daar word ook kortliks gekyk na voorbeelde waar die rol van die vrou wyer gestrek het as die engere familie kring. Hierdie rol, wat getipeer sou kon word as 'n tipe "politieke funksie", was egter net vir 'n paar vroue beskore. Hoofstuk 4 handel oor die religieuse rol van die vrou in Israel. Hierdie hoofstuk vorm die ander fokuspunt van die studie. Daar word gekyk na die aandeel van die vrou in die offisiële religie, die populêre religie en die familie-religie. In Hoofstuk 5 word die belangrikste bevindinge van die ondersoek kortliks saamgevat.
15
De, Villiers Shirley. "Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
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The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
16
Wilson, Christopher William. "Mental illness and the British mandate in Palestine, 1920-1948". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/285965.
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This thesis examines the ways in which the British mandate conceptualised, encountered, and sought to manage mental illness in Palestine between 1920 and 1948. The subject of mental illness has hitherto received partial consideration by historians interested in the Yishuv, who treat this period as formative for the Israeli mental health service. This thesis shifts the focus from European Jewish psychiatrists to the British mandate's engagements with mental illness, thus contributing to the well-developed literature on colonial psychiatry. Where this thesis departs from many of these institutionally-focussed histories of colonial psychiatry is in its source base; lacking hospital case files or articles in psychiatric journals, this thesis draws on an eclectic range of material from census reports and folklore research to petitions and prison records. In bringing together these strands of the story of psychiatry and mental illness, this thesis seeks to move beyond the continued emphasis in the historiography of Palestine on politics, nationalism, and state-building, and to develop our understanding of state and society by examining how they interacted in relation to the question of mental illness. This thesis thus widens the cast of historical actors from psychiatric experts alone to take in policemen, census officials, and families. In addition, this thesis seeks to situate Palestine within wider mandatory, British imperial, and global contexts, not to elide specificities, but to resist a persistent historiographical tendency to treat Palestine as exceptional. The first part traces the development of British mandatory conceptualisations of mental illness through the census of 1931 and then through a focus on specific causes of mental illness thought to be at work in Palestine. The second part examines two contexts in which the mandate was brought into contact with the mentally ill: the law and petitions. The final part of the thesis explores two distinct therapeutic regimes introduced in this period: patient work and somatic treatments.
17
Wong, Ka Kei. "The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554611.
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18
Elliott, Kim. "Women (re)writing history, constructing the case for a state-centered analysis of indigenous women's literature in South Africa and Israel/Palestine". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ36863.pdf.
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19
Huberman, Bruno. "Judaização da Palestina ocupada : colonização, desapropriação e deslocamento em Jerusalém Oriental, Cisjordânia e Faixa de Gaza entre 1967 e 2013 /". São Paulo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/111152.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar NasserBanca: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira
Banca: Arlene Elizabeth Clemesha
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A presente dissertação pretende fazer uma investigação a respeito do fenômeno chamado de judaização da Palestina: qual é o seu propósito, políticas, meios, instrumentos, técnicas, racionalidade, objetivos e interesses, e medir o seu impacto sobre a questão Israel-Palestina e a vida das pessoas que residem nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados -palestinos e colonos judeus. Desta forma, serão historicamente e analiticamente examinadas as principais manifestações deste fenômeno, como o desenvolvimento da política de assentamentos judeus nos territórios palestinos e os instrumentos legais e burocráticos de controle social da população palestina entre 1967 e 2013. Pretende-se identificar a racionalidade da burocracia colonial israelense. O problema central da presente investigação reside na contraposição dos argumentos oficiais das autoridades israelenses à respeito da presença judaica nos TPO e do impasse político com os palestinos, trancados nos paradigmas da segurança e do conflito, com o espectro proposto da judaização da Palestina, que trata da colonização, desapropriação, deslocamento voluntário e involuntário e controle social de um grupo étnico social dominante e estrangeiro sobre outro subjugado e indígena. Pretendo sustentar que a narrativa da judaização - em oposição à narrativa hegemônica sionista - é a mais apropriada para compreender alguns aspectos centrais da relação entre judeus e palestinos naquela terra, como a fragmentação espacial da Cisjordânia, o isolamento da Faixa de Gaza, os silenciosos despejos em Jerusalém Oriental e a manutenção do status quo. As autoridades israelenses conseguiram, por meio do projeto de judaização, despolitizar a questão Israel-Palestina, transformando-a em uma discussão econômica, humanitária e de segurança
Abstract: This dissertation aims at investigating a phenomena called Judaization of Palestine: its purpose, politics, means, instruments, techniques, reasoning, objectives and interests and measure its impact on Israel-Palestine matter and lives of people living in Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - palestinians and jewish settlers. In that manner, the main manifestations of this phenomenon will be historically and analitically examined, such as the development of the Jewish settlements in Palestinian territories and the legal and burocratical instruments of social control over the Palestinian population between 1967 and 2013. The central problem of this investigation is focused on the oficial arguments of the israeli authorities about the Jewish presence in the OPT and the political impasse with the palestinians, linked to the paradigm of security and conflict in opposition to the Judaization of Palestine spectrum, which is about colonization, dispossession, volunteer and involunteer desplacement and social control of a foreigner dominant social ethnical group above other indigenous and subdued one. I intend to support the judaization narrative - in opposition to the zionist hegemonic narrative - as the most appropriate to understand some of the central aspects of the dispute between israelis and palestinians over that land, as the spatial fragmentation of Cisjordani, the Gaza Strip isolation, the silent displacement occuring in East Jerusalem and the maintenance of status quo. From this we can reach the relevance and justification for the elaboration of this dissertation
Mestre
20
Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian. "The War for Peace: George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11061/.
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The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.
21
Shomaliová, Lucie. "Izraelsko-palestinský konflikt na pozadí rodinné paměti Palestinců". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-205057.
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This thesis is focused on the israeli-palestinian conflict, which is an often discussed topic, but especially in the Czech literature the perspective of common people is missing. The main focus will be on family memory and how it transfers within the generations. This will be demonstrated on an analysis of interviews with members of four families (of three generations: grandparent, parent, child) living in the West bank. That is why the method of oral history will be used. The main timeline will be year 1967 which is remembered by the oldest member of the interviewed families. In 1967 the third arab-israeli war took place when Israel defeated Egypt, Syria and Jordan and started occupying the Golan Heights, Sinai peninsula and a large part of the Palestinian territory including the eastern part of Jerusalem. This war caused another exodus of Palestinians and the beginning of building illegal settlements in the West Bank. This event is usually described from the political point of view but little is known about what happened to common people. The point of this thesis is to view this issue from different than official sources and give the topic a new dimension.
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Williams, Simon J. "Reading between the lines : Arabic fiction in Israel after 1967". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:23a6d929-e16b-4f14-b240-c5cdd2d27933.
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Arabic literature in Israel has evaded critical attention, or has been treated as an uncomplicated part of Palestinian national culture, on a quest for unification and an identity that was devastated in 1948. This dissertation complicates that narrative through close readings of short stories by five Arab citizens of Israel—Imil Habibi, Muhammad ‘Ali Taha, Muhammad Naffa‘, Hanna Ibrahim, and Zaki Darwish—between 1967 and 1983. Focusing on the relationship between geography and fiction, I suggest that literary constructions of “place” and “space” by these authors reveal a range of cultural negotiations that break down entrenched dyads: Palestinian yet Israeli; Palestinian on the one hand, Israeli on the other; spared exile, but suffering occupation. Instead, these writers evoke the hybrid and ambivalent experiences produced in the paradoxical spaces of Israeli-Palestinian life. I develop an analytical framework that incorporates geographic and literary theory. I use the work of humanists such as Gaston Bachelard, Yi-Fu Tuan, and Edward Casey to suggest that literature mediates geography in a way that communicates belonging, alienation, or personal and collective meaning. The framework is bolstered with the work of postcolonial theorists such as Homi Bhabha, along with historical and political sources, to capture the contextual resonance of the texts. After laying out these theoretical guidelines, I offer a historical account of Arabic literature in Israel and embark on four analytical chapters. Chapter Two explores Imil Habibi’s portrayals of anxiety around post-1967 Palestinian reunions. Chapter Three focuses on the themes of Muhammad ‘Ali Taha’s Palestinian collective identity in Israel. Chapter Four takes up the theme of “the land” in the works of Muhammad Naffa‘ and Hanna Ibrahim, in the context of 1970s land expropriations. Chapter Five explores a long story by Zaki Darwish and its depiction of the body’s phenomenological relation to the homeland. Rather than portraying counter-narratives that suggest a binary of “Israeli” and “Palestinian” always at odds, these authors portray the spaces and characters in between. They disclose the anxieties of finding a sense of place in the context of a dispersed Palestinian nation, geopolitical uncertainty, social marginalization within the state, and the subtle geographies of a historic homeland that both is—and is not—one’s own.
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Burgh, Theodore William. "Do you hear what I hear? A study of musical instruments and musical activity in Iron Age Israel/Palestine and surrounding cultures of the ancient Near East". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284124.
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It is true that the music of antiquity is now mute, but archaeology has provided valuable artifacts pictorial representations showing musical activity and musical instruments of the ancient world. Several scholars have conducted paramount research regarding music from every period in the ancient Near East, and contributed greatly to the field. Further study, however, is required. This paper presents new questions to previously studied Near Eastern musical artifacts and iconography. These queries explore the areas of identifying instruments in artifacts and iconographic depictions, performance techniques, gender identification of musicians in depictions, and the use of space in cultic activities involving music. The goal of this study is to shed additional light and generate further discussion in these areas of musical activity in the Ancient Near East. As expected, this study is difficult. Nevertheless, these questions must be addressed in an effort to better understand music activity in ancient Israel/Palestine and surrounding Near Eastern cultures.
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Gelle, Devan. "‘Where Do We Go from Here?’: Discourse in Louisiana Surrounding the Foundation of the State of Israel, May 1948". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2606.
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A study of ten Louisiana newspapers during May 15-31,1948 revealed a period in which articles varied in their coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict and wider international relations. Discourse about Arabs and Israelis which became evident in newspapers in later years had emerged but was not fully developed. This coverage revealed a silence about the Holocaust and a subtext about the United Nations.
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Liedeman, Gwendolene Caren. "Magic in the ancient Near East with special reference to ancient Israel". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52924.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this investigation an anthropological and comparative approach was employed in the study of magic in the ancient Near East. Firstly, a survey was presented with regard to anthropological theories throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This forms the background against which evidence on magic with respect to the cultures of the ancient Near East is investigated. Secondly, examples of magic in the Ancient Near East was discussed, with reference to Egypt, Mesopotamia and Hittite Anatolia. Reference was made to categories such as magic spells, objects, rituals and magical experts (magicians) and various examples were discussed. Thirdly, an analysis was made about the phenomenon of magic in ancient Israel. In this context magic plays a somewhat different role in comparison to its other ancient Near Eastern neighbours. It was shown that so-called miraculous actions, miracle workers (prophets) and other religious actions (curses and blessings) in the Hebrew Bible could definitely be associated with magic. The frequent prohibitions against magical practises furthermore suggest that magic was indeed been practiced in ancient Israel.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie ondersoek met betrekking tot magie in die ou Nabye Ooste word gebruik gemaak van 'n antropologiese en vergelykende benadering. Eerstens word 'n oorsig aangebied van antropologiese teorieë met betrekking tot magie in die negentiende en twintigste eeue. Dit vorm die agtergrond waarteen die verskynsel van magie in die ou Nabye Ooste ondersoek word. Tweedens word voorbeelde van magie in die ou Nabye Ooste ondersoek, met verwysing na Egipte, Mesopotamië en die Hetiete. Spesiale aandag word gegee aan kategorieë soos magiese spreuke, magiese objekte, rituele en magiese spesialiste. Dit word toegelig met verskillende toepaslike voorbeelde. Derdens word 'n ondersoek gedoen na die aard van magie in Oud-Israel. In hierdie konteks het magie ietwat van 'n ander rol vervul in vergelyking met die ander ou Nabye Oosterse bure. Daar word aangedui dat sekere wonderdade, wonderwerkers (profete), en ander religieuse aksies (vervloekinge en seënuitsprake) in die Hebreeuse Bybel met magie geassosieer kan word. Die vele verbiedinge teen die beoefening van magie is 'n duidelike aanduiding dat magie inderdaad in Israel gepraktiseer is.
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Jansen, Pia Therese. "The consequences of Israel's counter terrorism policy". Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/439.
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Kellman, Emma. "Politicized Historiography and the Zionist-Crusader Analogy". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/483.
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This study offers a look at the ways in which discourse shaped by the contemporary Israel-Palestine conflict serves as a framework for modern historiography on Palestine. It focuses specifically on the variety of historical narratives proffered as to the “truth” of the Crusade period in Palestine, roughly the eleventh through the thirteenth centuries, and their mobilization in political agendas through the Zionist-Crusader analogy. This comparison, a historical analogy likening Zionists to Frankish Crusaders or the State of Israel to the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, appears frequently in contemporary dialogue on the Israel-Palestine conflict; it comes from a diverse range of sources and for a variety of political ends, showing that the politicization of history of the contested land is a widespread phenomenon that is limited neither to academic nor political circles. Furthermore, this study argues that common national, religious, or ethnic identities do not guarantee common political conclusions or agreement on the “facts” of the Crusader past. On a broader level, this study investigates the theoretical underpinnings of national histories and their employment as political devices in nationalist movements, as well as explores the role of individual agency in creating and deploying nationalist historical narratives within the framework of the Zionist-Crusader analogy. In the specific context of the Israel-Palestine conflict and the modern State of Israel, this theoretical component focuses primarily on applications of Crusade history to supporting or challenging contemporary political-religious claims to the land of Israel-Palestine.
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Havkin, Shira. "Une terre d’asile sans réfugiés : une socio-histoire du dispositif d’asile israélien". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0031.
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La création de l’État d’Israël est imbriquée dans l’histoire de deux des plus grandes populations de réfugiés de l’époque : des juifs venus s’installer en Israël et des Palestiniens contraints de fuir le territoire. Pourtant, la centralité de ces deux figures a empêché la création de la catégorie de réfugié en Israël. Depuis les années 1970 et surtout depuis la seconde moitié des années 2000, des groupes et individus cherchant asile en Israël se confrontent à un dispositif qui évite de reconnaître des réfugiés. Ce dispositif a été institutionnalisé dans la dernière décennie sans pour autant résoudre le paradoxe d’une terre d’asile sans réfugiés. A partir d’un travail de recherche empirique fondé sur des entretiens avec des acteurs impliqués dans l’établissement du dispositif d’asile et sur une lecture critique de documents officiels, je retrace la socio-histoire de ce dispositif en analysant les modalités de catégorisation, le gouvernement des circulations et les redéploiements de la sphère institutionnelle. Le gouvernement des migrants en quête d’asile s’inscrit certes dans des processus globaux de restriction de l’asile et de diffusion de politiques antimigratoires. Mais il fait aussi partie d’une histoire nationale qui permet l’établissement d’un dispositif répressif ciblant majoritairement les Érythréens et les Soudanais, les qualifiant d’« infiltrés », à l’instar des Arabes qui s’introduisaient sur le territoire devenu israélien dans les années qui ont suivi l’établissement de l’État. Ce dispositif dit l’histoire non linéaire et la construction toujours en cours de l’État et des assemblages contemporains de souveraineté, nationalisme et néolibéralismeThe establishment of the state of Israel is entangled in the stories of two of the largest populations of refugees of its time: Jews who immigrated to Israel and Palestinians forced to leave the same territory during the war. Yet, these two stories prevented the creation of a social and juridical category of refugee in that country. Since the late 1970 and more explicitly, since the mid-2000s, groups and individuals seeking refuge and claiming asylum in Israel encounter a system that avoids recognizing refugees. This system has been formalized and institutionalized during the last decade, keeping its profoundly paradoxical nature, characteristic of a refuge-state without refugees. Drawing on interviews with actors of the Israeli asylum system and on a critical reading of official documents, I outline the social history of the Israeli asylum system. My main argument is that in Israel, the question of governing migrants seeking refuge draws both on global processes of asylum restriction and anti-immigration policies and technologies, and on a long national history, a history of inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics that accompany the creation of the Israeli state. This history resurfaces with the establishment of a repressive system targeting migrants seeking refuge, mostly Eritrean and Sudanese, as “infiltrators”, a term created in order to exclude Arabs who entered the territory of the newly founded state in its first years and to prevent the return of Palestinian refugees. In that sense, studying the Israeli asylum system reveals the non-linear and continuous statecraft, and the contemporary assemblages of sovereignty, nationalism and neo-liberalism
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Harman, Andrew. "A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine". Chapman University Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/1.
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This thesis is an examination of the long historical processes that have led to the Israel/Palestine conflict to the contemporary period, focusing mostly on the period before Israeli independence and the 1948 war that created the Jewish state. As Zionism emerged at the turn of the twentieth century to combat the antisemitism of Europe, practical and political facets of the movement sought immigration to Palestine, an area occupied by a large population of Arab natives. The answer to how the Zionists would achieve a Jewish state in that region, largely ignoring the indigenous population, fostered disagreements and a split in the Zionist ideology. The Revisionist Zionist organization was founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky and favored a more militant orientation. With an “Iron Wall” manifesto, and as time passed and international aid waned, the Revisionists evolved into an anticolonial movement that not only viewed Palestinians as an obstacle to the Jewish state but turned their anticolonial furor toward the British and United Nations threats. That evolution reached a crescendo in 1948 when the Revisionist paramilitary group Lehi assassinated the UN Mediator, Count Bernadotte. That act was a catalyst that began the end of the war and the solidification of a Palestinian refugee crisis that persists to the present. As the Iron Wall Doctrine evolved from the early teachings of Jabotinsky through anticolonial violence and the removal of native Arabs from the new state of Israel, future prime ministers who were former Revisionist terrorists maintained the prescribed perpetual state of war Jabotinsky predicted with the now landless Palestinians. This research concludes that both Jabotinsky and Bernadotte were crucial characters in the narrative that allowed for the Iron Wall Doctrine, and thus the Jewish state, to not only exist but to carry on beyond the 1948 independence into the long standing conflict it has become.
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Ottman, Esta T. "History’s Wound: Collective Trauma and the Israel/Palestine conflict". Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17398.
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In considering the Israel-Palestine conflict, focus has remained on conventional major issues: borders, settlements, Jerusalem, Palestinian refugee rights and water. Should there be one binational state, or two states for two peoples? Yet this is a conflict that is sustained by factors more profound than the dispute over limited resources or competing nationalisms. The parties’ narratives, continually rehearsed, speak of a cataclysmic event or chain of events, a collective trauma, which has created such deep suffering and disruption that the rehearsers remain ‘frozen’ amid the overarching context of political violence.
This study offers a critical analysis of the concept of collective trauma together with the role of commemorative practices, including core contemporary canonical days of memory, and asks to what extent they may hinder progress in the resolution of an intractable conflict, such as the Israel/Palestine conflict. Without addressing the powerful traumatic current that underpins a chronic conflict, no amount of top-down formal peace-making is likely to be sustainable.
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Olsson, Martin. "Israel-Palestinakonflikten - En studie om hur konflikten tas upp i läroböcker från 2000-talet i relation till skolans styrdokument". Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5594.
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Abstract
Författare: Martin Olsson, Växjö universitet, GIX182.
Svensk titel: Israel-Palestinakonflikten. En studie om hur konflikten tas upp i läroböcker från 2000-talet i relation till skolans styrdokument.
English title: The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. A study about how textbooks in the 21th century deal with the conflict in relation to the schools steering documents
Denna uppsats handlar om hur Israel-Palestinakonflikten tas upp i läroböcker ifrån 2000-talet i relation till styrdokumenten gällande för gymnasiets Historia A kurs. Syftet är att försöka se hur läroböckerna uppfyller de krav som skolans styrdokument ställer på framställningen av konflikten.
Jag har använt mig av två stycken metoder när jag sökt svar på mina frågor, den ena kvantitativ och den andra kvalitativ, båda med liknande syfte i att se hur Israel-Palestinakonflikten tas upp, men med olika perspektiv. Den kvantitativa undersökningen skall svara på hur stort utrymme som ges och hur stort intresset är på konflikten och den kvalitativa undersökningen skall svara på ett antal djupare frågor som tas upp nedan. Jag använder mig av Janne Holméns metod som han vill kalla ”analys av relativ tendens”, som är en kvalitativ metod.
Med hjälp av den kvantitativa och kvalitativa metoden skall jag undersöka dessa frågor som jag ställt till materialet:
Den övergripande frågan:
v Hur pass utförligt och allsidigt beskrivs Israel-Palestinakonflikten i läroböcker från 2000-talet i relation till skolans styrdokument?
För att undersöka detta har jag ställt dessa frågor:
v Hur stort utrymme ges till konflikten?
v Hur framställs orsaken till konflikten och vilka aktörer tas upp?
v Vilka tidsramar sätts för konflikten?
v Hur ser framtiden ut för Israel-Palestinakonflikten?
Det resultat jag kommit fram till är att läroböckerna inte svarar upp till de krav som ställs när vi tittar på Israel-Palestinakonflikten. Den kvantitativa undersökningen kommer fram till att intresse och utrymme som ges i böckerna är litet, och den kvalitativa ger bevis på en enkel bild som skildras i framsällningen i läroböckerna. Vi kan här dra paralleller till tidigare forskning som säger att historieundervisningen och läroböcker är en spegelbild av vårt samhälle. Där kan vi då fatta slutsatsen att vi ser på Israel-Palestinakonflikten med enkla perspektiv och med all litteratur och media som uppdaterar oss om konflikten varje dag endast bidrar med en enkel framställning.
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Jourdin, Steve. "Le sionisme socialiste : émergence, apogée et déclin d'une culture politique (1905 – 1995). Une histoire politique et sociale d'Israël". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0070.
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Comment expliquer que l’expérience sioniste en Palestine ne se soit pas achevée dans le chaos ? Qu'est-ce qui a fait que, malgré les guerres, une immigration de masse d'une ampleur inédite et une grave crise économique, la jeune démocratie israélienne ne se soit pas, après la proclamation de l'État d'Israël le 14 mai 1948, désintégrée sous le poids des forces contraires ? Il s'agit là de questions fondamentales, auxquelles il est impossible de répondre en ayant recours, pour qualifier les artisans de la révolution sioniste et leurs réalisations en Palestine, aux catégories habituelles de « nationalisme », de « libéralisme » ou de « socialisme ». Propulsé à la tête du mouvement sioniste à partir de 1933, date à laquelle le Mapaï, le parti de David Ben-Gourion, remporte les élections au Congrès sioniste, le sionisme socialiste va progressivement parvenir à imposer ses vues à l’intérieur du Yishouv. Il va ensuite être placé dans une situation historique unique en son genre : pour la première fois dans l'Histoire, un mouvement se revendiquant du socialisme va créer un État souverain (1948), jeter les bases de sa démocratie et léguer à sa société un ensemble de valeurs. Notre hypothèse est la suivante : le sionisme socialiste a été un projet politique de type républicain. Sans en être toujours pleinement conscients, les sionistes-socialistes ont été, à leur façon, des femmes et des hommes politiques républicains. Ils se sont attachés à faire primer l’intérêt général sur les intérêts particuliers, tout en élaborant un univers politique moderne au centre duquel ils ont érigé des institutions à vocation universelle et une éthique citoyenne censée préserver la cohésion de la cité nouvelle. Les idées civiques du sionisme socialiste s'incarnent dans une conception de la démocratie, dans un égalitarisme, dans un patriotisme et dans une vertu civique. En nous appuyant sur les archives du mouvement sioniste-socialiste, nous retraçons dans ce travail les grands « moments » du sionisme socialiste, de ses origines révolutionnaires russes (1905) jusqu'à son déclin lors de l’entrée définitive d'Israël dans la « nouvelle économie » au début des années 1990. Nous avons eu recours aux archives de l'État conservées à Jérusalem, afin de proposer la retranscription la plus fidèle possible du grand tournant social et économique de l’année 1985 – le tournant « néolibéral » d'Israël –, dont la gauche a été la principale architecte. Éloges du secteur privé et désirs de paix avec l'ennemi arabe vont accompagner l'affaissement rapide des idées civiques. Dans un contexte de changement de génération politique, d’aggravation des tensions entre groupes sociaux et de crise morale consécutive à la guerre du Liban (1982), l’idée libérale va finalement triompher de l’idée républicaine, laissant la gauche sioniste orpheline de ce qui faisait le sel de son projet politique : sa capacité à mobiliser l'ensemble des couches sociales autour d'une aspiration politique communeHow can we explain the fact that the Zionist experience in Palestine did not conclude in chaos? From its foundation on May 14, 1948, what prevented the young Israeli democracy from dissolving despite opposing factors such as wars, mass immigration beyond calculation and economic crises? To answer these questions and to understand the achievements of the Zionist revolution, one must move beyond the traditional explanatory frameworks of nationalism, liberalism or socialism. Starting with the Mapai victory (under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion) at the elections for the eighteenth Zionist Congress of 1933, Labour Zionism became the leading ideology within the Zionist movement. Over time, the cultural and political influence of Labour Zionism succeeded to influence the Yishuv, which has lead to a unique historical phenomenon: for the first time, a movement claiming to be part of socialism created a sovereign state; it laid the foundations of a democratic entity; and shaped the set of values for a new nation. The hypothesis of this thesis is that Labour Zionism was a project that was linked to the republican tradition. Without always being fully aware of it, Socialist Zionists were, in their own way, experimenting and implementing republican ideas. In keeping the interests of the greater society above individual interests, the Labour movement developed a new political universe with modern institutions and a civic virtue that aimed to protect the polity from dissolution. The republican ambition of Labour Zionism was embodied in its conception of democracy as egalitarian, patriotic and imbued with civic virtue.In order to offer a faithful recounting of the neoliberal turning point of the Israeli economy in 1985, and the role of the Israeli political left in this social and economic paradigmatic switch, this thesis draws on the primary sources kept in the state archives in Jerusalem. In using the records of the Labour movement, this thesis retraces the great 'moments' of Socialist Zionism, from its Russian Revolutionary origins (1905) to its decline at the time of Israel's definitive entry into the 'new economy' in the early 1990s.In the context of increasing tensions within Israeli society between social groups, and the moral crisis following the Lebanon war (1982), this thesis argues that liberal ideas triumphed over republican ideals. In depicting this transformation, the contemporary political turmoil (the so-called 'civic crisis') is put into perspective
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Rosner, Chloé. "Creuser la terre-patrie pour fabriquer la nation : histoire d'une aventure scientifique : de l’archéologie juive à l’archéologie israélienne (XIXe siècle-1967)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020IEPP0012.
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Cette recherche porte sur l’histoire d’institutions juives fondées à Jérusalem entre 1910 et 1925 qui souhaitent s’exercer à l’archéologie dans le contexte de l’exploration scientifique de la Palestine. Nous combinons leur étude avec celle de leurs acteurs, de leurs divers projets archéologiques ainsi que des réseaux qui les soutiennent. Afin d’appréhender leurs perceptions et leurs pratiques de l’archéologie, nous les examinons également en lien avec les administrations et les lois sur les antiquités développées et promulguées par les autorités successives ottomanes et britanniques en Palestine. Cette enquête permet de mesurer la contribution de ces institutions au développement de l’archéologie pratiquée en Israël entre 1948 et 1967. Ce premier volet de notre recherche nous permet ensuite d’interroger les rôles socio-politiques et culturels de l’archéologie dont sa participation à la construction d’une identité et d’une culture nationales juives et au façonnement de la Palestine comme terre patrie dans le contexte du sionisme. Parce que ces institutions favorisent de diverses manières l’enchevêtrement de l’archéologie avec les idéaux et les réalisations du mouvement sioniste, elles facilitent les usages et consolident ses rôles socio-politiques et culturels entre 1948 et 1967 en Israël. Nous analysons à cet effet les moyens mis en œuvre pour diffuser et sensibiliser le public plus large aux antiquités et aux sites archéologiques ainsi qu’à la discipline en elle-même. Ceci nous permet enfin de mesurer la manière dont l’archéologie s’est imposée comme « loisir national » israélien dans les années 1950-1960This research focuses on the history of Jewish institutions involved in archaeology established in Jerusalem between 1910 and 1925 in the context of the scientific exploration of Palestine. They are thoroughly examined through their actors, archaeological endeavors and the various networks that supported them. In order to better appreciate their approach to and practice of archaeology, the research also examines these institutions within the parameters of the administration and laws on antiquities established and issued by the successive Ottoman and British authorities in Palestine.This allows us to gauge the contribution these institutions made to the development of archaeology as practiced between 1948-1967 in Israel. This first part of our research enables us to examine the socio-political and cultural roles of archaeology such as its influence on the creation of a Jewish national identity and culture and its role in shaping Palestine as homeland within the context of Zionism. Because these institutions played myriad roles in the intertwining of archaeology with Zionist ambitions and projects; they facilitated the strengthening of its socio-political and cultural roles and influences between 1948 and 1967 in Israel. To this end, the research examines different means that have been employed to transmit and promote archaeology to the general public. This finally allows us to measure how archaeology became what is known as an Israeli “national hobby” over the 1950-1960’s
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Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975". The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.
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Salmi, Charlotta. "Bloodlines, borderlines, shadowlines : forms of belonging in contemporary literature from partition areas". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8c26fce5-8454-4864-95dc-8a3f07fe29e4.
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This thesis explores cosmopolitan and humanist literary interventions by Palestinian, Israeli, Indian and Pakistani writers to the rise of ‘ethnically’ defined cultural and political narratives of community. It uses a comparative framework to look at contemporary authors such as Amitav Ghosh, Raja Shehadeh, Kamila Shamsie, Uzma Aslam Khan and David Grossman, who deconstruct the biologically defined border as a repressive literary, cultural and political metaphor in favour of more open-ended categories of identity and community. I argue that in deconstructing the epistemology of the exclusive boundary through cosmopolitan and humanist philosophies, these international writers demonstrate the impossibility of shedding all borders in their own work. Their ‘borderless’ aesthetic that constantly conjures the border is thus indicative of the interrelated nature of cosmopolitan and sectarian identities in a globalized modernity. Moreover, it is suggestive of the ambivalent relationship between politically-conscious postcolonial texts (which draw political lines) and the emerging field of World literature that is coming to be defined by its ability to appeal to the 'universal'.
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Beaudoin, Sophie. "La quête de la juste mémoire : "Histoire de l'autre", un manuel scolaire israélo-palestinien". Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24683/24683.pdf.
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Ugarte, Díaz Emilio. "LA RESISTENCIA ARMADA PALESTINA. IDEOLOGÍA, ESTRATEGIA Y TÁCTICA. EXPRESIÓN Y PERSPECTIVA PALESTINA DEL CONFLICTO ÁRABE-ISRAELÍ. 1967-1973". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2004. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/110147.
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Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Historia.Este trabajo está dedicado a adentrarnos en aquéllas organizaciones que cumplieron un rol fundamental en el cambio de posiciones adoptado por la comunidad internacional frente al tema de los palestinos, ya no sólo como un asunto de refugiados, sino que de un pueblo que, más allá de la validez o no de sus demandas, quiere una solución a un conflicto que se prolonga por tantos años.
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Wiener, Sarah. "Les représentations du conflit israélo-arabe-palestinien dans des films réalisés par des cinéastes européens et américains (1948-1994)". Paris 8, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA082046.
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Cette thèse examine et analyse les points de vue des réalisateurs américains et européens sur l'histoire dramatique de deux peuples au "Proche Orient", l'israélien et le palestinien, luttant pour prendre possession de la même terre, la "Terre promise", tels qu'ils sont représentés dans quelques films emblématiques. . .
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Kattineh, Narriman. "L' Etat palestinien : de l'état différé à l'état symbole". Nice, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999NICE0034.
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Le sujet aborde dans cette thèse pose la problématique de la construction de l'état palestinien. Cette problématique est envisagée dans le cadre d'un processus commence sous le mandat britannique. L'indépendance promise est dans un premier temps différée, alors qu'un élément spécifique apparait en Palestine : le sionisme. Se met alors en place un processus de substitution partielle qui aboutit en 1947 au vote par l'assemblée générale des nations-unies du plan de partage en un état arabe et un état juif. Mais l'état palestinien ne voit pas le jour : la création de l'état d'Israël a pour conséquences la dislocation de son territoire et la dispersion de sa population. Le mouvement national subsiste cependant et se reconstitue autour du symbole du retour, tout en adaptant aux faits l'idée de l'état palestinien. L'Olp représente à la fois un mouvement national reconnu par la communauté internationale et un gouvernement en exil pour le peuple palestinien. En même temps qu'ils accélèrent depuis 1993 ce processus de légitimation en instaurant des institutions autonomes intérimaires, les accords dits d’Oslo compromettent l'établissement d'un état palestinien souverain et indépendant. On assiste donc à un paradoxe, celui de la construction de l'état symbole, qui semble inéluctable mais dont le démembrement du territoire et l'éclatement de la nation préfigurent la précaritéThis thesis explores the Palestinian state-building issue, which process has begun under the British mandate. The promised independence is first postponed, while a specific element is appearing in Palestine: Zionism. A process of partial substitution is then established, that leads to the ungag partition plan, which divides Palestine into two states, an Arab state and a Jewish state. But the Palestinian state doesn't emerge: the creation of the state of Israel dismembers its territory and dislocates its population. The national movement, however, survives and reconstructs itself on the purpose of the symbol of return, while adapting to the facts the Palestinian state idea. The PLO. Can be seen as a national movement recognized by the international community and as a government in exile for the Palestinian people. The Oslo agreements, since 1993, accelerates this process of legitimization by establishing interim self-government institutions, but at the same time compromises the formation of a sovereign and independent Palestinian state. We are facing a paradox: the building of the state symbol, which seems to be ineluctable, but whose dismembered territory and broken up nation prefigure its precariousness
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Figueiredo, Carolina Ferreira de. "Traços de uma haifa vermelha : um estudo sobre a cultura visual da sociedade palestina/israelense através de charges e ilustrações do artista palestino Abed Abdi (1972-1982)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/142947.
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Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a cultura visual presente em Israel e na Palestina durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980, através da singular interação entre o universo das imagens e a luta política da Palestina. O estudo parte da preocupação em compreender territórios e alcances da visualidade palestina, especialmente em decorrência da ruptura ocasionada a partir de 1948 – ano de criação do Estado de Israel, conhecido Nakba - e seus diversos desdobramentos. Visando aprofundar a compreensão das reverberações visuais na experiência política de artistas (e) palestinos/as, serão exploradas imagens de apelo cotidiano e de grande alcance, em especial charges e ilustrações, produzidas pelo artista palestino Abed Abdi entre os anos de 1972 e 1982: as primeiras, publicadas no jornal Al-Ittihad (1972-1981), e as segundas produzidas para a revista literária Al-Jadid (1980-1982). O recorte temporal escolhido ambienta um momento de uma rica produção do artista, devido suas posições ideológicas de esquerda, a filiação ao Partido Comunista de Israel e os estudos formais realizados em Dresden, elementos fundamentais da biografia de Abdi. Sua produção crítica e marcadamente política proporcionam retratos de um cenário complexo das relações entre Israel, Palestina, outros países do Oriente Médio e do restante do mundo no período. Assim, no entremeio da história e arte, visualidade e política, são abordadas temáticas como a construção identitária e historiográfica do Nakba, as produções artísticas do Nakba, a construção da Nação, a inserção do Comunismo, a natureza dos periódicos, a presença de uma intelectualidade palestina, entre outros. O problema, enfim, consiste na hipótese de uma centralidade do visual no processo de afirmação, discussão, enfrentamento e expressão das causas palestinas no século XX. Nesse cenário, as imagens produzidas por Abed Abdi durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980 encontram relevância ao fornecer um repertório visual que discute a Palestina em termos políticos, não apenas em suas relações com Israel e com um Mundo Árabe, mas a partir de seus próprios termos.This work aims to analyze the visual culture presented in Israel and Palestine during the 1970s and 1980s, through the unique interaction between the images spectrum and the political struggle in Palestine. The study is concerned to understand territories and the scope of Palestinian visuality, especially due to the disruption caused since 1948 - the birthdate of the State of Israel, known as Nakba - and its various developments. To deepen the understanding of visual reverberations in the political experience of artists (and) Palestinians, it will be explored images of everyday appeal and far-reaching, specifically cartoons and illustrations produced by the Palestinian artist Abed Abdi between the years 1972 and 1982: the first ones published in the Al-Ittihad newspaper (1972-1981), and the second ones produced for the literary magazine Al-Jadid (1980-1982). The time frame chosen is set in a moment of a rich production of the artist, also due to his leftist ideological position, filiation to the Communist Party of Israel and the formal studies taken in Dresden, underlying elements to Abdi´s biography. His critical production, markedly political, provides pictures of a complex scenario of relations between Israel, Palestine, other Middle Eastern countries and the rest of the world in the period. Therefore, in between history and art, visuality and politics, it is addressed themes such as identity and historiographical construction of the Nakba, the artistic productions of the Nakba, the construction of the Nation, the insertion of Communism, the nature of the journals, the presence of Palestinian intellectuals, among others. The problem, finally, consists in the hypothesis of the centrality of the visual in the processes of afirmation, discussion, confrontation and expression of the Palestinian causes in the twentieth century. In this scenario, the images produced by Abed Abdi during the 1970s and 1980s are relevant because they provide a visual repertoire in discussing Palestine politically, not only in its relations with Israel and an Arab World, but from their own terms.
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Willman, Gabriel. "From Pre-Islam to Mandate States: Examining Cultural Imperialism and Cultural Bleed in the Levant". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/966.
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To a large degree, historical analyses of the Levantine region tend to focus primarily upon martial interaction and state formation. However, perhaps of equitable impact is the chronology of those interactions which are cultural in nature. The long-term formative effect of cultural imperialism and cultural bleed can easily be as influential as the direct alterations imposed by martial invasion. While this study does not attempt to establish comparative causal weight or catalytic impact between these types of interactions, it does contend that the cultural evolution of the Levant has been significantly influenced by external interaction for a period of time extending beyond the Levantine Islamic Expansion. This study presents a chronological examination of the region from the pre-Expansion Period through the Mandate Period, focused upon relevant cultural structures. Specifically, emphasis is placed upon religious, ethnic, and nationalistic identity development, sociolinguistic shifts, and institutional changes within the societal structure. The primary conclusion of this study is that significant evidence exists to support a long-term historical narrative of externally influenced Levantine cultural evolution, inclusive of both adaptive and reactive interactions.B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
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Bedikanli, Gülten. "Två folk och ett land : judarnas invandring till Palestina och uppkomsten av Israel-Palestinakonflikten". Thesis, University of Gävle, Ämnesavdelningen för kultur- och religionsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-6442.
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Mitt syfte med detta arbete är att undersöka judarnas invandring till Palestina och konflikten som har uppstått mellan Israel och Palestina. Det är en konflikt som har visat sig vara extremt svårlöst och komplex. Israel-Palestinakonflikten innebär att det är två folk och ett land. Båda vill ha marken och gör anspråk på den. Judarna hänvisar till Bibeln och tycker att de har rätt till landet för att Gud utlovat landet till dem, medan palestinierna hänvisar till att de har bott i detta land långt före judarna. Idag har judarna ett eget land, Israel. Israel skapades av de judar som invandrade till Palestina.
Jag försökte ge svar på tre frågor och jag tycker att det är viktigt att ge läsaren en uppfattning om de viktiga bakgrundsfaktorer som orsakade den svårlösta konflikten mellan Israel och Palestina. I första frågan försökte jag ge svar på om den sionistiska rörelsens uppkomst på 1800-talet och de första idéerna att skapa ett judiskt nationellt hem. Sedan beskrev jag sionisternas desperata kamp för att få de dåvarande stormakternas stöd för att bilda det nationella hemmet i Palestina. Resultatet av sionisternas kamp om att övertyga stormakterna lyckades 1917 när britterna skriver under Balfourdeklarationen. Denna innehåller den brittiska regeringens stöd till judarna att etablera ett hem i Palestina och samtidigt ger britterna löfte till araberna om ett självständigt styre i Palestina (britterna höll aldrig sitt löfte till araberna och självständigheten blir en dröm för palestinier).
I andra frågan beskrev jag de viktiga aktörernas roll i Israel-Palestinakonflikten och deras stöd till judarna när FN presenterade sin delningsplan och efter att staten Israel grundades 1948. FN:s delningsplan var en av de viktigaste orsakerna till konflikten mellan Israel och Palestina, eftersom judarna fick behålla mer än hälften av Palestina efter delningen. Araberna avvisade delningsplanen och tyckte att delningsplanen var orättvis. Trots FN:s orättvisa delningsplan och arabernas reaktion mot delningsplanen, utropade judarna staten Israels självständighet år 1948. Strax efter att Israel utropat sin självständighet, förklarade flera arabstater krig mot Israel medan USA, Sovjetunionen, Frankrike och Storbritannien erkände staten Israel.
I den tredje frågan försökte jag beskriva några av de viktiga krig som uppstått mellan Israel och arabstaterna. Dessa krig orsakade också att denna konflikt blev ännu värre och mer svårlöst. Efter att Israel utropat sin självständighet, tills idag, har en rad olika krig ägt rum mellan arabstater och Israel. Sexdagarskriget, oktoberkriget, första och andra intifadan är bara några av dessa krig. Anledningen till alla dessa krig för araberna var att återfå sina förlorade områden från Israel. Under denna konflikt uppstod det många arabiska och judiska nationalistiska grupper.
Idag ockuperar judarna den största delen av Palestina. Förutom Egypten och Jordanien erkänner inga arabländer staten Israel. Palestina kämpar fortfarande för att återfå sina ockuperade områden från Israel. Israel-Palestinakonflikten fortsätter och hittills har man inte hittat någon lösning på den välkända konflikten.
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Naziri, Micah B. D. C. "Persistence of Jewish-Muslim Reconciliatory Activism in the Face of Threats and “Terrorism” (Real and Perceived) From All Sides". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch158125273779039.
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Liebermann, Guido Ariel. "Histoire de la psychanalyse en Israël : des origines et de l'essor de la psychanalyse en palestine britannique (1918-1948)". Paris 7, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA070030.
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L'auteur de cette recherche tente de degager et d'étudier les modalites d'introduction des idees freudiennes, ainsi que les conditions d'exercice de la psychanalyse en palestine britannique, avant la création de l'etat d'israël en 1948. Il montre comment l'introduction de l'Œuvre de freud passe d'abord par l'effort d'immigrants juifs socialistes originaires d'europe centrale et orientale qui, echappant l'antisemitisme dans leurs pays, partirent en palestine pour y jeter les bases d'une nouvelle culture hebraïque, fondee sur des valeurs laïques et universelles, dont a leurs yeux, la doctrine freudienne participe à leur promotion. Si la palestine des annees vingt n'offrit pas au psychanalyste autrichien dorian feigenbaum les conditions nécessaires pour fonder un premier fief freudien en proche orient, celle des annees trente et quarante offrira a max eitingon, a mosche wulff et a d'autres psychanalystes ayant fui les persécutions nazies en europe, dès 1933, les conditions favorables a l'exercice de la psychanalyse eta son institutionnalisation : la fondation d'une societe et de deux instituts psychanalytiques, l'un a jerusalem et l'autre a tel-aviv, l'établissement de modalités de formation a cette discipline, l'enseignement et la diffusion de l'Œuvre de freud en dehors de son propre champ, aussi. Car c'est d'abord dans le champ de la pédagogie, et notamment dans celui des pedagogues de la gauche sioniste, conclut l'auteur, que la psychanalyse acquerra ses titres de noblesse, car considérée comme etant la seule discipline psychologique capable d'apporter des réponses adequates aux enfants immigrés en souffrance et a leurs éducateursSeeking the roots of the freudian mouvement in the british palestine since 1918, the author of this research try to discover the ways that freud's ideas circulated in this country, as well to examine the conditions allowing the establishment of the psychoanalytic practise before the foundation of the israël state, in 1948. He show how the freud's ideas brought to the country by these immigrant, who escape the antisemitism in centrale and eastern europe, arrived to palestine with a strong determination to build a modern hebreu culture based on seculiar and universal values, that, in their opinion, the freudian theory promote them. When the first periode of the british mandat doesnt offer to the austrian psychoanalyst dorian feigenbaum, the necessary conditions to introduce the psychonalysis in palestine, between 1921- 1924, on the contrary, these conditions were effectively present when max eitingon, mosche wulff and other freudians immigrated to the holy land after the outbreak of the nazis persecutions in europe since 1933. Then, the institutionnalisation of the psychonalysis in palestine was possible, when the first psychoanalysis society in the country and the two psychoanalytic institutes were founded : one in jerusalem and another in tel-aviv. Both gmng to their candidates training conditions and a freudien teaching, and participate to the promotion of the psychoanalysis in other fields, specially in the approach the immigrant childrens and help them to overcome their suffering and troubles in their new country
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Ali, Nasser. "Civil society and State-Building in Palestine : past trends, current dilemmas, and future challenges faced by NGOs". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1122/document.
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La riche contribution de la SC et des ONG palestinienne à travers son histoire, leurs contributions aux efforts en faveur de la construction de l'Etat et à la fourniture entre autres choses des services sociaux, et la recherche d'une solution autre que la solution à deux Etats qui s'effondre– ont présidé le choix du sujet de ma thèse : « La SC et la construction d'un Etat : Tendances passées, dilemmes actuels et défis futurs posés aux ONG ». En tant que concept théorique, la construction de l'Etat a connu un intérêt accru durant les dernières décennies avec le nombre croissant de sociétés touchées par des conflits. Cependant, le point focal de notre thèse n'est pas tant les théories abstraites de la construction de l'Etat que son histoire et ses aspects pratiques en conjonction et/ou à l'intersection de l'évolution de la SC et des ONG. La compréhension de la construction de l'Etat telle que promue par l'OCDE « Concepts et dilemmes de la construction de l'Etat dans des situations fragiles » imprègne et la rationalité et la méthodologie de notre rechercheThe richness of the contribution of CS and NGOs to Palestine on its history, their contribution to state-building efforts and the provision of social services among other things, and the search of an alternative solution to the flawed two-state solution to the conflict – governed the choice of the topic of my dissertation “CS & State-Building: Past Trends, Current Dilemmas and Future Challenges Faced by NGOs”.As a theoretical concept, state-building has gained prominence during the past decades with the growing number of conflict-affected societies. Yet, the focus of our dissertation was not so much on abstract theories of state-building as on its history and practicality in conjunction and/or in intersection with the evolution of CS & NGOs. The perspective on state-building as promoted by the OECD entitled “Concepts and Dilemmas of State-Building in Fragile Situations” impregnates both the rationale and the methodology of our research
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Vareilles, Guillaume. "Les frontières de la Palestine, 1914-1947 : pour une approche géopolitique". Montpellier 3, 2008. https://eu02.alma.exlibrisgroup.com/view/uresolver/33PUDB_IEP/openurl?u.ignore_date_coverage=true&portfolio_pid=5364204380004675&Force_direct=true.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse aux frontières de la Palestine à travers les archives diplomatiques françaises et britanniques entre 1914 et 1947 dans le cadre d’une approche géopolitique qui met en relation des hommes, des territoires et des idéologies. L’objectif de cette étude est de montrer que les frontières ont joué un rôle important de la Première Guerre mondiale, qui verra la fin de l’Empire ottoman, à la création de l’Etat d’Israël, en particulier pendant la période du mandat britannique. La Palestine fut l’objet de réclamations en ce qui concerne sa délimitation, le partage de la terre est ainsi une question centrale au Proche-Orient. Les nationalismes juif et arabe se sont retrouvés sur la définition territoriale de la Palestine, chacun y apportant une réponse en fonction de leurs intérêts et de leur idéologie. Le résultat de ce travail montre que les frontières, longtemps floues en Palestine, se précisent peu à peu sous les pressions nationalistes et les variations de la politique britannique. La partition de la Palestine décidée par l’ONU en 1947 est ainsi le résultat d’une lente séparation des communautés juive et arabe pendant la période du mandat, le tracé des frontières du nouvel Etat fut une conséquence de cette évolutionThis thesis is about Palestine's boundaries seen through French and British diplomatic records between 1914 and 1947 within the context of a geopolitical approach which connects men, territories and ideologies. The goal of this study is to show that the boundaries played an important part from World War I, with the end of the Ottoman Empire, to the creation of the state of Israel, mainly during the time of the British mandate. Palestine aroused protests as far as its boundaries were concerned; the sharing of the land is thus a main issue in the Middle-East. Jewish and Arab nationalisms confronted each other about the territorial definition of Palestine, each bringing an answer according to their interests and ideology. The result of this work shows that the boundaries, which had been imprecise for a long time in Palestine, are gradually getting more and more definite under nationalist pressures and changes in the British politics. The partition of Palestine decided by the United Nations in 1947 was therefore the result of a slow separation of the Jewish and Arab communities during the time of the British mandate; the layout of the boundaries of the new State was a consequence of this evolution
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Thiébot, Emmanuelle. "Dramaturg(i)es du conflit israélo-palestinien en France : entre assignations identitaires et résistances". Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMC035.
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Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n’existe pas d’étude d’ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu’entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d’œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la méthodologie mise en œuvre articule historiographie du théâtre, histoire des représentations théâtrales et étude du champ de production culturelle en diachronie. Elle a permis de mettre en évidence la persistance de l’Orientalisme renforcé par le déphasage historique entre la France et Israël et l’inégal développement entre la France et la Palestine. La représentation théâtrale peut offrir un espace de résistance aux assignations identitaires subies par les artistes d’Israël et de Palestine, ou bien reproduire les rapports de domination lisibles à travers le degré de légitimité des dramaturg(i)es. La thèse rappelle la complexité des rapports de domination qui ne sont pas réductibles au racisme ou à un « choc de civilisations » mais relèvent d’une hégémonie culturelle entretenue par les institutions théâtrales et universitaires, et critiques dramatiques. Ces instances de légitimation sont analysées ici en tant que productrices d’un discours idéologique dont l’étude remet en question la posture de neutralité qui accompagne l’autonomie de l’artIn a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art
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Salenson, Irène. "Aménager la ville imaginée : politiques et stratégies urbaines à Jérusalem". Paris 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA010708.
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En 1967, Israël a annexé Jérusalem-Est; puis, en 1993, les accords d'Oslo ont exclu Jérusalem de la compétence de l'Autorité palestinienne, en l'attente des négociations finales. L'aménagement urbain relève donc exclusivement des autorités israéliennes. Depuis 1967, les politiques urbaines israéliennes traitent les quartiers israéliens et palestiniens de façon inégale, ce qui semble refléter un dessein politique. Cependant, les projets urbains ne sont pas tous commandés par des stratégies de lutte, ils sont également le fruit d'autres motifs. La thèse tente d'évaluer l'influence du conflit sur les choix d'aménagement et son articulation avec des enjeux locaux et globaux. Elle observe l'évolution des politiques urbaines au XXe siècle, puis elle expose les stratégies urbaines israéliennes et palestiniennes au début du XXIe siècle, en approfondissant l'étude des enjeux internes à chaque société. Enfin, elle analyse les différents modes de dialogue et d'affrontement qui se situent à l'interface entre les politiques et stratégies urbaines israéliennes et palestiniennes.
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Schmidt, Brian B. "Israel's beneficent dead : the origin and character of Israelite ancestor cults and necromancy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ee87abe0-ad6f-406f-8011-0f2dbfe5bd04.
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This investigation aims to ascertain whether or not the Israelites believed in the supernatural beneficent power of the dead. First, a lexicon of selected mortuary practices and beliefs is outlined. In the Israelite context, those rites most likely to reflect this belief are necromancy and those which fall within the purview of the ancestor cult intended to express veneration or worship of the ancestors (ch. 1). Secondly, an evaluation of the relevant texts from Syria-Palestine of the third to first millennia B.C.E. demonstrates that a longstanding West Semitic or Canaanite origin for Israel's belief in the supernatural beneficent power of the dead cannot be established on the basis of these data (chs. 2 and 3). Thirdly, an examination of the Hebrew Bible demonstrates that while a concern to care for or commemorate the dead might be inferred, neither an ancestor cult nor ancestor veneration or worship in particular can be established on the basis of the available literary (or material) evidence. Moreover, while necromancy is occasionally attested, the relevant passages which polemicize against Israel's embrace of this practice originate either in the last days of the Judahite monarchy or, more likely, during the exile itself. The historical reality which gave rise to this polemical tradition was the threat which Mesopotamian religion and magic beginning with the Neo-Assyrian period posed to later (dtr?) Yahwism (ch. 4). Comparative ethnographic data suggests that the longstanding absence of the belief in the beneficent dead in Israel and Syria-Palestine might be partially explained as a reaction to the pervasive fear of the dead. Nevertheless, once this belief was embraced by late Israelite society, owing to contemporary developments in politics (Mesopotamian hegemony), economics (depletion of resources), and religion (popularity of divination), necromancy, not ancestor veneration or worship, presented itself as the preferred ritual expression of this belief (conclusion).
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Jevon, Graham. "Jordan, Palestine and the British world system, 1945-57 : Glubb Pasha and the Arab Legion". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:01496a87-76a9-4cbb-87b7-a6b67969df3a.
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This thesis offers a microcosmic insight into Britain's transition toward a world system without an Empire by exploring the life of the Anglo-Jordan Treaty (1946-57) via the prism of the British financed Jordanian Army, also known as the Arab Legion, and its British commander, Glubb Pasha. In so doing it puts the state of the relationship down to a system of mutual dependence. Britain's withdrawal from Jordan has primarily been linked either to the success of Arab nationalism or the loss of British will. By examining the Treaty relationship from construction to termination this thesis posits that it is imprudent to push any single factor too deeply, but identifies a shift in the balance of mutual dependence, caused by the changing geopolitical climate, as the driving force. A subsidiary aspect of this thesis concerns the partition of Palestine. The Arab Legion was the most important Arab army during the 1948 War. Based on unprecedented access to Glubb's private papers 'the most significant new documents to emerge since the opening of the official western archives in the late 1970s' this thesis provides the most accurate portrayal of the Arab Legion's conduct yet achievable. In so doing it reconciles inconsistencies within the controversial 'collusion' debate. It negates the revisionist argument that a firm Hashemite-Zionist agreement existed, but corroborates the notion that Britain approved the Arab Legion's use to implement an alternative form of partition to that proposed by the UN. It thus supports the revisionist argument that pre-war negotiations helped shape the 1948 War, but explains the Arab Legion's adherence to this secret scheme by emphasising Glubb's (limited) autonomy. Moreover, it reveals further details concerning the divisions within the Arab coalition, which further debunks the traditional David (Israel) versus Goliath (Arab coalition) portrayal of the conflict.