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1
King, Ryan K. "Lebanon A Convergence of Political Islam and Criminality". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/17386.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedKamal Salibi, a recognized Lebanese historian, described Lebanese society as liberal and tolerant, traditional rather than zealous or fanatical in its attitude towards religion and political ideology. Unfortunately, the openness that defined Lebanons success also led to its failures. Confessionalism, a fragile political environment resulting in a perpetually weak central government, and internal meddling by Lebanons neighbors and imperial powers have framed its fractured history. The country of Lebanon is a sum of its parts (i.e., religion, politics, economy), parts that can be examined individually but are never defined one hundred percent independent of each other. A part of Lebanon that is often underestimated and overlooked is the drug trade, its influence on Lebanese politics and the consequences of such a relationship. In other words, control of narcotics trafficking through the Lebanese state has disproportionately influenced the political landscape of Lebanon, contributed to the disenfranchisement of many confessional groups the Shia in particular, and as a result contributed to the rise of Hezbollah.
2
Alagha, Joseph Elie. "The shifts in Hizbullah's ideology : religious ideology, political ideology, and political program /". Leiden : Amsterdam : ISIM ; Amsterdam University Press, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0701/2007358448-b.html.
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Clarke, Morgan. "Islam and 'new kinship' : an anthropological study of new reproductive technologies in Lebanon". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424871.
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Nasser-Eddine, Minerva. "A transcendent Lebanese identity: more than a mirage? /". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phn267.pdf.
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Kelly, Kristyn Elizabeth. "The Clash of Islam with the West?" Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/660.
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Thesis advisor: Paul T. ChristensenThe terms “jihad” and “Islamic fundamentalism” appear to dominate world news today. After the September 11th terrorist attacks, people began to wonder if the world of Islam and the world of the West were diametrically opposed and thus doomed to collide. In this thesis I study the work of Samuel Huntington, the leading theorist on the clash between Islam and the West, and his critics. Through case studies of Algeria, Indonesia and Lebanon, all predominantly Muslim countries, I argue that there is not a fundamental clash between these cultures. The conflict that is occurring today is a result of factors such as US foreign policy decisions, and not an existential culture clash
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Salīm, Suʻād Abū'r-Rūs. "The Greek orthodox waqf in Lebanon during the Ottoman period". Würzburg Ergon-Verl, 2001. http://d-nb.info/985542969/04.
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Barimo, Elise. "The impact of islam on women in the middle east a discussion of the political role of islam in turkey, saudi arabia, and lebanon". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/659.
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The social instability of the Middle East is often assumed to be consequential predominantly from the influences of extreme traditional Islamic practices; with substantial prominence placed upon the treatment of and violence against Middle Eastern women. This discussion seeks to directly prove the prevalence of Islamic influence on Middle Eastern politics and the resulting social instability. This assessment is designed around an interdisciplinary examination of coalescent factors. By assessing the political history, social and cultural lifestyle, and political and legal situation of the region, the assessment examines the contributors to the social instability of Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Turkey. The principal conclusion of this narrative is that the influences of extreme traditional Islamic values have a direct influence on the social instability and gender equality exhibited in Islamic Middle Eastern nation-states.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
8
Zeb, Farah. "Ethical conundrums and lived praxis : queer Muslim women in Malaysia and Lebanon". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/28915.
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Applying a queer Muslim feminists lens, this thesis interrogates ways in which a heterosexual world-view appropriates the domain of sexuality within two specific Muslim contexts. The study focuses on, is informed and enriched by the experiences of Queer Muslim women who navigate within the contextual spaces they inhabit, multiple sites which ultimately propel them to question and contest the heterosexual norms that they are expected to repeatedly perform in the name of religion. Through their questioning, they name the various challenges they experience and the strategies they employ in navigating realms of family, state and society, as well their relationship with the Divine. This study, both foregrounds and contributes to understanding Muslim queer women's subjectivity in the production of religious meaning. More succinctly, this thesis contributes to appreciating how Queer Muslim women understand their existence in the face of religious and societal criticism, and how their experiences can serve as the threshold from which to formulate ethically and theologically enriched considerations deeply rooted in the Qur'ān. By looking at two specific contexts, namely Malaysia and Lebanon, this thesis carefully uncovers multiple sites of oppression, layer by layer. The purpose is to lay bear the political personality of states, which often employ religion to coerce those it deems different and thus a threat, in this case to standards of sexual morality. In direct tension with the two nation-states in question, are alternative fringe actors who occupy contested middle spaces. It is from these crucial middles spaces i.e. spaces of potential friction and tension that subliminal spaces for dialogue and discussion then arise. Finally, remaining within an Islamic frame of reference, this thesis takes a nuanced route via Queer Theology, to argue that alternative queer sexual subcultures need not be a source of fear, or threat, or condemnation, but can quite possibly and realistically live alongside a diverse range of sexual subjectivities, ethically and conscientiously, no more, no less than anyone who defines or sees themselves as Muslim.
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Majed, Rima. "The shifting salience of sectarianism in Lebanon, 2000-2010". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8ce8330-d51b-4c3a-8675-efd45374cdc8.
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This thesis addresses the question of the shift in the sectarian framing of political conflict and violence in Lebanon by focusing on the period between 2000 and 2010. Lebanon represents an interesting case where the saliencies of sectarian dichotomies have been drastically remodelled in only a few years following the Hariri assassination in 2005. Whereas most studies focus on long-term ethnic and sectarian conflicts, few have addressed the issue of fast remodelling of sectarian divisions in times of political turmoil. How do sectarian schisms shift in a short period of time? Why do some political changes affect sectarian dichotomies and not others? What factors can push some people to take part in clashes framed as sectarian violence? In short, how does political closure happen along sectarian lines? In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods to disentangle the relationship between political change and sectarianism. Building on the social movement literature, it argues that street mobilisations, understood as peaceful or violent collective action, are important mechanisms through which political conflict can assume sectarian overtones. It relies on a compiled dataset of protest events that occurred in Beirut between 2000 and 2010, and applies network analysis techniques in order to study coalition formations and shifts in alliances. This analysis is combined with semi-structured interviews with a sample of 29 residents of Beirut neighbourhoods that witnessed violent clashes in 2007/8. The analysis of my data suggests that the Hariri assassination marked a turning point in the dynamics of contentious politics in Lebanon, and acted as a catalyst for the emergence and consolidation of new coalitions and sectarian dichotomies. The study argues that sectarian political parties are the main channels through which political and sectarian depictions become interchangeable. It suggests that in order for a political shift to be understood in sectarian terms, two main factors need to be taken into account: (i) the competing political parties should represent sectarian communities that are able to compete demographically (in terms of size), and (ii) the competing parties should be able to represent the majority of their sectarian communities (intra-sectarian homogeneity). The analysis of my qualitative data explores the mechanisms at work during periods of collective violence, and shows that drivers such as peer pressure, neighbourhood-level networks, material grievances, pleasure in agency, ideology and previous fighting experience seem to explain individual decisions to participate in collective violence more than sectarian hatred. In fact, rather than being the primary cause of the violence, sectarian cleavages seem to have been crystallised by the 2007/8 episodes of violence. Consequently, this thesis concludes that whereas the conflict in Lebanon today is often understood and framed in sectarian terms, a closer analysis suggests that the conflict at a macro level is essentially political and its implications at the micro level can best be understood beyond the notion of sectarianism.
10
Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. "The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.
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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are:
1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon?
2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon?
The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.
11
Herbert, Lise Jean. "From the supreme Islamic Shii council to AMAL : Shii politics in Lebanon from 1969-1984". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30174.
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This thesis highlights a new approach to the programs and agenda of the Shi`ite representative body in Lebanon known under the acronym AMAL. The period studied is from 1969--1984. Previous studies have drawn insufficient attention to the important and quintessentially Islamic relation between religion and politics for this particular community. This relation becomes a focal point for this thesis.Here, I study and tell the story of how a politically and socially marginalized sector of a society awakened unto itself and sought change in its political, social and economic position. This change involved a reaffirmation of specifically Shi`i doctrines, beliefs and motifs which helped this community assert themselves with a new identity during this fifteen year period.
12
Schbley, Ayla Hammond. "Religious Resurgence and Religious Terrorism: a Study of the Actions of the Shiʹa Sectarian Movements in Lebanon". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331281/.
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The purpose for undertaking this case study of the Shi'a in Lebanon is threefold. First, as a hypothesis-generating case study, its objective is to formulate relevant hypotheses about religious resurgence and religious terrorism. This study achieves this objective by formulating 14 general and nine special hypotheses, and testing and confirming the latter. Second, the purpose of this study is also to explore the trajectory of the Lebanese Shi'a's sectarian mobilization. This exploration permits the conceptualization of geocultural immobility and its effect upon a religious minority. It deduces that the Lebanese Shiga's geo-cultural immobility is directly related to their active religious resurgence. The third purpose is to study the changes in the objectives and tactics of a religious minority, that of the Muslim Shi'a in Lebanon. This research is able, via its primary and secondary data, to show a relationship between the Lebanese Shiga's religious resurgence and their use of religious terrorism. This study introduces the concept of geo-cultural immobility. A minority's geo-cultural immobility is identified as an imposed low geographic mobility within a nation with low cultural pluralism. It establishes the Lebanese Shi'a's geo-cultural immobility, to which it attributes their religious resurgence. This Lebanese Shi'a religious resurgence is proven in this research to produce zealots needed by religious terrorist organizations. This study also introduces and defines religious terrorism as violent acts performed by elements of a religious organization or sect, growing out of a commitment to communicate a divine message. It distinguishes between religious terrorism, secular terrorism, and fighters for religious freedom, which are based on the actors' motives, affinities, and consciousness of the maliciousness of their acts. The primary and secondary data and the quasi-experiment in this research support its special hypotheses. They indicate a statistical correlation between eight Lebanese Shi'a cultural and religious attributes: (1) age, (2) marital status, (3) extent of Shi'a Imam's militancy, (4) personal religious commitment and religious resurgence, (5) zealotry, (6) geo-cultural immobility, (7) imprisonment of family members, and (8) willingness to commit terrorism.
13
Chaib, Kinda. "Culture du martyre au Liban Sud : entre fabrication de catégories et enjeux mémoriels". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010589.
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À travers la mobilisation de la catégorie de « martyr » dans un contexte de guerres, comment donner du sens à la mort de guerre ? L’emploi du terme même est sujet à des évolutions dans le temps et dans les modalités de ses utilisations, observables entre les années 1980 et 2006. L’emploi d’une catégorie qui relève de « sentiments primordiaux » et s’appuie sur une histoire commune s’avère efficace pour gérer ces morts de guerre que sont les martyrs. Cette catégorie permet de donner du sens à la mort et d’octroyer une place à ces défunts. On constate un marquage partisan de l’espace comme de la mémoire. Le martyr incarne désormais le parti. Son sacrifice consenti vient confirmer une exemplarité au quotidien et ces deux éléments conjugués sont l’illustration de la légitimité du mouvement auquel il appartient. Une mémoire en construction est donnée à voir à travers les différents objets analysés. Dans les usages partisans de la figure de martyr, la polysémie du terme transparaît de même qu’une hiérarchisation au sein même du groupe des martyrs. Des stratégies et enjeux locaux se font jour. Des failles transparaissent dans la construction d’une mémoire unifiée et parfois imposée. Au sein même des mémoires partisanes, on constate que des réalités éminemment locales perdurent. Les logiques antérieures à l’existence des partis actuellement dominants sur la scène politique sont observables. De plus en plus, la catégorie de martyr est employée pour traiter de jeunes, morts en dehors de ce contexte de guerres, mis en adéquation avec la figure emblématique du martyr. Cela illustre tant la réussite du processus de construction observé qu’un forme de dilution de cette figureHow can the category of « martyr » give death a meaning in a context of wars? Since the end of the 1970's in South Lebanon, the use of the word has been subject to a change. The use of a category related to « essential feelings » and which leans on a common history, turns out to be efficient to manage these-deceased of wars that martyrs are. This category allows to give death a meaning and grants a place to the deceased. A partisan marking of space and memory can be noticed. Henceforth, the martyr embodies the party. His consented sacrifice is a confirmation of exemplarity in everyday life. And these two combined elements are an illustration of the legitimacy of the movement he belongs to. A memory in construction can be witnessed in the different objects analyzed. The polysemy of the term as well as a hierarchical organization within the group of the martyrs are revealed through the partisan uses of the figure of the martyr. Strategies and local stakes are visible. Flaws appear in the construction of a unified and at times, imposed memory. Within partisan memories themselves, highly localized realities continue to operate. Logics-from before the birth of parties currently predominant on the political scene can be observed. The category of martyr is more and more used to designate youngsters, who died outside this context of wars, but who nevertheless fit to the emblematic figure of the martyr. This illustrates both the success of the process of construction observed as well as a form of dilution of this figure
14
Hajjar, George Jude. "Voices and visions of Christian-Muslim relations in post-civil war Lebanon : an overview of causes, effects and the question of identity 2000-2008". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3649/.
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The status of Christian–Muslim relations (CMR), which are difficult to assess, has been ambiguous in contemporary Lebanon. Analysts, as well as individuals within Lebanese communities in Lebanon and within the diaspora have made conflicting claims. One major claim has been that CMR are better now than before the Lebanese Civil War because the civil war ended in 1991 and a reoccurrence has never materialized. Furthermore, the Ţā’if agreement, a working document aimed at ending the civil war and promoting solid CMR, was signed by most of the major communities of Lebanon in 1991. For these reasons and more, Lebanese CMR were believed to have improved post-civil war. Nevertheless, this writer explored the veracity of this proposition. Through comprehensive quantitative and qualitative research, the poor state of CMR in contemporary Lebanon was revealed. In face-to-face interviews in Lebanon, field experts reflected on the weakened condition of CMR and the reasons for the same. University students participated in a survey to ascertain their feelings concerning CMR and the possible causes of problems within CMR. Focus was also placed on the role identity has had in CMR. These causes of CMR conflict and, at times, consensus were reviewed and compared for a clear understanding of the state of present-day CMR. Finally, based on an understanding of these factors, recommendations for improvement, further study, and the future of CMR were given.
15
Coelho, Sandra Cristina Rodrigues. "Hezbollah e Hamas: estudo comparativo entre duas organizações terroristas islâmicas". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12769.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em EstratégiaO Hezbollah e o Hamas são duas das organizações terroristas, de matriz islâmica, mais proeminentes no cenário regional do Médio Oriente. Com base neste pressuposto, a presente dissertação tem o propósito perfilar e comparar as duas organizações de forma a apurar como é que estas alcançaram a efectividade operacional que actualmente possuem. Como tal, iremos investigar todos os aspectos que compõem o Hezbollah e o Hamas, respectivamente: desde as suas matrizes ideológicas, passando pelas respectivas estruturas organizacionais e pelas actividades que desenvolvem, até às redes de financiamento a que recorrem. Por fim, procuraremos delinear um paralelismo entre as componentes enunciadas de cada organização.
Hezbollah and Hamas are two of the most prominent Islamic terrorist organizations in the Middle East. On this basis, this thesis is intended to profile and compare the two organizations in order to determine how they have accomplished the operational effectiveness that currently possess. Therefore, we will research all of the aspects that comprise Hezbollah and Hamas, respectively: from their ideological framework, through their respective organizational structures and through the activities they develop, to the financing networks to which they resort. Finally, we will design a parallel between the stated components of each organization
N/A
16
Ouba, Charbel. "Le rôle des chefs d’établissement scolaire catholique dans un milieu islamo-chrétien au Liban". Thesis, Paris Est, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PESC0022.
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Étudier le système éducatif ou la pédagogie au Liban impose une différenciation de ce qui peut être écrit en France, au Canada ou dans d’autres pays du monde occidental ou oriental. La société libanaise constitue en effet une société pluraliste au niveau politique ainsi qu’au niveau religieux. Au Liban coexistent deux grandes religions, le christianisme et l’islam. Cette coexistence au sein d’un même pays implique, de par son histoire des rapports entre deux grandes religions, deux conceptions de l’homme et deux cultures différentes, dont l’une trouve sa pleine expression dans la civilisation judéo-chrétienne et l’autre dans la civilisation musulmane. Dès lors, l’enseignement religieux est d’une importance majeure pour les écoles catholiques au Liban qui accueillent des élèves non catholiques dans un pourcentage de 40% et sont dirigées par une majorité des religieux (90%).Le statut du chef d’établissement (CE), religieux ou laïc, ses responsabilité et sa façon de les assumer, son style de direction et ses missions pédagogiques, éducatives et missionnaires jouent-ils un rôle important et lequel dans la motivation des parents d’élèves musulmans qui inscrivent leurs enfants au sein de l’école catholique au Liban (ECL) ?La spécificité de cette recherche consiste à caractériser rôles et missions du chef d’établissement scolaire catholique dans un milieu islamo-chrétien, et à déterminer si la direction assurée par un religieux diffère de celle assurée par un laïc au regard des différents acteurs du système. C’est pourquoi nous avons formulé ainsi la problématique de notre recherche : dans un milieu islamo-chrétien, quel genre de chef d’établissement permet à l’école catholique au Liban d’atteindre ses buts éducatifs, pédagogiques et missionnaires dans le respect de la liberté de conscience des élèves et des familles ?Une enquête de terrain a été menée, par questionnaire et par entretiens semi-directifs, auprès des chefs d’établissement scolaire catholique, religieux et laïcs, des directeurs adjoints, des enseignants, des parents d’élèves, chrétiens et musulmans, et des élèves musulmans. Des perspectives d’avenir ont été émises concernant l’éducation religieuse et l’éducation aux valeurs assurées au sein de l’ECL ainsi que la formation et la professionnalisation des futurs chefs d’établissement dans le cadre de leur recrutementTo study the educational system or pedagogy in Lebanon imposes a differentiation of what can be written in France, Canada or in other countries of the Western or eastern world. Lebanese society is indeed a pluralistic society on both political and religious levels. In Lebanon two great religions co-exist, Christianity and Islam. This coexistence within one country implies something different from the history of relations between the two great religions, two conceptions of man and two different cultures. One finds full expression in the Judeo-Christian civilization and the other in the Muslim civilization. Therefore, religious education is of major importance for Catholic schools in Lebanon that host non-Catholic students with a percentage of 40% and is managed by a majority of religious leaders (90%).Do the status of the head-teacher, whether religious or secular, his role, his leadership style and his educational missions, educational and missionary play a role and which one in motivating parents of Muslim students who enrol their children in Catholic schools in Lebanon?The specificity of this research is to characterize the roles and missions of the Catholic head-teacher in a Muslim-Christian environment and whether the leadership provided by a religious head-teacher differs from that provided by a layman for the different actors of the system. That is why we formulated the problem of our research as such: In a Muslim-Christian environment, what kind of school head allows the Catholic school in Lebanon to achieve its educational, pedagogical and missionary goals, with respect to the freedom of conscience of students and families?A field survey has been conducted through a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews with heads of Catholic, religious and laic schools, deputy heads, teachers, parents, Christians and Muslims, and Muslim students. Prospects for the future have been made regarding religious education and education to values provided in the ECL as well as the training and professionalization of future school heads as part of their recruitment
17
Willman, Gabriel. "From Pre-Islam to Mandate States: Examining Cultural Imperialism and Cultural Bleed in the Levant". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/966.
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To a large degree, historical analyses of the Levantine region tend to focus primarily upon martial interaction and state formation. However, perhaps of equitable impact is the chronology of those interactions which are cultural in nature. The long-term formative effect of cultural imperialism and cultural bleed can easily be as influential as the direct alterations imposed by martial invasion. While this study does not attempt to establish comparative causal weight or catalytic impact between these types of interactions, it does contend that the cultural evolution of the Levant has been significantly influenced by external interaction for a period of time extending beyond the Levantine Islamic Expansion. This study presents a chronological examination of the region from the pre-Expansion Period through the Mandate Period, focused upon relevant cultural structures. Specifically, emphasis is placed upon religious, ethnic, and nationalistic identity development, sociolinguistic shifts, and institutional changes within the societal structure. The primary conclusion of this study is that significant evidence exists to support a long-term historical narrative of externally influenced Levantine cultural evolution, inclusive of both adaptive and reactive interactions.B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
18
Karam, Christian da Camino. "Da revolução política ao reformismo socioeconômico: Hizballah, islamo-nacionalismo e economia de redes no Líbano do pós-guerra civil (1992-2006)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03082011-102645/.
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Este estudo busca fornecer subsídios para uma interpretação científica inovadora acerca de um fenômeno político e social pouco estudado na academia brasileira e, portanto, praticamente desconhecido do público nacional: a ascensão de um tipo especial de Islã político e militante representando no partido xiita libanês Hizballah durante a chamada guerra civil libanesa, cujo armistício coincidiu com o fim da Guerra Fria em 1989-91. Os grupos políticos e milicianos conservadores, progressistas e reformistas do conflito libanês, bem como a ingerência externa regional e internacional em favor de uns ou de outros e nos assuntos internos libaneses representaram o impulso que faltava para a culminação de um processo político e social que, desde os anos 1960, encontrava-se em gestação na comunidade xiita, historicamente à margem das instituições estatais e do controle das relações sociais de produção libanesas. Após o fim do conflito, o Hizballah adaptou e aprofundou um protagonismo político, econômico e social nunca antes observado entre os xiitas libaneses ao decidir participar das primeiras eleições parlamentares e municipais do pós-guerra. A partir do ano 2000, o partido adotou a defesa de uma espécie de nacionalismo concorrente de outras comunidades e grupos libaneses, e contrário a determinados agentes e interesses externos no Líbano. Ademais, o Hizballah assumiu a projeção e a execução de programas econômicos e sociais de assistência a parcelas da sociedade libanesa, sobretudo xiitas, destroçadas pelo conflito que recém findara e desamparadas por um Estado frágil e quase inexistente em diversas esferas.This study intends to come up with an innovative scientific approach on a social and political phenomenon which is not a common subject or case study amongst Brazilian academics and, therefore, is deeply unknown to its national audience, i.e.: the rise of a special category of political and militant Islamist movement which is represented in the Lebanese Shiite party known as Hizballah during the Lebanese Civil War, whose armistice has coincided with the ending of the Cold War between 1989 and 1991. The conservative, progressive and reformist political groups and militias which have taken part in the Lebanese conflict, as well as foreign intervention be it regional or international in support of one or another of those parties at war and on Lebanese internal affairs have represented the impetus that lacked for the culmination of a social and political process which, since the 1960s, had been maturing among the Shiite community, historically marginalized and at bay respect to the states structure and services and to the control of Lebanese social relations of production. After the ending of the war, Hizballah has adapted and deepened its political, economic and social activism in a way that has never been observed before amongst Lebanese Shiites, especially when, back in the 1990s, the party decided to participate in the first parliamentary and municipal elections held in Lebanon after the war was over. In the 2000s, Hizballah has adopted the defense of a specific type of nationalism which competes with other Lebanese groups and sects and which is contrary to several foreign interests and agencies on Lebanon. Besides, Hizballah has taken on elaborating and performing social and economic welfare programs aimed at the Lebanese society, especially the Shiites, who have been devastated by the turmoil that not long ago had come to an end and hence felt helpless and abandoned by a fragile and absent state in many different ways and stances.
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Leroy, Didier. "La résilience islamique au Liban: contribution à l'étude de l'évolution idéologique et structurelle du Hezbollah". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210071.
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Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Kunselman, David E. "Arab-Byzantine War, 629-644 AD". Ft. Leavenworth : Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA494014.
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Pesquet, Jean-Baptiste. "Récits d’exil de réfugiés syriens au Liban (2012-2016) : le rôle du religieux et du politique dans la formation d’éthiques souffrantes". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA080101.
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Cette thèse étudie les expériences que constituent la guerre et l’exil pour les réfugiés syriens à travers leur mise en récit au Liban entre 2012 et 2016. À partir d’une centaine de récits et de plusieurs observations ethnographiques, la recherche décrit un aspect peu traité de l’exil en situation de conflit à savoir la souffrance dans ses dimensions éthique et existentielle. La description s’organise autour de quatre types de récits : les récits politiques de la guerre en Syrie, les récits d’exil sur les conditions de vie au Liban, les récits de souffrances. Ces derniers sont ensuite approfondis à travers trois situations existentielles limites : la maladie, la torture et le combat armé. Une perspective post-moderne sur ces récits met en lumière les relations de pouvoir entre savoir religieux et savoir séculier dans la formation d’éthiques de la souffrance. L’étude s’appuie ensuite sur la notion de pratique d’exercices spirituels (ou pratiques de soi) pour montrer qu’elles permettent à certains réfugiés la capacité d’agir sur leurs douleurs et, dans certains cas remarquables, de transformer leur environnement par l’engagement. Elle distingue finalement deux régimes de subjectivation éthique qui articulent souffrance et engagement, l’un non-violent et l’autre violentThis dissertation studies experiences of war and exile as Syrian refugees recount them in Lebanon between 2012 and 2016. It is based on an ethnography composed of over one hundred interviews as well as field notes and observations. The research aims to vulnerabilities, narratives of suffering and describe suffering in its ethical and existential dimensions. It analyses four types of narratives: political narratives of war in Syria, narratives of exile in Lebanon, narrative of suffering which are divided into three instances of existential limit-situations: illness, torture and combat.Using a postmodern perspective, this work unveils power relations between religious and secular discourses on pain shaping suffering ethical subjectivities. It then argue that spiritual exercises (practice of the self) enable incorporation of ethical virtues as a way of acting on their suffering to change themselves and their social environment. This thesis concludes that studying agency on suffering allows us to distinguishing between two ethics of political suffering: violent and non-violent
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Lewis, Kevin James. "Rule and identity in a diverse Mediterranean society : aspects of the county of Tripoli during the twelfth century". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4c3eef19-7dcf-450c-97dc-7c9b2780a916.
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The county of Tripoli (Lebanon) was one of four “crusader states” established in the Levant after the First Crusade (1095-99). Compared to the other states, the county of Tripoli has suffered from a disproportionate level of historiographical neglect. What has been produced has taken an institutional and Eurocentric approach to the subject and its sources. The present thesis jettisons this in favour of a post-institutional methodology, approaching the county from the perspectives of geography and demographics, which together ensure that it is treated within its proper Syro-Lebanese context. Chapter one looks at the role of local geography in shaping the political frontiers of the county of Tripoli and its neighbours, arguing that topography was more important than the agency of the European settlers. Chapter two continues to challenge traditional assumptions regarding European influence, arguing that the specifically southern French origins of many of the county’s settlers were of little significance. Chapter three analyses the use of Arabic by the Frankish government of the county, informed by an awareness of diglossia. It argues that the Franks were more likely to know spoken Arabic than written, but remained reliant upon local intermediaries when ruling over Arabophones. Chapter four looks at popular religion, arguing that the cross-fertilisation of religious beliefs and practices was widespread but poorly understood by the contemporary intelligentsia, upon whose sources historians rely. As a whole, the thesis argues that the county’s inhabitants lacked a distinctive culture, identity, religion or language. The sole justification for viewing the county as an integrated unit is geographical.
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Chaar, Abdel-maoula. "La structuration des stratégies au sein de champs en voie d’institutionnalisation : Le cas des banques islamiques au Liban". Thesis, Paris Est, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PEST0048/document.
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Quel lien existe-t-il entre la formation des stratégies et le contexte institutionnel au sein duquel les stratèges opèrent? Pour tenter de répondre à cette question, ce travail doctoral met en œuvre un design de recherche interprétativiste qui permet d'explorer les caractéristiques de la finance islamique avant d'analyser la façon dont les banques islamiques libanaises élaborent et mettent en œuvre leurs stratégies. L'étude révèle que les possibles institutionnels du champ naissant de la finance islamique restent ouverts et que les firmes qui y opèrent peuvent se positionner au sein d'amorces institutionnelles qui se distinguent par l'importance qu'elles accordent aux facteurs technique, religieux et socioéconomique ainsi que par la relation qu'elles prônent avec la finance dite conventionnelle. En adoptant la configuration qui leur semble la plus à même de faciliter la mise en œuvre de stratégies qui assurent leur pérennité, les organisations choisissent ainsi un ordre cognitif spécifique qui influence à la fois leur agir stratégique et l'ensemble des situations de gestions auxquelles elles peuvent être confrontées. Par la même occasion, elles participent à la diffusion d'un modèle institutionnel spécifique et contribuent, donc, indirectement à son institutionnalisation. C'est ainsi que le champ de la finance islamique est, non seulement, l'arène d'une « lutte » concurrentielle entre institutions financières islamiques mais aussi le théâtre d'un conflit symbolique qui oppose les futurs potentiels de la finance islamique et qui a pour enjeux la forme finale du champ ainsi que sa relation avec la finance dite conventionnelleHow does the institutional context impact the formation of strategies? This PhD thesis tries to answer this question using an interpretative research design while utilizing Islamic finance as a field of study. It analyzes the methods used by Lebanese Islamic banks to set up and implement their strategies locally and abroad. The thesis reveals that the field of Islamic finance is still in a pre-institutionalization phase. It uncovers the parameters of three possible institutionalization paths according to the importance given to technical, religious or socioeconomic factors as well as the way the banks define their relationship to conventional finance. By choosing one of these options, Lebanese Islamic banks opt for a specific cognitive framework that influences their strategies and organizational behavior altogether. In turn, these firms also contribute to the diffusion of the principles underlying their choice and therefore, indirectly, to their institutionalization. Hence, instead of being just an arena for a traditional inter-firm competitive war, Islamic finance becomes the ground of a symbolic struggle that opposes the different potential futures of the field, and one that will shape the final form of the industry and its relationship with conventional finance
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Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006". Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.
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Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
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Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
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PEDRINI, GABRIELE. "Teorie dell’autorità e del potere nell’Islam sciita secondo l’opera di ʿAlī Fayyāḍ". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/266837.
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The aim of this research is to investigate the work of ʿAlī Fayyāḍ, a prominent polit-ical and intellectual figure within Lebanese Hezbollah, and to analyse theoretical founda-tions of power and authority from a specific Shīʿa perspective. This will make it possible to reconstruct the nature of the relation between authority and religion, as well as its narration inside Hezbollah human environment, also with a view to comprehending the theory of po-litical authority through the study of the intellectual structure underpinning the religious au-thority. The intention is to go further the usual approaches of Security studies that all too often prevail in this research field.
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Nokkari, Mohamed. "Contribution à l'étude des institutions religieuses islamiques dans le Liban musulman et confessionnel". Thesis, Poitiers, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015POIT3005/document.
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L'histoire de la genèse des institutions religieuses musulmanes diverge de celle des autres institutions particulièrement chrétiennes. En l'absence d'un pouvoir central puissant comme l'Empire byzantin, les premiers musulmans ne s'étaient pas pliés aux ordres d'une autorité politique dominante en dehors de l'islam. C'est ainsi que se développaient très tôt des institutions politico-religieuses qui ont pris en charge, tout à la fois, l'administration de l'Etat et la règlementation des affaires religieuses. A cet amalgame s'ajoutait l'aspect dogmatique de l'islam qui refusait toute sorte d'intercession ou clergé entre Dieu et les hommes. Cette émergence continue jusqu'à nos jours à être sujet de polémique entre les défenseurs d'une séparation nette des deux domaines et les défenseurs d'un Islam totalisant englobant le spirituel et le temporel. L'Empire Ottoman, comme ses deux prédécesseurs, a admis une collaboration étroite entre les deux domaines. Les Etats modernes se partagent entre trois tendances : Une qui supprime ou affaiblit les institutions religieuses, une autre qui les intègre à l'appareil de l'Etat et une troisième qui exerce une neutralité vis-à-vis d'elles. Le Liban adopte cette troisième voie. Pour connaître ce mécanisme chaque communauté religieuse est coiffée d'un appareil religieux central qui exerce des compétences législatives, exécutives et judiciaires en tout ce qui touche à ses affaires religieuses et à la gestion de ses biens-waqf. Comment fonctionnent ces institutions religieuses ? C'est le sujet de notre contribution à l'étude des institutions religieuses islamiquesThe history of genesis of the Muslim religious institutions diverges from that of the other institutions, particularly the Christian ones. In the absence of a powerful central power like the Byzantine Empire, the first muslims did not consent to the orders of a dominant political authority outside of Islam. This is how political-religious institutions developed very early, and those took in charge, all together, the administration of the State and the ruling of the religious matters. To this amalgam was added the dogmatic aspect of Islam, that refused to the clergy any sort of intercession between God and men. This emergence continues in our present days to be a subject of polemic nature between the defenders of a clear separation of the two domains, and the defenders of a totalitarian Islam grouping the spiritual and the temporal. The Ottoman Empire, like its two predecessors, have admitted a close collaboration between the two domains. The modern States are divided between three tendencies: One that cancels or weakens the religious institutions, another that integrates them to the State operation and a third one that exercises neutrality in their regard. Lebanon adopts this third way. To know this mechanism, every religious community has its own central religious engine that exercises legislative, executive and judiciary competencies in all what relates to its religious matters and to the administration of its properties- waqf. How do these religious institutions function? This is the subject of our contribution to the study of the Islamic religious institutions
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Nasser-Eddine, Minerva. "A transcendent Lebanese identity: more than a mirage? / Minerva Nasser-Eddine". Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22091.
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"December 2003"Includes bibliographical references (leaves 349-387)
387 leaves : maps ; 30 cm
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of Politics, 2005
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Kováčiková, Zuzana. "Rovnováha identity a rovnováha sil: případ dynamiky konfliktu mezi Saúdskou Arábií a Íránem". Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-392676.
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This thesis applies the concept of religious (national) identity to the cases of Saudi Arabia, Iran and their proxy allies - state and non-state actors - in Lebanon, Syria and Yemen. The aim was to show that in the Middle East, Sunni and Shiite affiliations matter in the relationship between the regional powers and respective proxies, as opposing to realist statement that alliances, conflicts and political developments are only governed by pragmatic power interests. Additionally, the work examines whether religious national identities have impact on the dynamics of proxy conflicts. Overall, the objective was to establish comprehensive image of how ideational/constructivist and pragmatic/realist factors work in combination to influence alliances, enmities and conflicts in the Middle East. Using qualitative methods of research, religious (national) identities of Saudi Arabia, Iran and their allies in Lebanon, Syria and Yemen were constructed so as to create ideational and realist points of departure, and then interlinked to show how convergence of religious identities helps in creating durable alliances if used in targeted manner as a strategic tool which can help safeguard national interests. The work shows notable differences in the use of this tool between Saudi Arabia and Iran, suggesting that it...