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1
Talalaj, Janusz Joseph. "Soviet relations with Iraq and Iran /". Title page and contents only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09art137.pdf.
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2
Cass, Stephen John Robert. "The US takes sides : US policy towards Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386486.
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3
Gutzwiller, Ryan. "Realpolitik and Iran's Post-Saddam strategy for Iraq /". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FGutzwiller.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Vali Nasr, James Russell. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82). Also available online.
4
Workman, W. Thom. "The social origins of the Iran-Iraq war /". Boulder (Colo.) ; London : L. Rienner publ, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374585518.
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5
Hunter, Robert C. "BROTHERS OR RIVALS? IRAN AND THE SHI'A OF IRAQ /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA457514.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): James R. Russell. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available in print.
6
Al=Ameri, Maan Hameed Ibrahim. "Effectiveness of a psychosocial rehabilitation programme for Iraqi repatriated prisoners of the Iran-Iraq War, 1980-1988". Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.582875.
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The literature related to war captivity has reported that most former prisoners of war are still distressed by memories of traumatic experiences of their capture and captivity decades after repatriation. In addition, the earliest investigations of the effects of this traumatic experience on those repatriates have revealed that they are still suffering from numerous psychological and physical disturbances which are directly related to the traumatic experiences of their captivity. The present study has tested the effectiveness of a psychosocial rehabilitation programme on Iraqi former prisoners of the Iran-Iraq war, 1980-1988. Ninety two participants participated in this study and were randomly divided in two groups; intervention group and control group. The intervention group underwent a 12-week intervention, for an hour a week and completed a questionnaire on 4 occasions; before starting the intervention; half-way through the intervention (6 weeks); at the end of the intervention (12 weeks); and finally, 9 months after completion of the programme. The results ofthis study indicate that the majority of IRPOWs have some level of: PTSD (78.3%); anxiety (62.0%); and depression (63.0%). 85.9% of IRPOWs have a degree of satisfaction ranging from 2-5; and 80.5% of them have a good number of support persons (3-6), and 95.5% of them have medium to good levels of coping. These results reveal that many IRPOWs are still displaying problematical symptoms despite good levels of social support. I The study found no differences at pre-intervention between the Control group and Intervention group for demographic characteristics (current age, age at capture, duration of captivity, time since release, and monthly income, level of education, and rank), PTSD, anxiety, or depression. This gives the researcher confidence that the sampling was effective in eliminating selection bias between the control and intervention group and that change in PTSD and other conditions are likely to be related to the intervention. The study did not find any strong associations between demographic characteristics and outcome variables (PTSD, anxiety, and depression), suggesting that there was no effect of the age of IRPOWs at the time of capture or at the time of the study, duration of captivity, the period since release, rank, level of education, and monthly income on the severity of the symptoms of anxiety and depression or on the level of PTSD. The main finding of the study was that there were changes in levels of PTSD, anxiety and depression over time and following the intervention; with significant differences between the control group and Intervention group (For PTSD: the main time effect: F= 18.39, P= 0.01; between groups effect: F= 16.93, P= 0.01; and groups interaction overtime: F= 28.64, P= 0.01, for Anxiety: the main time effect: F= 6.41, P= 0.01; between groups effect: F= 4.20, P= 0.05; and groups interaction overtime: F= 30.93, P= 0.01, and for Depression: the main time effect was NS: F= 1.94, P= 0.16; between groups effect: F= 6.33, P= 0.01; and groups interaction overtime: F= 8.62, P= 0.01). It suggests the intervention was successful in reducing PTSD symptoms but there was a lack of any differences for anxiety and depression. This might have been due to the difficult security situation which made the increased travel that the intervention group had to undertake very stressful. The study recommends that improved mental health services should be provided in primary care and confidential counselling provided through employee-assistance programmes for IRPOWs; construct further psychosocial rehabilitation programmes for IRPOWs in other Iraqi provinces; and set plan to identify and evaluate the psychological conditions for other IRPOWs groups, including those living in other towns and rural areas and to set follow-up studies to explore their progress. IV
7
Bradley, Judah C. "Iraq Reconstruction". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/11492.
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The invasion planning, execution and ongoing reconstruction operations in Iraq are extremely complex. Using research, personal experience and experience of deployed members, this paper documents reconstruction events which led to the current situation in Iraq, discusses reconstruction lesson learned and offers alternative approaches which may decrease time and budget requirements for future reconstruction operations.
8
Brewer, Joshua J. "Iraq, Reconsidered". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/27.
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This paper sets itself upon analyzing the Iraq War of 2003 through the lens of modern Just War Theory. We will begin with a curt summary of Iraq’s history, focusing particularly on its determinedly odious leader, Saddam Hussein. Thereon, we will be analyzing a pro-war security argument, the aim of which is to assess the threat of Hussein’s weaponry ambitions and what that threat meant to the world. Next, we will be going over the tenets of Just War Theory itself, tracing its history from Rome to the modern doorstep, and applying the security argument to its dictum. Afterwards, we move into the anti-war segment and shall unpack the subject of Iraq's oil resources and whether or not the United States' actions disqualify the intervention from achieving Just War status. Then, our next section shall be addressing the same question of potential disqualification, only this time from the angle of the war’s questionable legality. Finally, we shall conclude on the ultimate query of this paper: was the U.S. decision to intervene in 2003’s Iraq compatible with the modern principles of Just War Theory?
9
Kh, hussen Murad. "Developments In Northern Iraq And Turdish-iraqi Relations 1990-2005". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606803/index.pdf.
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This study is a historical analysis of Turkish-Iraqi relations from the Gulf War of 1990 up to the Iraqi elections of 2005 and the end of Transitional Administration Law (TAL) and prior to the permanent constitution. This study attempted to explain how Turkish-Iraqi relations entered into a new phase with the Gulf War of 1990. In this year, Iraq invaded Kuwait. Following this invasion, Iraq was attacked by coalition forces and at the end of this war, Iraq was nearly divided when a safe haven was created for the Kurds in northern Iraq. In this regard, this thesis paid attention to three factors that had significant impact on the foreign policy of Turkey towards Iraq: a de facto Kurdish state in northern part of this country and apprehension about the possibility of an independent Kurdish state, the existance of PKK in northern Iraq as a result of a power vacuum there and concerns about the future fate of Turkomans in Iraq and attempts to protect their rights. This study has demonstrated how Kurdish question has influenced Turkey&rsquos policy towards Iraq and restricted its options.
10
Lemon, Michele. "The use of Islam as propaganda in the Iran-Iraq War /". Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65960.
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11
Chandler, Jennifer Frances. "No Man's Land : representations of masculinities in Iran-Iraq war fiction". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/no-mans-land-representations-of-masculinities-in-iraniraq-war-fiction(dc41fbf5-07cf-40d6-9b26-398f06087011).html.
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This study offers an exploration of masculinity in both Iraqi and Iranian fiction which holds the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) as its major theme. Representations of masculinities in Iran-Iraq War fiction present a deep, and at times, confounding paradox. Whilst this corpus of war fiction at times deeply challenges hegemony and completely reformulates its own definitions of normative codes of manliness, at other times it strictly conforms to chauvinistic and often profoundly oppressive patterns of male behaviour. By relating these works of fiction to their wider social and political context, the aim of this study is to recognise and nuance the relationship between representations of masculinities, and literary depictions of the nation at war. Theoretically grounded in reformulations of the concept of hegemonic masculinity, the study also reflects the work of Joseph Massad, as it attempts to contextualise a body of fiction which employs representations of masculinities as part of wider socio-political allegories. As such this study treats masculinity as a complex phenomenon fraught with ambivalence, operating within particular historical and political contexts, whose subjects are often empowered and oppressed in equal measure. By relating these representations to wider social and political contexts, this study seeks to recognise and nuance the relationship between representations of masculinities and the role which the nation plays in literature, in particularly, when war is the over-arching theme. It is within the context of war, when masculinity is often proposed to be at its most simple, that it is proven to be at its most complex as age, class and political affiliations become defining factors in the pursuit of hegemony and therefore what constitutes hegemonic masculinity. By comparing two national literatures participating in the same conflict, this study reveals the close socio-political dynamic which exists between gender, literature and the so-called constructed “reality” of nation which they purport to represent. Accordingly this study showcases a corpus of work which speaks to a larger literary canon systematically ignored in studies of Persian and Arabic literature. Through in-depth readings of eight works of fiction, published between 1982 and 2003, this study investigates representations of masculinity in both an Iranian and Iraqi context. This thesis is a riposte to common assumptions that literary canon which constitutes Iran-Iraq War is purely associated with state-sponsored narratives, and instead sheds light on a subtle body of fiction which offers a complex account of war and its effect on society.
12
Al-Ali, Dhurgham Fadhil Hussein. "Modernising Iraq : a legislative proposal to regulate timesharing agreements in Iraq". Thesis, Bangor University, 2017. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/modernising-iraq-a-legislative-proposal-to-regulate-timesharing-agreements-in-iraq(ebdf5d1b-ca86-4f12-b00d-a302441e6425).html.
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This thesis seeks to provide the Iraqi legislature with a proposal to regulate the timesharing industry in Iraq. The aim of the primary research question of the thesis is to ascertain what features of legal regimes for timeshare are likely to provide the optimal system of a timeshare operation in any jurisdiction, from which a legislative proposal for Iraq will be suggested. In answering this research question, the thesis has analysed the problems associated with the timeshare market. The analysis of the problems has been done by consulting the European Timeshare Directives, European timeshare policy documents, key cases and relevant literature. This is to establish an evaluative framework from which a set of questions has been derived. These questions have then been used to carry out a functional analysis in respect of timeshare models which are in use in the common law jurisdictions of England and Wales and some of the States in America because a significant proportion of the world’s timesharing projects occur in these jurisdictions. The thesis has also considered the timeshare models which are in use in the civil law jurisdictions of France and Egypt as timeshare projects are prevalent in those countries, and also the Iraqi civil code is based upon the civil codes of France and Egypt. This is to determine the features of legal regimes which are likely to lead to the optimal system of timeshare in any jurisdiction. Once this has been achieved, the thesis will then move to assess the extracted optimal features in terms of compatibility to Iraqi law in order to make a legislative proposal for Iraq in respect of timeshare. This thesis is a doctrinal legal research, and it has largely used the comparative law methodology, as it is extremely useful for law reform in developing countries.
13
Kadhum, Oula. "Diasporic interventions : state-building in Iraq following the 2003 Iraq war". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/93250/.
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This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.
14
AL, Baldawi Wisam Qusay Majeed. "Translating Iraq: The “Unknown Soldiers” of the US Occupation of Iraq". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1308165447.
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15
El-Shazly, Nadia El-Sayed. "The tanker war : political objectives and military strategy". Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307311.
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16
Ruffner, Todd W. "Identity and Border Relations between Iraq and Iran in the 20th Century: The Cases of Khuzestan and Shatt al-Arab". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274891695.
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17
Muir, Michael John. "Baghdad's quest for strategic surprise : an analysis of the Iraq-Iran War". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28441.
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The Iranian Revolution, along with the regional designs pursued by the Iraqi governing elite, combined to determine the course of Iraqi-Iranian relations in the period from January of 1979 to September of 1980 which, although at the outset was marked by reciprocal pronouncements of cordiality and benevolent intentions, gradually deteriorated into a mutually acrimonious path that gave rise to what has become the bloodiest and longest-running war between two Third World states. The dual, interconnected aims of this thesis are to account for the decision of the Baath regime of Iraq to attempt to strategically surprise Iran—thereby realizing its war goals in a brief and decisive campaign—and, additionally, to outline the factors and conditions that contributed to Iran's vulnerability to a sudden invasion.
As a systemic theory, the theory dealing with the factors that can engender a ruling elite's impetus for seeking strategic surprise, as well as the conditions that contribute to the established target nation's exposure to such an action, belongs to the grouping of macro-theories that address the forces which influence international relations. Common to all systemic international relations theories is the assumption that the conduct of one nation toward another is, more often than not, shaped by assorted, diverse variables. And, since the course of interstate relations varies on the basis of a nearly innumerable list of determinants, it follows that decisions for war—the least pleasant, albeit far from uncommon, mode of interaction among nations—also emanate from numerous causal factors. Proceeding from such reasoning, it is not empirically or methodologically unsound to posit that typically no single, overriding determinant actuates a decision to wage an effort to attain strategic surprise. The testing of this hypothesis is a major objective of this present study.
It is maintained that the Iraqi decision-maker's conclusion that war with Iran was necessary was shaped by a complex of factors. Chief among these, and one which is therefore given a central position in the thesis, is that which emphasizes the destabilizing effects of the Islamic revolutionary upheaval in Iran. More precisely, it is argued that a defensive desire to maintain the political status quo in Iraq, which was grounded on a rigid secularism, played a significant role in fostering pressure for Baghdad to resort to the use of an overt military confrontation. In line with this argument, two major beliefs espoused by the Iraqi Baathists which, by and large, are attributes of the nature of the Iraqi polity, are cited: First, that the political dominance of Sunni Muslims, who constitute a minority of the Iraqi populace— the majority of which consists of Shia Muslims—must be preserved at all costs; second, that a reinvigoration of ethnic Kurdish aspirations for increased regional autonomy, due to the extreme economic importance of the region of Iraq they inhabit (the oil-rich north), must be forestalled. It is demonstrated that the Iranian Revolution portended a heightening of Shi'ite activism and Kurdish nationalism within Iraq.
Beyond strictly defensive inducements, it is maintained that Baghdad was also motivated by several enterprising goals. By and large, these ambitions were predicated upon the desire to gain control of long-coveted, economically important portions of Iranian territory, and, overall, were in consonance with the grand strategical , imperative of establishing Iraqi hegemony over the Gulf region.
An analysis of the perceptions of opportunity underpinning the Baathists1 search for strategic surprise constitutes another major aspect of this undertaking. In short, it is herein argued that Baghdad was moved by perceived economic and military weakness hampering the Islamic Republic, as well as by the high degree of political friction that was spawned by the revolution. The overall accuracy of these perceptions is gauged.
An in-depth examination of the economic posture of revolutionary Iran, as well as the state of its defense forces and the nature of the political ambient holding sway there, constitutes another key topic. This discussion is conducted in the context of explaining Iran's inability to obtain strategic warning of Iraq's aggressive plans, and, to immediately blunt the inroad once it had been initiated.
Efforts are also made to present an overview of the international relations of Iraq and Iran, how this factor influenced Baghdad's motivations and opportunities and, equally importantly, Teheran's vulnerability to aggression from the west.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
18
Rezania, Akbar. "Iran-Ottoman/Iraq conflicts since 1514 and the role of international politics". Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341223.
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19
Al-Bidery, Sinan Abdulhamza. "Modernising Iraq : a vision for a comprehensive petroleum arbitration regime in Iraq". Thesis, Bangor University, 2014. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/modernising-iraq--a-vision-for-a-comprehensive-petroleum-arbitration-regime-in-iraq(de87888f-2890-4104-bcdf-091c8c488561).html.
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This PhD research is concerned with the legal system for the settlement of petroleum disputes according to Iraqi law. It deals with international commercial arbitration as a means of resolving such disputes under Iraqi law, since Iraq does not have an adequate legal system for resolving disputes arising from petroleum agreements. It has not yet enacted specific legislation regulating or governing international commercial arbitration in general, and petroleum arbitration in particular. It is still dependent on the Code of Civil Procedure of 1969, which does not suffice to attract international investment. In addition, Iraq has not yet ratified or signed the leading international conventions concerning arbitration, such as the New York Convention of 1958 or the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). The thesis of this PhD is that Iraq needs special rules for the arbitration of petroleum disputes. These rules should achieve the balance between the needs of Iraq in its transitional period and foreign investors’ interests. The promulgation of a petroleum arbitration laws is an important legal guarantee which can attract international petroleum companies to Iraq. Both referencing and black- letter analysis methodology is followed in this thesis. The referancing approach consists of referance to the laws of selected developing countries, especially China and the United Arab Emirates, which have experience and expertise in investment and arbitration. The black- letter analysis approach is also deployed to analyse Iraqi attitudes towards arbitration, the legal nature of petroleum agreements and the challenges facing Iraq causing reluctant and hesitation in developing a comprehensive petroleum arbitration regime. This study tests, and finds it convincing that petroleum agreements are, indeed a special kind of investment agreement. The subject matter of this agreement is of exceptional monetary value and belongs to the Iraqi people. Article 111 of the Iraqi Constitutional of 2005 provides that “Oil and Gas are owned by all the people of Iraq in all regions and governorates”.1 Therefore, these agreements should be treated differently by subjecting them to a specialised arbitration regime rather than ordinary international commercial arbitration. The author’s vision, set out in this work, is that Iraq should promulgate petroleum arbitration laws and develop a specialised system to support this. These laws would lend weight to the application of Iraqi national law, and make the country more attractive for foreign investment. An independent petroleum arbitration centre should be established along the lines of Dubai’s International Arbitration Center and the Chinese International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission. Its awards should be considered as final and enforced in the same manner as domestic awards. 1 Iraqi Constitution of 2005 publishes in Official Gazette issue 4012 of 28 May 2005. An English Language translation of the 2005 Constitution is available at http://investpromo.gov.iq/policies-and-laws/ (accessed on 10 April 2014).
20
Nazemi, Nader. "War and state making in revolutionary Iran /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10766.
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21
Ciolponea, Constantin A. Iancu Cristian A. "Alternative strategies for Iraq". Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FCiolponea.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas Borer. "June 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 31, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-87). Also available in print.
22
Iancu, Cristian A. "Alternative strategies for Iraq". Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3387.
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This thesis explores strategically viable options for dealing with the Iraq conflict with a new perspective on the dynamics of insurgency in Iraq and basic guidelines for an unconventional counterinsurgency effort. The thesis presents an overview of the Iraq situation, describing the actors in the conflict, their political objectives, and the consequences of their actions. The thesis explores the theoretical concepts of the Mystic Diamond model developed by Gordon H. McCormick, which identifies the component variables of insurgencies and the dynamics of conflict between the state and counter-state. The thesis uses the Mystic Diamond model to interpret the Iraqi situation and explores steps for implementing an unconventional strategy in Iraq, including the skill sets that would be needed by unconventional forces tasked to carry out the proposed strategy. The conclusion emphasizes that the coalition forces have used a conventional strategy to stabilize a totally unconventional and increasingly uncontrollable environment. Political and military leaders are advised to consider the benefits of an unconventional approach when dealing with a counterinsurgency environment.
23
Hawley, K. M. "Strategic resources of Iraq". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27287.
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24
Müller-Karpe, Michael. "Die Metallgefässe in Iraq /". Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb356951682.
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25
Wien, Peter. "Iraqi Arab nationalism : authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclinations, 1932 - 1941 /". London ;New York : Routledge, 2008. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0518/2005025604.html.
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Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Wien, Peter: Discipline and Sacrifice: authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclination in Iraqi Arab Nationalism, 1934-1941--Bonn, 2003.Includes bibliographical references and index. The historical framework -- Generational conflict -- The generational approach -- The sherifian generation -- The young effendiyya -- The debate of the Iraqi press -- The Iraqi press in its environment -- Direct references to Germany and fascism -- Fascist imagery? -- The debate on the youth.
26
Mousavi, Fadlollah. "Examination of the applicability of the joint sovereignty method to the Arvand-Rood (Shatt-al-Arab)". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280341.
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27
Al-Qazwini, Jawdat Kazim. "The religious establishment in Ithnā'asharī Shī'ism : a study in scholarly and political development". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1997. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28898/.
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This thesis deals mainly with the historical development of the religious institution of Ithna ashari Shi'ism in both its scholarly and political aspects. It is divided into six chapters. The word "school" has been used to describe the place in which such an institution had flourished due to the activities of its fuqaha ' in response to their turbulent history, whether it was in Iraq, in Bilad al-Sham (Greater Syria, i.e. Syria and Lebanon) or in Iran. Chapter one deals with the Baghdad School. It includes a study of the scholarly development right from the begining of the fuqaha' institution during Shaykh al-Mufid's times (d. 413/1022) and ending with Shaykh al-Tusi (d. 460/1068). Chapter two follows the development of this scholarly renaissance at the hands of the Hilla fuqaha starting with Ibn Idris al-Hilli's time (d. 598/1201) and ending with Fakhr al-Muhaqiqqin ibn al-'Allama al-Hilli (d. 771/1369), and investigates the relationship between the religious institution and the Mongol invaders of Iraq and the ideological influence of the Ithna'ashari fuqaha' on the leaders of the invaders. Chapter three, on the Jabal 'Amil school, deals in part with the unsettled period of the Mamluk state, its struggle against the Mongols and the internal situation of the Shi'a vis-a-vis the Mamluks. It also deals in part with the influence of the Jabal 'Amil fuqaha' on the Safawid state after these fuqaha' had migrated there. Particular attention is paid to the role of Shaykh al-Karaki (d. 940/1533) and his attempt to build a religious institution inside Safawid Iran, and the opposition that he met. The chapter ends with a study of the Akhbari Movement in its first stage, during the time of Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi (d. 1033/1624). Chapter four focuses on the Najaf School, which had started about two hundred years before as an intellectual school. The development and activities of this school from the beginning of the thirteenth/nineteenth century, are discussed, as is its position regarding the emergence of the Wahhabi Movement, the Akhbari Movement (in its second phase) and the Shaykhi Movement. The chapter also deals with the political activity of the fuqaha' in their struggle against the Qajari state, which had been manifested in the fatwa prohibiting tobacco and in the Constitutional Movement. Chapter five deals with the struggle of the Najaf fuqaha' from the start of the Republican period (1958) until the beginning of the 1990s. This is preceded by an introductory remark concerning the position taken by the fuqaha' towards the British forces who entered Iraq after the First World War and the events of the Iraqi Revolution of 1920. Chapter six has been dedicated to a study of the Qumm school. It looks at the historical development of that city, with particular attention to the role of Shaykh 'Abd al-Karim al-Ha'iri al-Yazdi (d. 1355/1936) in supervising an elite of mujtahids who have participated in the renewal of this city.
28
Gibson, Bryan. "Covert relationship: American foreign policy, intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980--1988". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27848.
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Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iraq invaded Iran resulting in a costly war from 1980 to 1988, which threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf. From the outset, the stated official American policy was strict neutrality, but this was not the case. The war had provided the United States with an opportunity to improve relations with Iraq, particularly alter Iran reversed the Iraqi invasion in the summer of 1982. Because the Reagan administration could not let Iraq collapse, the United States tilted heavily towards Iraq in defiance of its stated policy. Interestingly, the tilt towards Iraq did not stop the Reagan administration from secretly dealing with Iran in 1985. Consequently, the disclosure of these dealings resulted in the buildup of American naval forces in the region to protect the shipment of oil, and eventually the use of force to end the conflict in 1988.
29
Mohammed, Pshtiwan Faraj. "The representation of the Iraq War in selected Anglo-American and Iraqi novels". Thesis, Brunel University, 2015. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13584.
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This thesis explores representation of the Iraq War in selected Anglo-American and Iraqi novels, examining how several authors have employed this theme in their narratives. The featured novelists are chosen from many writers who focus their efforts and their writing on this conflict. Criterion for selection included offering a critique of the diverse perspectives from which the conflict was perceived, the texts‘ engagement with the political conundrums underpinning war and its approach, how such fiction engages with a contemporary audience and what perspective are deployed to do so. Their public visibility provides the basis of one interpretative strand of the thesis. This study also explores and conceptualises how this conflict has entered the cultural consciousness and to what degree the novels fictionalise the conflict as their main subject, and assesses through which thematic emphases. The texts chosen and to be analysed are pivotal to our understanding of contemporary Iraq and its recent history. It will be argued that the thematic content of these texts contextualise modern war‘s multiple effects within not only the fictional textual world, but as well as their imaginative characters these representations become part of the experience at least vicariously of the audiences who read them. The texts discussed in subsequent chapters are either originally written in, or translated into English (for publication), and therefore all available in English, one major criterion of textual selection. It is interesting to examine the theme of the Iraq War and the historical and pragmatic vein and cultural point of reference from which authors write and has come to dominate the discourse of some contemporary novelists. The goal is to critically explore how the war has become a focal point and the framework of their narratives. The thesis will attempt to analyse how such novels depict the effects of political violence and why they are drawn to powerfully articulate the gruelling reality and experience of those fictionally engaged by and/or affected by it. It will be proposed that novels of and about this conflict are essential to study, understand, and engage with because of the content and the message they attempt to convey which is so crucial to understanding contemporary faultiness in socio-cultural histories, and the critical themes they utilize in writing and the dynamics through which they fictionalize their stories. Such fictional representations of this war serve an important societal, cultural, aesthetic and symbolic function. Thus the study encapsulates how novels of and about the Iraq War reveal and recapture the physical, psychological, and interpersonal losses that are felt by the civilians and military alike.
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Gray, Chase W. "Petrocapitalism in Iraqi Kurdistan: Leveraging Oil and Gas Firms in Post-War Iraq". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/337.
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In the absence of a continued military presence in Iraq, the United States must use alternative means to achieve its foreign policy goals. Stated goals include maintaining influence, increasing stability in Iraq, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, and ensuring Iraq's territorial integrity. This paper suggests leveraging the power of American oil and gas firms operating in Iraqi Kurdistan given the relative ineffectiveness of the embassy in Baghdad and the hostility many Iraqis exhibit toward American diplomats. It first outlines American policy toward Iraqi Kurdistan from the end of the Gulf War to the present. Next it provides a brief overview of the current state of affairs in Iraqi politics and Iraq's oil and gas industry. Then the paper describes four specific ways in which supporting American oil and gas firms in Iraqi Kurdistan can help the United States achieve its foreign policy goals. First, it can check undue Shi'a centralization of power and keep Iraq from drifting too far into the Iranian sphere. Second, it can strengthen the Kurdish bargaining position with Baghdad and push Iraq toward resolving the status of Kirkuk and enacting a comprehensive hydrocarbons law. Third, oil and gas extraction through profit sharing contracts (PSCs) rather than technical services agreements (TSAs) would promote foreign direct investment and spur economic growth. Finally, private sector oil and gas companies could be a critical component in maintaining American influence with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Government of Iraq (GOI) through their strong local ties. The last chapter is devoted to policy prescriptions for achieving the aforementioned goals.
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Negm, Namira Nabil. "Transfer of nuclear technology under international law : case study : Iraq, Iran and Israel". Thesis, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435472.
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Mooney, Michael J. "Live from the battlefield : an examination of embedded war correspondents' reporting during Operation Iraqi Freedom (21 March-14 April 2003) /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMooney.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Leadership and Human Resource Development)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Alice Crawford, Gail Fann Thomas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-170). Also available online.
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Aziz, Ibrahim Muhammad. "Consociationalism in Iraq after 2003". Thesis, University of Reading, 2018. http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/77158/.
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This thesis explores whether Iraq was a consociational democracy both formally as well as in practice from 2003 to 2014. Consociational theories suggest that democracies that encompass the consociational principles of proportional representation, autonomy, power sharing government, and the protection of key community interests by mutual veto provisions are more stable. Consequently, consociational principles have frequently been promoted in conflict-affected environments, including in Iraq. The thesis examines how and to what extent each of these elements is reflected in the constitution, and in government practice in Iraq. The analysis is divided chronologically into three parts: the US-led occupation and drafting of the constitution (2003 – 2005), the first election and the continued US military presence (2005-2010), and the period after the second election and the withdrawal of coalition forces (2010-2014). The thesis examines the consociational character of Iraq’s institutions and the degree of its implementation in the period in question through the analysis of key legal texts, and process tracing informed by primary documentary and news sources, as well as extensive elite interviews. On the basis of this empirical investigation, it finds four things. First, consociationalism is only partially reflected in the formal, constitutional provisions for Iraq’s governing institutions. Important practices, such as power sharing, have no constitutional basis in Iraq, and are at best implicit. Despite this, they are at times a prominent aspect of governance practice in Iraq, but at other times (e.g. during the second Maliki government for 2010 and 2014) are undermined in practice. Second, there is strong path dependence in the interpretation and implementation of consociational provisions in Iraq. Thus, the way in which consociational provisions were formalised in the constitution and later implemented cannot be understood without reference to the consociational practices of the occupation regime, for example. Third, the degree to which consociationalism has been implemented depended on the political willingness of the political leadership of the country’s major communities, and the political leverage of the US. When US forces withdrew, and commitment in particular of the Shiite political leadership around Prime Minister Maliki to power sharing and other consociational elements declined, the consociational character of the institutions was increasingly compromised. Fourth, the partial application of, and weak commitment to, consociationalism in Iraq meant that the institutional provisions implemented could not effectively work as a conflict resolution tool. While partially reflected in the constitution and in some legislation, it could only ever be partially implemented. Thus, it did not lead to peace, stability, and sustainability. The gap between communities widened, resulting in the Sunnis’ emphasis on the creation of their own region, while the Kurds decided to hold an independence referendum in September 2017.
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Lilly, Marshall L. "Messopotamia [sic] the future of democracy in Iraq /". Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1127336784.
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Alothaimin, Ibrahim Abdulrahman I. "Iran and Israel's national security in the aftermath of 2003 regime change in Iraq". Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4445/.
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Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran has continued to pose a serious security threat to Israel. The US initially occupied Iraq, ultimately overthrowing Saddam Hussein’s regime, in the belief that it would be able to replace that government with a pro-American administration which would counteract the threat from Iran. Instead, the balance of power in the Gulf region was radically altered and Iran, which saw Iraq as its first line of defence against the increasing threat from Israel, sought ways to prevent the US from taking control of Iraq. This failure by the US to stabilise Iraq paved the way for Iran to expand its influence over the region and altered the ‘balance of threat’ making it an actual threat to Israeli national security. This led Iran, as part of its deterrence and forward-deployment strategy, to initiate a cold war with Israel by accelerating its nuclear programme and its support, both financial and military, of Hezbollah In order to explain any changes to Israel’s stance on security since the 2003 invasion of Iraq, this study examines that country’s national security policy since the invasion, looking at the perceived threat from Iran, in the form of its nuclear capabilities, and its forward defence strategy. This study suggests that the US was so focussed on implementing regime change in Iraq, in the belief that this would instigate the introduction of democracy to the region, that it failed to foresee the wider geopolitical implications of the power vacuum which would occur. The result was that the way was left clear for Iran to exercise its influence over the region and to alter the balance of threat against Israel. This study argues that, in order to better understand Israel’s new security status, it is essential to explore the Iranian threat, which is characterised by its development of nuclear capabilities and the forward defence structure which can be seen in Tehran’s alliance with Syria and Hezbollah.
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Farag, George. "Diaspora and transitional administration Shiite Iraqi diaspora and the administration of post-Saddam Hussein Iraq /". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Al, Shammari Alyaa Abdulhussein Naser. "Iraq in contemporary drama : a study of selected plays of and about Iraq, 1990-2013". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/13977/.
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Saleem, Maysoon Fouad Saleem. "Collaboration between Academic Libraries in Australia and Iraq to Address the Information Gap in Iraq". Thesis, Curtin University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/81688.
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Recent wars in Iraq have caused a loss of scholars and library collections resulting in significant information gaps. This thesis examines collaborative approaches between academic libraries in Australia and Iraq aimed at restoring and modernising information systems. The qualitative methodology involves interviews with librarians in both countries as well as researchers from developing nations. Recommendations include the development of compatible library systems between Iraq and Australia, use of social networking and open access.
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Hawa, Houda Georges. "Changes in inter-arab relations 1945 - 1989 : the Middle Eastern subsystem perspective". Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265271.
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Rousu, David A. "Beyond the Shatt al-Arab: How the Fall of Saddam Hussein Changed Iran-Iraq Relations". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193287.
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The fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 is the one of the most important events in the history of Iran-Iraq relations. Prior to the US-led invasion, Iran and Iraq were by no means friends and fought each other bitterly for eight years in the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s. The enmity continued throughout the following decade, as Iran and Iraq developed intimate relationships with each others' dissidents and exiles. When Coalition forces finally toppled Saddam Hussein's government on April 9, 2003, the slate was cleared for Shi'ites and Kurds to assume power for the first time in Iraq's 80 year history. For leadership in the new Iraq, Shi'ites and Kurds turned to the organizations that struggled against the Ba'athists. Thus, Iran's Iraqi allies were able to fill Baghdad's power vacuum through elections and, at times, by force. As a result of regime change, Iran-Iraq relations have improved considerably. Despite some clear progress though, several contentious issues still remain.
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Erturk, Sait. "Reintegration of the Iraqi military in post-conflict era". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FErturk.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Vali Nasr, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-134) Also available online.
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Haider, Hind A. "Nationalism, archaeology and ideology in Iraq from 1921 to the present". Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32913.
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This thesis examines the use of archaeology in the development of national identity in Iraq from the period before the establishment of the Hashimite monarchy in 1921 to the present Ba'th regime and S&dotbelow;addam H&dotbelow;usayn. During King Faysal I's period (1921--1933), archaeology was used to highlight the 'Arabness' of the ancient Mesopotamians so as to keep the nation on a pan-Arabist course and steer away from developing a regional identity. Iraq's pre-Islamic heritage was approached with much reserve since the government feared alienating the majority Muslim population by glorifying the country's achievements before the advent of Islam. In contrast, 'Abd al-Karim Qasim's regime (1958--1963) focused unbridled attention to the Mesopotamian heritage in an effort to distance the newly established republic from the pan-Arabists' call to join with the United Arab Republic. Between the two poles of identifying the national identity with either the Arab or Mesopotamian character, the Ba'th regime embarked on a cultural campaign that used both identities in defining the modern Iraqi man and woman. While the campaign was relegated strictly to the cultural sphere of the nation, the intent was political in that the regime shifted to stressing the Muslim-Arab identity of Iraq when appealing to support from other Arab nations; and to the pre-Islamic Mesopotamian identity when dealing with the religious and ethnic cleavages in Iraqi society.
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Belopolsky, Helen. "Active engagement : Russian strategic alignment with challenger states (China, Iran, and Iraq), 1992 to 2002". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416528.
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Mustafa, M.-Khair S. A. "The Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), the Iraq-Iran War and the doctrine of regionality". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.276850.
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Mati, Evan. "Natural Dyeing Plants in Kurdistan, Iraq". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Systematisk biologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-141816.
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Stanley, Paige Graye. "Project report on Ajax in Iraq". Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1523223.
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This paper is presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Fine Arts in Theatre Lighting Design. This paper examines the lighting design of Ajax in Iraq. This gives the point of view of the production, the approach taken and self-evaluation of the success and failures therein.
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Cetinsaya, Gokhan. "Ottoman administration of Iraq 1890-1908". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510047.
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Hussain, N. H. "The regional planning process in Iraq". Thesis, University of Bradford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371474.
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Al-khalidi, Ali. "The Failure of Democracy in Iraq". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33317.
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The motivation of the bachelor thesis is to provide an understanding of democracy in Iraq from 2003 until present. After the fall of Saddam’s regime, there have been general elections but there is still an unstable democracy in Iraq. What are the reasons behind the failure of democracy in Iraq? Of course, there are many reasons behind this but my choice is to focus on three specific ones. How do these three variables that I have chosen, affect the possibility of democracy in Iraq? These two questions will be answered in this bachelor thesis, using Path Dependence Theory and Dahl’s Polyarchy Model and its Criteria that help to analyze and answer the research questions. Iraq has many major problems but the three I have focused on are ethnic and religious divides between Shia and Sunni, the violent environment and the presence of terrorist groups.
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Fiacconi, M. "Cave pollen taphonomy in Kurdish Iraq". Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2017. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/6712/.
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This thesis aims to understand the mechanisms involved in pollen transport and deposition in cave environments and the influence of different factors on the composition of the pollen assemblage, with special reference to the problem of the Neanderthal ‘Flower burial’ at Shanidar Cave, Kurdish Iraq. Limited systematic taphonomic work has been done in cave environments, with most of the studies on an ad hoc basis. However, the number of interconnected factors acting on pollen transport, deposition and accumulation in this kind of environments implies that models used for open-air sites are inadequate and demonstrates the need for further taphonomic studies. Surface samples from six caves located in the Zagros Mountains of Kurdish Iraq were collected along front-back transects and outside for comparison in order to evaluate the distribution of anemophilous and entomophilous taxa in relation to the sample location. Additional surface samples were collected from Shanidar Cave along a side to side and perimeter transects to better evaluate the pollen distribution. Water, airfall and animal dung samples were also collected to investigate the influence of those factors in pollen transport. Finally, stratigraphic samples collected during the excavation at the site were analysed for pollen and for particle size distribution. Results show that simple sac-like caves with little or no influence of factors such as water, humans and animals are characterised by broadly predictable patterns of pollen distribution with a positive correlation between anemophilous pollen and vicinity to the cave entrance and entomophilous pollen and distance from the cave entrance. Caves with active biotic vectors and/or more complex geomorphology show instead more irregular patterns. Cave SLS203 presents an inverse anemophilous/entomophilous distribution that is likely to be related to its geomorphological complexity (a second entrance at the back of the cave influencing the air circulation) and to the presence of animals. Shanidar Cave presents a very irregular distribution which is likely to reflect a combination of factors such as the mixing of surface sediments caused by the tourists visiting the site, the pollen transported by animals and that moved by the wind. Other factors, such as water input and cave entrance flora, seem not to play an important role in ii Kurdish Iraq, while they appear to strongly influence pollen distribution in caves elsewhere (e.g. Coles, 1988; Simpson, 2006). The stratigraphic samples were sterile or contained few pollen grains, probably because the aeolian nature of the sediments, deposited during stadials, with low pollen deposition and high sediment influx. Finally, clumps of pollen of both anemophilous and entomophilous taxa have been found for different taxa in all the caves. Leroi-Gourhan (1975) had suggested that similar clumps found in the vicinity of Shanidar IV remains were evidence for burial with flowers but their presence on the surface demonstrates that they can occur naturally and that other explanations should be considered. Moreover, the high amount of Lactuceae and the presence of older pollen grains in her samples suggest a strong taphonomic imprint not necessarily resulting from anthropogenic activity.