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Krēsliņš, Uldis. "Latvia as a partner in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s: Latvia’s relations with Great Britain, the United States and Germany". Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 116 (julho de 2022): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.116.03.
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For the new states that emerged as a result of the First World War, ensuring the internal political security in the early 1920s was a fundamentally important issue. In the case of Latvia, potential security threats were exacerbated by the country’s geopolitical position – a direct border with Soviet Russia – which made Latvia a protective barrier against the spread of the Communist movement. The aim of the study is to characterize Latvia’s role in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s based on the materials of the Latvian security service, focusing on Latvia’s relations in the field of political security with three Western democracies – United Kingdom, the United States and Germany.
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Sosnitskaia, Viktoriia. "Transatlantic Security Relations: NATO Relevance Issues". Мировая политика, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 2023): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2023.2.40029.
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This article focuses on the crisis of transatlantic relations, which seriously affect the formation of the European security architecture. The author examines the system of interaction between European countries in a historical perspective in order to find the prerequisites for the existing ties within the Alliance. The analysis of NATO's transformation after the Cold War also reveals the relationship between the goals of unification and the realization of their interests mainly under the guise of universal security, which is quite clearly seen in the relations between the United States and NATO. The high uncertainty of the Alliance in the distribution of priorities, the difference in positions regarding the regional focus of the association and often the impossibility of consolidation in the mobilization of available resources have been corroding the unity of the union for many years, which makes it a rather controversial instrument of global governance to maintain peaceful coexistence of states. The main conclusion of the study is that the main challenge NATO cannot cope with is the internal crisis caused by the inconsistency of the actions of the participating countries, the American dominance in decision-making process, the dependence of European economies on the United States. Acting as a provider of international security, in reality, the alliance is rather an instrument for the realization of the national interests of individual states participating in the military-political bloc. Despite the fact that the question of the relevance of NATO has been raised more than once in the history of its existence, the Alliance continues to gravitate towards expansion. However, this will hardly save it from internal contradictions, which with each new challenge from the outside are exposed more and more clearly and cause more and more concern among the codependent members of the Alliance.
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EDIGER, VOLKAN Ş., e JOHN V. BOWLUS. "A FAREWELL TO KING COAL: GEOPOLITICS, ENERGY SECURITY, AND THE TRANSITION TO OIL, 1898–1917". Historical Journal 62, n.º 2 (18 de junho de 2018): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000109.
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AbstractInterest in energy transitions has accelerated in recent years due to rising concerns about global warming and resource scarcity, but the drivers of these phenomena are not well understood. To date, scholars have primarily focused on commercial and technological factors, highlighting that oil was ‘better’ than coal – more powerful, cheaper, cleaner, and more practical to use – and that the internal combustion engine made it more advantageous to use in transportation. Yet oil was also a strategic commodity that powerful states sought to acquire for military reasons. This article contends that geopolitics, military decision-making, and energy security hastened the transition from oil to coal prior to the First World War. It argues that Britain, Germany, and the United States sought to transition their naval fleets from coal to oil to gain a military advantage at sea, which created, for the first time, the problem of oil-supply security. Through government-led initiatives to address oil-supply security, vast new supplies of oil came online and prices fell, the ideal environment for oil to eclipse coal as the dominant source in the global energy system.
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Patrick, Stewart. "Civil Wars & Transnational Threats: Mapping the Terrain, Assessing the Links". Daedalus 146, n.º 4 (outubro de 2017): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00458.
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Among the primary strategic rationales for U.S. policy engagement in war-torn states has been the assumption that internal violence generates cross-border spillovers with negative consequences for U.S. and global security, among these transnational terrorism, organized crime, and infectious disease. Closer examination suggests that the connection between internal disorder and transnational threats is situation-specific, contingent on an array of intervening factors and contextual conditions. Taken as a cohort, war-torn states are not the primary drivers of cross-border terrorism, crime, and epidemics, nor do they pose a first-tier, much less existential, threat to the United States. Of greater concern are relatively functional states that maintain certain trappings of sovereignty but are institutionally anemic, thanks to endemic corruption and winner-take-all politics. Ultimately, the most important U.S. stakes in war-torn countries are moral and humanitarian: namely, the imperative of reducing suffering among fellow members of our species.
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Levin, Yaroslav. "FBI Opposition to German and Japanese Nationalist Organizations in the United States (1941–1945)". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 6 (2023): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024078-3.
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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German and Japanese diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans and Japanese under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech and the needs to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered on specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German and pro-Japanese organizations in the period 1941-45.
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Nolan, Cathal J. "La liberté est-elle divisible? Comment rapprocher les concepts de mission et de sécurité dans une politique étrangère américaine". Études internationales 22, n.º 3 (12 de abril de 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702877ar.
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This article seeks to outline the complex pattern of liberty and national security in international relations through a survey of the historical relationship between those concerns in the foreign policy of what is still the world's most important democratic country, the United States. This study is not a history per se of American diplomacy concerning this cluster of issues, although it is historical in approach. Nor is it directly concerned with an on-going theoretical debate over whether or not democracies are inherently more peaceful than other types of states, despite drawing upon elements of that debate and having implications for it. Instead, what is presented here is an interpretive survey of the importance in U.S. foreign policy of a set of key ideas about international order — specifically, the attempt to resolve ideas of "American mission " with the requirements of security, through increasingly active linkage of U.S. national security to the internal character of foreign regimes. It then explores how that tension became manifest in two policy settings : the United Nations, one of America's major multilateral relationship s, and the Soviet Union, its principal bilateral relationship. In short, this study is concerned with governing ideas in American diplomacy; with how such ideas arise and are sustained or challenged; with how they have been disseminated among allies (and even adversaries) ; and the implications of the reality that the United States have succeeded in imbedding these notions in the structures of the international System. The essay concludes with what should prove a controversial, qualified approval of the new 'liberal realism' evident in American foreign policy in the early 1990s.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security". American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security". American Journal of Islam and Society 22, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Schrader, Stuart. "Cops at War: How World War II Transformed U.S. Policing". Modern American History 4, n.º 2 (28 de junho de 2021): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.12.
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World War II transformed policing in the United States. Many police enlisted in the military during the war, and in turn many veterans joined police forces following the victories of 1945. As wartime labor shortages depleted their ranks, police chiefs turned to new initiatives to strengthen and professionalize their forces, redoubling those efforts as growing fears of crime and internal security threats outlasted the global conflict. This article investigates the rapid growth of the military police, how African Americans responded to changes in policing due to the war, and these wartime experiences’ lingering impacts. Based on research in obscure and difficult-to-find police professional literature, and closely examining New York City, it argues that the war's effects on policing did not amount to “militarization” as currently understood, but did inspire more standardized and nationally coordinated approaches to recruitment as well as military-style approaches to discipline, training, and tactical operations.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Kiknadze, V. G. "History of the Second World War: Countering Attempts to Falsify and Distort to the Detriment of International Security". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 4(43) (28 de agosto de 2015): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-74-83.
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One of the negative phenomena of the modern world are attempts to falsify history and the results of the Second World War, 1939-1945., is an important component of the ideological confrontation in the information space of neoliberal forces of Russian society with patriotic and non-violent, is a tool for achieving geopolitical goals of a number of states. United States, European Union and Ukraine tend to distort the results of the Second World War to remove the history of the Great Patriotic War, the feat of the Soviet people, who saved the world from fascism, and the Soviet Union (Russian Federation), together with Nazi Germany put in the dock of history, accusing all the troubles of the XX century. At the same time attempts to rehabilitate fascism and substitution postwar realities lead to the destruction of the entire system of contemporary international relations and, as a consequence, to the intensification of the struggle for the redivision of the world, including military measures. China is actively implementing the historiography of the statement that World War II began June 7, 1937 and is linked to an open aggression of Japan against China. Given these circumstances, the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation noted that the trend of displacement of military dangers and military threats in the information space and the inner sphere of the Russian Federation. The main internal risks attributable activity information impact on the population, especially young citizens of the country, which has the aim of undermining the historical, spiritual and patriotic traditions in the field of defense of the Fatherland.
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Tishkov, Sergey A., e Daria S. Tishkova. "Participation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation in Enhancing African Police Personnel Peacekeeping Capacity". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2023): 466–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-3-466-479.
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The peacekeeping became actual agenda of international relations due to increased number of internal conflicts with mass human rights violations in different regions of the world including Africa. The problems of ensuring peace and security have become priority for United Nations (UN) and regional organizations involved in constant search of conflict resolution best practices. Peacekeeping actors admitted the key role of law-enforcement agencies, and first of all the police, in ensuring security in conflict or post-conflict reconstruction. Therefore, the UN actively developing the strategy of police methods usage in peacekeeping operations. Because of this process, the number of member states contributing police contingents to the UN including formed police units increased. Joint activity of police officers from different countries with different education, professional experience and specialization requires high-quality training of candidates for peacekeeping operations. The purpose of this article is to analyze the needs of African police officers in professional development and the capabilities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation in training of African police officers for the UN peacekeeping operations. The study is based on insights from non-participant observation, interviews and analyses of the UN official documents, policies and training materials. Actual Russian and foreign scientific publications were used. Results confirmed that Russian Federation has many years of experience in African policemen training for the UN peacekeeping operations. The promising areas of Russian Federation participation in the development of the peacekeeping potential of African police, along with the provision of standardized pre-deployment training based on the UN certified programs, can be training in the crime investigation methodology and the training of special police units of the UN member states.
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Akhmedov, V. M. "SYRIAN CRISIS: HISTORY AND CURRENT POLITICS". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n.º 3 (13) (2020): 265–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-3-265-272.
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The article studies main developments, implications and results of the 10 year Syrian crisis. The author pays special attention to the historical preconditions that caused those events in Syria, focusing on actual political, social, economic, ethnic, ideological, regional, and international dimensions of the Syrian crisis based on historical background. The author tries to make some forecasts about further development of the current situation in Syria in view of abilities to peacefully resolve the conflict by political instruments rather than military options. The publication tends to study new tendencies in the Syrian crisis development. The author argues that today the Syrian conflict is developing in a different paradigm that can be tentatively designated as the “post-terrorist” stage in the Syrian uprising. Main attention is paid to Russia’s politics in Syria and its ability to rebuild the main institutions of the Syrian state. Political steps and tendencies of major regional and international players in the Syrian crisis are analysed. In this regard the author supposes and demonstrates in this article that much depends on how Russia, Turkey, Iran, the United States and Israel change the previous agreements on the security system in Syria. The author believes that despite all the complexity of this crisis, peace in Syria is quite possible. A lot depends on political will and the readiness for mutual compromises between key internal and external actors in the Syrian crisis.
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Ryzhov, Valerii Borisovich. "Ukraine – NATO: relations and prospects of membership". Международное право, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2024): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2644-5514.2024.1.70484.
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The author notes that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in modern conditions plays one of the key roles in ensuring security and stability in Europe. It is stated that, in accordance with its founding documents, this international structure aims to unite the efforts of its members for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security. The article reveals the international legal aspects of the Partnership for Peace program, established in 1991 to ensure cooperation between NATO and European states that are not members of the alliance, and to maintain a constant dialogue on issues of mutual interest to both NATO and states that are not part of this military-political bloc. It is emphasized that this program is used for the purpose of cooperation between NATO members and non-members in the military and defense spheres, including in various crisis situations, based on the postulate that the security of member states is inseparably linked with the security of all other European states. The article focuses on the analysis of the history and prospects of the development of relations between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The policy of the Ukrainian leadership towards the bloc, as well as concrete steps within the framework of Euro-Atlantic integration are considered. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the compliance of the current state of the internal political system of Ukraine with the requirements and standards of NATO. The official position of the Russian Federation on the issue of Ukraine's membership in NATO is considered. It is concluded that Ukraine's entry into NATO in the short and medium term contradicts the interests of the international organization itself.
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Lho, Kyongsoo. "Prospects for East Asian Security: A Korean Perspective". Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, n.º 2 (28 de fevereiro de 2001): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15201.
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East Asia has been at peace for more than a quarter century. For nearly every East Asian country save the most laggard, this long peace, to borrow John Lewis Gaddis words, has brought about unprecedented economic development and internal growth. The economic slump brought about the financial crisis of 1978-79 notwithstanding, East Asia continues to move forward and grow, becoming more interconnected, ever more interdependent, and increasingly more transparent. In the age of instant telecommunication and the internet, the process of integration and interdependence is likely to accelerate not slow. Arguably, after nearly a century of bloody conflict, destruction, and lost opportunities, East Asian states have finally come to appreciate the benefits of cooperation over conflict. It would, of course, be premature to assert that the dangers of renewed conflict in the region have declined to genuinely tolerable levels. North Koreas capacity to make trouble, the potential volatility of the China-Taiwan relationship, territorial disputes in the South China Sea, are among the more obvious areas of concern. Tension in between the United States and China over the introduction of Theater Missile Defense (TMD) is the latest issue of contention clouding the regional security horizon. But in spite of these problems, East Asia is a fairly stable place at this juncture. There are no immediate political or military challenges that threaten to undermine the regions fundamental strategic stability. Nor is there any permanent basis for hostility amongst the major players in East Asia. The dangerous fires of militant nationalism that inflamed the region in the first half of the past century, and the antipathetic ideologies that fueled the Cold War for most of the second half, have now receded into history. In spite of East Asias apparent strategic stability, however, the major regional actors appear to be as preoccupied about their security as ever. What accounts for this paradox? Are security prospects for the region timely darkening as we enter this century? Or does the professed unease instead reflect exaggerated or unfounded fears and suspicions? What ought to be done in order to maintain strategic equilibrium, promote cooperative behavior on the part of potential rivals, and extend peace in the region?
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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "Lobbying Allies? The NSZZ Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad, 1982–1989". Journal of Cold War Studies 13, n.º 3 (julho de 2011): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00143.
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After the proclamation of martial law in Poland in December 1981, a Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad was set up. Led by Jerzy Milewski, the organization eliminated any internal opposition and succeeded in being recognized by most Western partners as the foreign representative of Solidarność. The Coordinating Office received most of its financial aid from trade union internationals and from the United States. Initially, the Coordinating Office was active mainly within international institutions such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the International Labor Organization. From 1984 onward, the organization sought to influence senior politicians and governments and became an important reminder to the Western world of the Polish crisis, as well as providing financial and material aid to the banned Polish trade union. However, it did not have a definitive impact on policymaking and remained largely dependent on its allied organizations.
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Levin, Yaroslav. "American Cinema, FBI and Propaganda: The Image of the Internal Enemy (1941–1942)". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 1 (março de 2023): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.1.21.
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Introduction. The period 1941–1942 became a time when American art was rapidly rebuilt on “military rails.” Cultural figures in every way reinforced the morale of American soldiers and were engaged in justifying various actions of the government through a more accessible and understandable language of artistic narrative. Methods and materials. The rich material of the archive of the FBI, the army and other US security services allows a better look at how the cinema obeyed the propaganda needs of the warring power. The article is based on the principles of historicism and systematics, as well as the methods of historical comparativistics and imagology (discourse-analysis, analysis of audiovisual representation and some others). Analysis and results. It is quite clear that cinema played a special role in these processes – the most massive and popular type of art, which in the previous two decades became the most common form of leisure for Americans. This article is devoted to the use of cinema to justify the initially extremely unpopular measure of the American government to intern the Japanese in concentration camps in the light of the entry of the United States into World War II.
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Akram Ul Haq, Muhammad, Asia Saif Alvi, Muhammad Safdar Hussain, Kashif Ijaz e Rifat Kaleem. "Challenges and Opportunities in Pakistan-US Relations and it’s Impact on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy". Research Journal for Societal Issues 5, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2023): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.56976/rjsi.v5i2.101.
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This article illumination on Pakistan-US relations and various aspects of their common history. There have been many vicissitudes throughout history, which have led to the phenomena of trust and mistrust as well as perceptions and misperceptions. An outline of this research has been prepared with regard to the relations between convergence and divergence of interests. Due to numerous and complex factors, the history of relations between Pakistan and the US has often moved in a roller coaster pattern. The two state’s bilateral relations affected by this multifaceted relationship, which has two distinct co-dependency and trust deficit methods. This article aims to highlight the issues of miscellaneous opinions and policies between Pakistan and the US over the distinctive national and international contexts that directly link the interests of the two parties and outline causes of interaction between them to survive during essential times of vicissitudes. This article described the convergent and divergent in Pak-US relations and this complex of two-pronged affair starting with the history of relations by the end of Musharraf's reign and beginning with the Pakistan People's Party govt. The current study has examined internal and external connections relating to Pakistan's national security in interactions with the United States and its effect on or implications for Pakistan's foreign policy.
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Asmolov, Konstantin. "Сhina and the states of the Korean peninsula in 2022 – before and after Yoon Seok Yeol". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n.º 3 (2023): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025672-6.
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China’s relations with the DPRK have been steadily developing since 2018: at every opportunity, PRC & DPRK emphasize the unbreakable friendship based on an alliance of socialist parties. North Korean diplomats and the media constantly speak out in support of Beijing’s course, criticizing the US’ accusations, and China calls for taking into account the North Korean position on the nuclear issue. Conducting a nuclear test may cool down the relations between the two countries, but Beijing’s specific reaction will depend on the foreign policy situation and will not necessarily be reduced to condemnation, similar to the situation in 2017. Relations between China and the Republic of Korea have not yet undergone any significant changes, despite the change of power in Seoul. China is the country’s leading economic partner, but the United States remains the main security ally and ideological sovereign, which forces the Republic of Korea to maneuver. President Yoon Suk-yeol, representing the conservatives, despite his pro-American rhetoric, is trying to continue the policy of “balancing” and avoid spoiling relations with Beijing, except for the separation on the issue of so-called “three NO’s” (no additional deployment of THAAD in South Korea beyond the existing one, no participation in the US regional missile defense system and no participation in a trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan). However, President Yoon is under strong political pressure, both internal & external, and against the backdrop of increased confrontation between the United States and China, his reversal from China seems quite inevitable in the medium term.
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Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, n.º 1 (março de 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.
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Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.
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Rowen, Jonah. "Building Fears of Fire". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 81, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2022): 476–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2022.81.4.476.
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Abstract While scholars have studied both the visual and material culture of slavery and the history of efforts to design cities to avert fire, the two topics have not often overlapped. In the southern United States during the antebellum period, fire was a “weapon of the weak,” and architects devised instruments for fire deterrence—or at least fire suppression—in response to perceived threats. In Building Fears of Fire: Architecture and the Suppression of Black Insurrection in the U.S. Antebellum South, Jonah Rowen brings these two lines of inquiry together to ask: Where do architectural aesthetics convey traces of enslavementŒ If architects designed buildings for security, and enslaved people constituted internal threats, how did the apprehensions of white southerners appear in the built objects and environments that constituted the cityŒ Rowen analyzes Robert Mills’s Fireproof Building in Charleston, South Carolina (1822–26) in the context of the abortive 1822 uprising of Black people allegedly planned by Denmark Vesey, demonstrating how architecture emerged as a means of protecting against arson. Artifacts such as the Fireproof Building reveal the traces of a society in constant fear of the destructive impact of insurrection.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Presidency of Germany in the European Union as factor of development of European integration process (the second half 2020)". European Historical Studies, n.º 18 (2021): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03.
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The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.
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Golub, Y., e S. Shenin. "From Trump to Biden: What Will Happen to NATO?" International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, n.º 3 (2021): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.4.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of transformation of NATO in the post-bipolar period and forecasting the prospects of the alliance. In the context of the bloc’s evolution, as well as taking into account the different approaches to US foreign policy on the part of the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the reasons for the deterioration of transatlantic relations, including how Washington used the potential of the alliance to solve its strategic tasks in the past and present. It is noted that after the end of the Cold War, all US presidents to some extent used unilateral approaches to achieve the national interests of the United States at the expense of NATO, which contributed to the accumulation of discontent in Europe with American dominance in the alliance and the desire for a certain autonomy in the field of defense and security. In fact, President D. Trump continued the traditional conservative policy of B. Obama towards NATO, which was supposed to ensure the implementation of the strategy of “Pivot to Asia”. The Republicans’ use of harsh rhetoric and threats has seriously undermined transatlantic solidarity. Although conservative political and ideological groups in the United States actively supported Trump’s approach as “effective”, nevertheless, the majority of groups in both parties (liberals, realists and neoconservatives) for various reasons believed that such a policy does not meet American interests and it is necessary to consider the possibility of granting the EU greater independence in the field of defense and security. Since after Biden’s victory, the initiative on the issue of NATO policy passed into the hands of representatives of liberal groups, the President will have to look for ways to synthesize the points of view of progressives, “restorationists” and “reformists” within the framework of internal party competition. It is concluded that in the context of the new balance of power in the world the Biden administration will most likely be forced to abandon the traditional vision of the role of NATO in favor of the “reformist” concept of “strategic autonomy” of Europe.
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Bekmurat, R. B., e А. Ye Serikkaliyeva. "Analysis of China's investment in Afghanistan". BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 139, n.º 2 (2022): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-139-2-139-150.
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Throughout history, Sino-Afghan relations have been considered friendly. Afghanistan illustrates many security problems for China. First, Afghanistan, which was plunged into a series of wars and conflicts, suffered from protracted wars and instability, and was left with an underdeveloped economy and a poor population. These situations not only deprived Afghanistan of peace and stability but also had a negative impact on border regions and countries. Although, as neighboring countries, China and Afghanistan are connected by a very short length, the insecurity in Afghanistan remains a constant problem for the Chinese government since Afghanistan has become one of the largest sources of drug trafficking to China. Secondly, the country’s internal security and stability are particularly vulnerable to the spread of terrorism and extremism from Afghanistan. Thirdly, instability affects the activity and security of Chinese investment projects. In view of the constant threat of terrorism, China will take decisive steps to strengthen security measures and intensify economic ties. In resolving the Afghan problem, China will act at the international and regional levels so that the Afghan issue meets the geopolitical and economic interests. This article analyzes China’s investment activities in Afghanistan and provides an overview of the relations between the two countries in historical retrospect with an emphasis on China’s national interests and policy in Afghanistan. The authors consider the statements of the parties after the withdrawal of the United States troops, analyze the channels of humanitarian ties, and give cases on the largest investment projects of China in Afghanistan. The article identifies the main motives and goals of Beijing’s investment policy in Afghanistan, with an emphasis on changing the agenda of relations between the two countries after the recognition of the Taliban by Beijing.
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Lymar, Marharyta, e Iryna Tykhonenko. "The US gun policy: domestic and external dimensions". American History & Politics Scientific edition, n.º 10 (2020): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.4.
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The purpose of the article is to explore proliferation of firearms in the United States due to social problems (mass shootings) and public demand for increasing gun control. Primary challenges cover exploring the U.S. firearms history, which provides a key to understanding the causes of the current situation in this area; reviewing of Americans’ attitudes toward gun ownership; studying the U.S. foreign policy in the context of arms exports from Ukraine to the United States. Moreover, attention is paid to exploring the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA) on Donald Trump’s decision on arms control and a comparative analysis of his gun policy with the policy of his predecessors. The methodological basis of the study includes a set of general and special research methods. Systematic approach is used to consider the U.S. gun policy as a complex system with the determinism of domestic and foreign policy levels. A significant role is played by descriptive-historical and chronological methods that allow to examine the evolution of the U.S. legal framework for firearms and small-arms control. The comparative method makes it possible to compare the approaches of George W. Bush’s, Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s administrations to the gun policy. The statistical method allows to consider the peculiarities of the U.S. exports of small arms and Ukraine’s exports of such type of weapons to the USA. The scientific novelty lies in one of the first attempts among Ukrainian authors to make a comprehensive analysis of the interdependence of internal and external aspects of firearms trafficking among the U.S. civilians. In this context, the paper examines the U.S.–Ukrainian relations. The study concludes that the U.S. gun traditions are the main stumbling block for tightening firearms legislation. On the gun issue, the U.S. domestic policy, which is heavily influenced by the NRA, determines the state’s foreign policy. At the same time, society is demanding reforms aimed at restricting the possession of firearms by the civilian population, which may increase the level of domestic security.
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Malkin, S. G. "The Small Wars Doctrine of the US Marine Corps and Colonial Experience of the European Powers". Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, n.º 3 (4 de dezembro de 2023): 87–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-87-124.
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The rapid transformation of the current world order excites renewed interest of the expert community in the phenomenon of empire (as a form of the organization of political life). And since the United States plays a central role in this transformation, the history of the Pax Americana, its formation and development, both at the level of the idea and in the field of real politics is of particular relevance. The author argues that clarification of the role and significance of the colonial background in the projection of US military-political power in the late 19th — early 21st centuries allows for better understanding of the theory and practice of international relations both in the era of ‘high imperialism’ and world wars of the 20th century, and in the context of transition from global colonial empires to nuclear superpowers. It may also be instrumental in addressing the deepening contradictions between advocates of a ‘global leadership’ concept and proponents of a multipolar world during the post-Cold War period. In this regard, the paper examines the works of the US military theorists of the late 19th − first half of the 20th centuries that focused on the colonial experience of the leading European powers, as well as the experience gained from interventions involving the US Army and Marine Corps. Special emphasis is given to the concept of ‘small wars’. Building on a wide array of primary sources, presented both by the works of military experts, direct participants in various counterinsurgency operations in the colonies, as well as by the teaching materials and field manuals of the US Marine Corps, the author traces the evolution of this concept which implied establishment of external management and/or control through military and police measures. This allows the author to restore the historical genealogy of current models of internal security promoted in American foreign policy in conditions of proliferating, protracted, and increasingly hybrid civil conflicts. The author concludes that in the interwar period the US law enforcement agencies pragmatically implemented the relevant experience of global empires in Latin American countries within the framework of the Monroe Doctrine, while regarding European powers as political rivals. It is noted that conflicting imperatives of asymmetric and conventional threats to US national security urge researchers and practitioners to revisit after a post-Vietnam period of neglect the approaches of colonial empires to the conduct of small wars and to adapt them to modern conditions. The findings broaden the understanding of the modern leading powers’ approaches to internal security models transfer, as well as of its limits.
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Denchev, Stoyan, e Steliana Yordanova. "Saltation Diffusion Penetration: A New Measure of Specific Politico-Economic and Military Relations". Advances in Social Sciences and Management 2, n.º 6 (31 de maio de 2024): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.63002/assm.26.457.
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At every stage of human existence, the security environment has been marked by various challenges and processes that have passed through the course of its history. The development of societies, changes in socio-economic conditions, technological progress, political and ideological trends also determined the change in the security environment. The unprecedented military, political, economic and ideological confrontation of the Cold War period, as well as the current extremely complex situation in the world, are causing new dynamics in the security environment. New challenges have emerged for world order and security – terrorism and extremism, military and non-military conflicts, economic and political destabilization, ethnic and religious tensions, cyber wars and many more. etc., risks and threats that have a strong negative impact on the social sustainability of our planet. The lack of clear rules for political and economic behavior and the growth of confrontation in international relations have led to a total disorientation of the global modern social system. Dominant in this direction are not only current wars and permanent threats from local and global conflict situations, but also unconventional technologies, methods and means of influence in the internal political life of states. Scientific and expert literature temporarily imposed a new terminological apparatus, with which to name the various processes, phenomena and operations with a markedly political and military character. Despite the existence of this terminological diversity, however, in the last few years there has been a need to fill the "gap" in understanding their nature and metrics. The need for a new meaningful definition of the specific political-economic, technological and social decisions and consequences appeared mostly in social practice. In this regard, in this report we will consider a new measure of specific politico-economic and military relations, which we have called “Striking Diffuse Penetration” (SDP) or Public Diffuse Entropy (PDE). Regardless of the fact that these two definitions, we propose a third linguistic construction that unites the first two and name the following expression form Saltation Diffusion Penetration.
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Zhabskiy, M., e K. Tarasov. "Globalization of Cinematographic Communication". International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, n.º 3 (5 de junho de 2023): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.3.70.4.
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The article examines the globalization – in its Americanization format – of the international cinematic communication within the perspective of the cultural diversity issue. The globalization process is comprehended as a result of the historical succession of market formations: from free competition in American cinema to an oligopoly and on to a national and an international monopoly. During the period of polipoly, the trail for globalization was blazed by the grande dame of the cinématographe: France. The United States, where in 1908 the market share of French films equaled 70%, mounted a resolute challenge. Under consideration are three factors – institutional, geopolitical, and creative – of the loss by the French of their domination over the American and, then, their own market. To the soft power of American cinema, the French state responded with the quota stimulation for the exhibition of national films, motivating it, among other things, by the necessity of providing for the external and internal security of the state, by the guardianship of customs and national traditions. To the quotas as a means of mitigating the soft power of the United States did recourse some other countries too: larger ones, for economic considerations; smaller ones, for cultural. The globalizational might of the American film industry is explained through the rational choice of the main line for its stylistic development and the filmmakers’ masterfulness, as well as through the professionalism of managemental and marketing actors, investment from big capital, and through support from government in its push for the «cultural hegemony» of the United States. The major studios that emerged during the period of oligopoly (1909– 1929) competed with one another on the terms of a certain accord. With the means of competing by supercostly investments, far beyond the capabilities of smaller studios, the majors established for the domestic market a regime of national monopoly (1930–1946). On the world market the elected method of competition enabled the American film industry, in the second half of the 1940s, to gain the position of the international monopolist. An important role in the process was played by Motion Picture Export Association, established in 1945: a sort of «a diplomatic service» that functioned with permission from and under the support of the U.S. government. From its position of the global monopolist the American film industry strives not only to dominate in the intercultural cinematic communication, but, in this status and as a means of the popular geopolitics, to control it through lobbying and by exporting capital and goods. The transborder circulation of products by various national cinemas and cultural diversity of cinematography have largely fallen prey the globalization process. On the basis of vast factual research is recreated the state of the art for the imbalance in the intercultural film communication. When, in a socialfunctional respect, the importing of films mainly supplants their production in a certain country, the socium, by a large magnitude, is deprived of the chance to reproduce its culture and, accordingly, its identity with the means of depicting its own image and of mastering it. The making of national cinematic picture of the world and its integration into the communicative process becomes a topical task of providing for cultural diversity.
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Zelinska, O. M., e N. M. Galaziuk. "STATE AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINIAN-US COOPERATION IN THE CONDITIONS OF ARMED AGGRESSION BY RUSSIA AGAINST UKRAINE". Actual problems of regional economy development 1, n.º 20 (13 de junho de 2024): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/apred.1.20.53-62.
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The relevance of the study of economic and diplomatic communication between Ukraine and the USA is determined by the modern dynamic world political situation, full of conflicts and economic instability. The dialogue between the two countries acquires new realities that call into question the traditional norms and strategies of exchange. In the conditions of geopolitical upheavals, such as growing Russian aggression, the Ukrainian crisis and the changing situation in the world, the importance of economic and diplomatic cooperation acquires strategic importance. If Ukraine can effectively defend its position, protect its own interests and mobilize the support of the international community, this will directly affect its security, stability and future. Russia's full-scale military aggression against Ukraine led to the destruction and damage of civilian and critical infrastructure, which caused external and internal migration of the working population. Under such circumstances, the national economy faced an economic crisis. After a period of adaptation, world trade has built new logistics chains, but global food security remains in a precarious position. However, wars tend to end, so participation in international cooperation, including with the USA, is of great importance for the recovery of the national economy. The problem of post-war reconstruction of the country after the war is not a new practice in world history. The manner in which cooperation takes place, in particular in the context of reconstruction, is largely influenced by the peculiarities of individual states. Therefore, the use of specific economic instruments can have both positive and negative effects. The study of this issue will provide an opportunity to better understand how international cooperation affects economic recovery and will help the state to return to the international trade arena as soon as possible. Ukrainian-American cooperation always attracts the attention of both scientists and practitioners. First of all, due to its strategic nature, this cooperation requires greater responsibility and meaningfulness of the actions of both states. Also, an effective diplomatic and economic dialogue with the USA has a direct impact on the formation of Ukraine as an active member of the world community. The purpose of the work is to research the economic and diplomatic cooperation between Ukraine and the United States of America, and to identify on this basis the prospects for further cooperation in the process of post-war reconstruction of our state in the context of the Russian invasion. To achieve the goal of the scientific work, the following general scientific research methods are applied: logical, comparison, synthesis and analysis, generalization, classification, explanation, as well as statistical, tabular and graphic methods. The practical significance of the results obtained in the research process is that its conclusions and recommendations can be used for further scientific research on this topic and will help to analyze aspects that will directly affect the recovery of the Ukrainian economy in the process of developing Ukrainian-American cooperation in post-war conditions with the help of modeling the effectiveness of the formed decisions involving the resource potential of Ukraine.
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Christine Fair, C., e Peter Chalk. "United States Internal Security Assistance to Pakistan1". Small Wars & Insurgencies 17, n.º 3 (setembro de 2006): 333–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310600672859.
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Zečević, Slobodan. "Contribution to discussions about existence of the constitutional law of the European Union". Arhiv za pravne i drustvene nauke 11, n.º 1 (2023): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/adpn2301009z.
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In relation to the topic, the formal absence of a legal text called the constitution of the European Union is noticeable. Simple logic dictates the conclusion that in absence of European constitution, there is no constitutional law of the European Union. However, the reality is much more complex than it seems. The United Kingdom, for example, does not have a written act called a constitution, but instead several constitutional contents whose sources are in laws, legal practice and so-called constitutional customs. Germany also formally does not have a constitution, but a Fundamental Law that pursue a constitutional role. The term is not apparently so important but the status of the text. The constitution is a set of norms that are supreme, stable and difficult to change. It accords competences to the state bodies and guarantee essential civil rights and freedoms. The relevant question in this case is the existence of constitution and constitutional law of the European Union, not in a formal, but in an essential sense. The European Union does not have the characteristics of a unitary, but could it be considering as a federal state? In political-legal theory, opinions appeared that such a thing is impossible for the following reasons. As an example of the emergence of a federal state, the history of the United States of America is cited. According to the constitution of 1878, the US received competences in foreign affairs, defense, monetary policy, as well as in the field of protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The European Union rested on the process of federalization in the economic area. The treaties establishing the Community and the Union have merged the national markets of the member states into one. Originally the European Communities did not have powers in foreign affairs, defense, security and justice. Only in 1993, with the Maastricht Treaty, the newly created European Union get the possibility to take decisions in the aforementioned areas, but even then federal mechanisms were not applied. The rule was unanimous decisions of represents of member states government reassemble in the Council of EU. The state sovereignty was preserved. For the obvious lack of authority at the supranational level, the European Union cannot currently be considered as a classic federal state. However, it can be observed as a sort of federal community, which was originally intended to evolves into something more than that. In a historical sense, this situation in itself is not new. It also appeared in the 19th century with the so-called emerging federal states such as the United States of America, the Swiss Confederation, Germany, Canada or Australia. However, the European Union is a permanent political-legal structure that has certain attributes of a federal state. The notion of a federal community, allows to take into account the essential role of the member states in such system of integration. The federal community as a permanent entity, rests on the contractual relationship that defines the common goals of its members. The aforementioned goals in practice change the internal conditions in the member states, but also their global political status. Several indications point to the federal nature of the European Union. The use of the term Union is not harmless. The founding fathers of the US Constitution of 1878, called their new created federal state Union in order to mark the difference with the previously existing Confederacy. The inspires of the European Union in the constitutive treaty emphasize that its main goal is to constantly create closer ties between European nations. This sentence indirectly indicates a strong, integrative, federal dynamic. In its legal practice, the Court of Justice does not ignore the initial international nature of constitutive treaties, but points to the following. The treaties establishing the Communities and the European Union represent the basis of an independent, hierarchically organized legal order, the kind that states have. As the highest legal act and source of law, they have a constitutional function. The law of the European Union is directly integrated into the law order of the member states and has primacy in relation with the national law. The legislative acts of European derivative law (regulations, directives, decisions) cannot contradict the provisions of the founding treaties. Like the Supreme Court in a federal state, the Court of Justice of the European Union control the compliance of legislative acts with constitutive treaties. The same principle applies in the field of international relations. An international agreement concluded by the European Union or its member states must be in accordance with the provisions of the founding treaties. Their constitutionality is checked by the Court of Justice. The Lisbon Treaty gave the European Union another federal distinction. It recognizes to the European Union a possession of legal personality, which means a full legal capacity to conclude international agreements with other countries and international organizations. The division of competences between the federal state and its members is for many the essence of the federalist legal order. The parallel existence of two levels of government imposes the need to clearly demarcate the fields of action of one and other authorities. In 2009 the Treaty of Lisbon established a principled delimitation of European and national competences. This is another step in the direction of federal legal regulation. The existence of European citizenship gives to the European Union one more federal characteristics. European citizens acquire rights and obligations parallel to those related to national citizenship. Opponents of such a solution were those who believed that the Union represents only an international organization. The founding treaties assign competences to the institutions of the Union, as well as guarantee basic human rights and freedoms. The legislation of the European Union determines the functioning of the member states and in many areas directly or indirectly governs the life of their citizens. Treaties establishing the European Union have in practice a constitutional role and value.
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Simon, Sheldon W. "United States Security Policy and ASEAN". Current History 89, n.º 545 (1 de março de 1990): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1990.89.545.97.
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Ott, Marvin C. "East Asia: Security and Complexity". Current History 100, n.º 645 (1 de abril de 2001): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.645.147.
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In Southeast Asia, the United States and China are natural geopolitical rivals. For United States security planners based in Honolulu and Washington, this creates a remarkably challenging environment.
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Kanin, David B., e Steven E. Meyer. "America's Outmoded Security Strategy". Current History 111, n.º 741 (1 de janeiro de 2012): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.741.19.
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Cook, Fay Lomax. "Navigating Pension Policy in the United States". Tocqueville Review 26, n.º 2 (janeiro de 2005): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.26.2.37.
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Politicians in the United States used to have a saying about the politics of Social Security: “Touch it and you die.” Often called “the third rail of American politics,” Social Security was seen as untouchable.
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Levi, Michael A., e Michael E. O'Hanlon. "Arms Control and American Security". Current History 104, n.º 681 (1 de abril de 2005): 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.681.162.
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Kajtez, Ilija, e Srđan Starčević. "Justification of military neutrality of the Republic of Serbia at a time of erosion of neutrality in Europe". Srpska politička misao 82, n.º 4 (2023): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm82-46850.
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This paper aims to examine the justifiableness of the Republic of Serbia's politics of military neutrality after the beginning of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, i.e., in an era of extreme tensions between Western countries and Russia. The significance of this topic has been additionally elevated after two neutral countries, Sweden and Finland, renounced neutrality while debates about the appropriateness of neutrality emerged in other neutral countries, such are Ireland, Malta, and Austria. The purpose of the paper is to examine, from a perspective of sociology of politics, whether the position of military neutrality still represents a good foreign-policy strategy aiming to preserve sovereignty and territorial integrity. The hypothesis of this paper is that Serbia's military neutrality is justified by the social reality in Serbia. The first chapter briefly describes the historical decline of neutrality during the first half of the 20th century. In that context, observation made in mid last century, according to which neutrality was becoming an obsolete concept, is true. Increase of NATO members, as well as abandoning neutrality under the influence of globalization and negative experiences of neutral countries in the 20th century, strengthens this assertion. However, we can conclude that neutrality has existed in continuity in Europe throughout the entire modern period of history, and that there were always some states that chose neutrality, with larger or lesser prospects of success in realization of their security interests. The great revolution, one might say the collapse of neutrality or even a frenzy to align, was the result of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict and new increasing tensions between the West and Russia. The second chapter is dedicated to the causes of Serbia's decision to be military neutral. These causes include: internal division of key political acters in regards to strategic alignment, the issues of the status of Kosovo and Metohija in which the Russian Federation provides key support to Republic of Serbia in the United Nations, and the role of NATO in wars during the disintegration of Yugoslavia and currently in Kosovo and Metohija. The third chapter lists the advantages in regards to social values implied by the position of military neutrality. Authors conclude that military neutrality represents a favorable strategic option for the Republic of Serbia, not just due to painful collective memory of Serbian citizens of the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia and the support of the Russian Federation to Serbia in regards to Kosovo and Metohija, but also due to the intrinsic values of neutrality which could become an identity attribute and a foundation of the renewal of solidarity in Serbian society.
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Wu, Yanbin. "The US Indo-Pacific Strategy and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex: development, relations and prospects". Мировая политика, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37701.
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The subject of the study is the development, connections and prospects of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex. The object of the study is the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex. In the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O.Vever, superpowers influence regional complexes and form them through the mechanism of "penetration". In today's multipolar world, it is extremely difficult for superpowers to fully penetrate the security system of a complex, but superpowers can still influence the internal structure of regional security complexes. Being the only superpower in the world after the Cold War, the United States plays an extremely important external role in promoting the emerging and developing Indo-Pacific regional security complex. This article, based on the theory of regional security complexes, analyzes the interaction of the United States, as an extraterritorial superpower, with the Indo-Pacific Security Complex, examines the impact of the Indo-Pacific Security Strategy on the region, and also explores the possibility of the United States achieving the ultimate goal of maintaining a hegemonic position through "penetration" into the Indo-Pacific security complex. The US Indo-Pacific strategy looks innovative, but in fact it is only a continuation and extension of the traditional Asia-Pacific strategy. Although it is difficult to ignore the role of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in the formation of the security complex in the Indo-Pacific region, the internal forces of the complex and the laws of the development of the complex itself also lead to the fact that the implementation of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy faces great difficulties.
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Molloy, Raven, Christopher L. Smith e Abigail Wozniak. "Internal Migration in the United States". Journal of Economic Perspectives 25, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2011): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.25.3.173.
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This paper examines the history of internal migration in the United States since the 1980s. By most measures, internal migration in the United States is at a 30-year low. The widespread decline in migration rates across a large number of subpopulations suggests that broad-based economic forces are likely responsible for the decrease. An obvious question is the extent to which the recent housing market contraction and the recession may have caused this downward trend in migration: after all, relocation activity often involves both housing market activity and changes in employment. However, we find relatively small roles for both of these cyclical factors. While we will suggest a few other possible explanations for the recent decrease in migration, the puzzle remains. Finally, we compare U.S. migration to other developed countries. Despite the steady decline in U.S. migration, the commonly held belief that Americans are more mobile than their European counterparts still appears to hold true.
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DVURECHENSKA, Oleksandra. "CHAPTER 8. CLASSIC THREATS OF THE DIGITAL ERA: CHEMICAL WEAPONS AND US CHEMICAL SECURITY". Epistemological Studies in Philosophy Social and Political Sciences 1, n.º 1 (16 de abril de 2024): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/342408.
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The article analyzes the role of classical threats in the modern digital world. On the example of the United States, the relevance of public policy in the formation of a national chemical security system is determined. Internal and external threats to US national security in the chemical sphere are considered. A retrospective analysis of the production and use of chemical weapons by the United States is carried out. The place of the leading US authorities in the system of national chemical security is determined. The international legal mechanisms for regulating the development, production, stockpiling, use and disposal of hazardous chemicals are studied. The author analyzes the fulfillment of international obligations by the United States with regard to chemical weapons. The participation of the United States in the international chemical safety system is analyzed.
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Barry, Charles, Sean Kay e Joshua Spero. "Completing the Transatlantic Bargain: The United States and European Security". Current History 100, n.º 644 (1 de março de 2001): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.644.129.
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It is time for a summit to renew the transatlantic commitment by defining a new, more equal balance of influence over transatlantic affairs. America need not fear that outcome; indeed, it hearkens to the bold vision America created with its allies at NATO's conception. The United States must lead in defining a new direction by welcoming the added power of the EU.
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Behfar, Malihe, e Hassan Savari. "Determination of United Nations Security Council Resolutions by States". Journal of Politics and Law 9, n.º 10 (30 de novembro de 2016): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n10p156.
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In United Nations history, the legality of Security Council Resolutions, in many cases, is challenged. Generally these challenges take by states that affected Security Councils decisions. With notice that states are the representative for implementation of Security Council Resolutions, they intervene their determination and interpretation in the way that implement Security Council Decisions. In some cases, domestic and regional courts determine the state action in implementation Security Council Resolutions. Although this cases couldn’t provide direct review on Resolutions but affected by way of implementation. Determination by states is probable and arises some concerns about decrease effectiveness of Security Council in maintenance of international peace and security.
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Garashova, Sabina. "United States – Azerbaijan Relations (1991-2020)". Eminak, n.º 4(44) (13 de janeiro de 2024): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.4(44).688.
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The purpose of the paper is to thoroughly investigate the intricate relationship between the United States and Azerbaijan from 1991 to 2020, considering diplomatic, political, economic, and security dimensions. Emphasizing the pivotal role of Russian Federation in the South Caucasus, the research seeks to provide a holistic understanding of the factors influencing U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, offering valuable insights into evolving geopolitical dynamics over the three crucial decades.
The novelty of the paper lies in its in-depth exploration of three decades of U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, the study provides unique insights into the evolving dynamics, contributing a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted relationship.
Conclusions. The author identifies 4 periods of US-Azerbaijan relations in 1991-2020: 1) 1991-2001, 2) 2001-2007, 3) 2007-2015, and 4) 2015-2020.
From 1991 to 2001, the United States underwent a transformative phase in its policy towards Azerbaijan, marked by an increased focus on regional stability and economic partnerships through energy initiatives like the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline. Security concerns in the South Caucasus also influenced policy decisions, while considerations of democracy and human rights were weighed against broader strategic imperatives. This period set the foundation for subsequent shifts in U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan.
In 2001-2007, U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan underwent significant changes, prioritizing the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and intensifying efforts in combatting international terrorism. The Global War on Terror played a crucial role, leading to strengthened U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, though democracy promotion took a back seat to energy and security interests.
The period from 2007 to 2015 saw a nuanced shift, with decreased U.S. focus on energy and security, increased attention to democracy and human rights, and challenges arising from Azerbaijan’s opposition to the Turkish-Armenian Rapprochement. Azerbaijan’s strategic concerns regarding Nagorno-Karabakh intensified, and U.S. engagement faced limitations in influencing regional outcomes.
Between 2015 and 2020, U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan further disengaged across energy, security, and democracy promotion dimensions, influenced by factors like the unconventional oil and gas revolution, decreasing Central Asia significance, rising isolationism, and the Trump administration’s priorities. The U.S. response to regional dynamics, notably the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, showcased a trend of reduced involvement.
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Black, Jan Knippers, e Lars Schoultz. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, n.º 3 (agosto de 1988): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516561.
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Black, Jan Knippers. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America". Hispanic American Historical Review 68, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 1988): 625–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.3.625.
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Leonard, Thomas M. "Search for Security: The United States and Central America in the Twentieth Century". Americas 47, n.º 4 (abril de 1991): 477–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006686.
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The fall of Nicaraguan strongman Anastasio Somoza in July 1979 contributed to the publication of an abundance of literature on United States-Central American relations and, like the literature before it, focused largely upon the crisis at hand. Two historical surveys appeared. Walter LaFeber's Inevitable Revolutions: The United States and Central America represented a revisionist approach, charging that United States economic imperialism is responsible for the present crisis. John Finding's Close Neighbors, Distant Friends: United States-Central American Relations is a straightforward account describing Washington's response to various crisis. Still an analysis of the literature is absent. In an effort to address that issue, this article examines the literature on United States-Central American relations in the twentieth century and concludes that the United States acted on behalf of its own security interests, whether or not the threat of foreign intervention had been real or imagined. In effect, the United States maintained the status quo and failed to deal with the structural problems responsible for the contemporary crisis.
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Tickner, Arlene B. "Colombia and the United States: From Counternarcotics to Counterterrorism". Current History 102, n.º 661 (1 de fevereiro de 2003): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.661.77.
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The worldview that has molded Washington's twin wars on drugs and terrorism constitutes an extremely narrow framework through which to address the complex problems Colombia faces. National security, defined exclusively in military terms, has taken precedence over equally significant political, economic, and social considerations.
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Sahni, Varun. "India and the Asian Security Architecture". Current History 105, n.º 690 (1 de abril de 2006): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.690.163.
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By building robust political and economic links with both China and the United States, India could end up playing an important catalytic role in bringing both countries together in a new cooperative Asia.
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Waśko-Owsiejczuk, Ewelina. "Is America safer today? The first changes to U.S. foreign and security policy during the presidency of Donald Trump". Przegląd Politologiczny, n.º 3 (15 de setembro de 2017): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.12.
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This article describes the first months of Donald Trump’s presidency. It presents his most important decisions on U.S. foreign and security policy, the voices of those critical and supportive of him, and possible implications for U.S. security. Even during his election campaign, some of Trump’s proposals raised concerns among the international community and many questions about past alliances. He has announced the introduction of laws for the immediate removal of illegal immigrants from the United States, and the reintroduction of torture as a tool for fighting terrorism. He has criticized the current policy of cooperation with allies, and the provision of security to other countries at the expense of the United States. The decisions made during Donald Trump’s first 100 days affect the internal situation of the United States, both in the context of national security and the political system, due to the emerging constitutional crisis and the friction between the executive and the judiciary branches. His decisions also affect relations between the United States and its allies, transforming America’s role in the world and the impact of the superpower on the collective system of security.
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WYSS, MARCO. "THE UNITED STATES, BRITAIN, AND MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO NIGERIA". Historical Journal 61, n.º 4 (26 de fevereiro de 2018): 1065–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000498.
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AbstractIn Nigeria, Britain asserted its post-colonial security role during and immediately after the transfer of power, and remained responsible for assisting the Nigerian armed forces. While the Americans recognized Nigeria's potential as an important partner in the Cold War, they preferred to focus on development aid. Washington was thus supposed to complement British assistance, while leaving the responsibility for the security sector to London. But with the escalation of the Cold War in Africa, the Nigerians’ efforts to reduce their dependency on the United Kingdom, and Nigeria's growing significance for the United States in African affairs, this Anglo-American burden-sharing was increasingly questioned in Washington. The United States thus eventually decided to militarize its aid policy towards Nigeria. In analysing the militarization of US aid policy towards Nigeria, this article will, first, assess the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s; secondly, position Nigeria in American Cold War policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa; thirdly, question the role of military assistance in Washington's policy towards Nigeria and Africa; and fourthly, discover the regional and local factors that influenced policy-makers in Washington and London.