Siga este link para ver outros tipos de publicações sobre o tema: Internal security – Great Britain – History.
Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores artigos de revistas para estudos sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja os artigos de revistas das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
1
Krēsliņš, Uldis. "Latvia as a partner in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s: Latvia’s relations with Great Britain, the United States and Germany". Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 116 (julho de 2022): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.116.03.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
For the new states that emerged as a result of the First World War, ensuring the internal political security in the early 1920s was a fundamentally important issue. In the case of Latvia, potential security threats were exacerbated by the country’s geopolitical position – a direct border with Soviet Russia – which made Latvia a protective barrier against the spread of the Communist movement. The aim of the study is to characterize Latvia’s role in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s based on the materials of the Latvian security service, focusing on Latvia’s relations in the field of political security with three Western democracies – United Kingdom, the United States and Germany.
2
Sonyel, Salâhi R. "The Turco-Armenian 'Adana Incidents' in the Light of Secret British Documents (July 1908-December 1909)". Belleten 51, n.º 201 (1 de dezembro de 1987): 1291–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1987.1291.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
For almost six centuries the position of the Armenian nation (millet) within the Ottoman Empire, was one of relative peace, order, security and prosperity until the genesis, in the 1870s, of the so-called "Eastern Question". The Turco-Russian war of 1877 had resulted in the abortive Treaty of San Stefano, and had brought about the signature of the Cyprus Convention and the Treaty of Berlin. These treaties were supposed to procure more privileges for the Ottoman Armenians, but they were actually intended to enable the Great Powers, in particular Britain and Russia, to interfere in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire with the hope of snatching a greater share of the spoils when the Empire ultimately collapsed.
3
Karpo, Vasyl, e Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk. "Information Component of Disintegration Processes in Spain and Great Britain: the Comparative Aspects". Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, n.º 7 (23 de dezembro de 2019): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.142-154.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.
4
Lafta, Jasim Mohmmed. "Britain and European Union, the Repercussions of Accession and the Effects of Secession". International Academic Journal of Social Sciences 11, n.º 1 (19 de fevereiro de 2024): 05–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/iajss/v11i1/iajss1102.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Europe's openness to the East, while it lives in historical, political, or cultural temporal regions, where soon after a certain crisis was settled, a new crisis emerged, such as questioning the borders and demarcating them again, as well as the dispute between the economic downturn and the necessity of reforms, the place of the ideological confrontation between the East and the West, and the emergence of the phenomenon of fear and caution. Internal dangers replace the fear of external aggression, and the perspective of fear of internal dangers is stronger because it directly affects the security of society and threatens the weakness of the state and its inability to protect internal society. This realistically explains that the concerns and challenges in the security field are constantly increasing, and the problems of the major European countries related to immigration and organized crime may become more severe in terms of their number due to the size of those countries, but they differ from the problems of the dominant countries in terms of their nature and attempts to settle them. Therefore, major private countries, or what were previously called major countries, such as Britain, seek to take proactive measures and measures in anticipation of future threats. In addition, Britain seeks to restore its international status as a great power and its desire to play the role of peacemaker. In order to achieve interests, which is a religion rooted in its history. Those interests must be achieved, even if this is at the expense of European unity, European integration, or the European Common Market.
5
Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
6
Güçlü, Yücel. "The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turkish Foreign Policy Under Atatürk". Belleten 64, n.º 241 (1 de dezembro de 2000): 949–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2000.949.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The basic foreign policy of Turkey under Atatürk was one of friendship with all its neighbours and non-involvement in Great Power politics. Atatürk was essentially a realist. He repudiated adventurism and expansionism. What Turkey wanted was to accomplish its internal reconstruction in peace. The major stance of Atatürk's diplomacy was not only pacific, but was also clearly respectful of law. Since the Republic of Turkey came into existence, the main background of Turkish foreign policy had been friendship with the Soviets. Good relations with Russia guaranteed Turkey's continued security on its northeastern frontier and in the Black Sea. Following the Italian conquest of Ethiopia and basically on account of this fact a Turco-British rapprochement started to take shape since 1935. Close co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference further accelerated the pace. Another aspect of Turkish foreign policy was the Balkan Entente of 1934 to guard against aggression in the region. Turkey's part in the Saadabad Pact of 1937 had also been active and enthusiastic. Regaining of Turkish sovereignty over the Straits at the Montreux Conference and winning back of the district of Hatay were among the most important successes of the Turkish diplomacy under Atatürk's auspices.
7
Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU’s peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization’s peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU’s activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU’s potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra’s independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU’s decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria’s territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country’s territorial integrity. The results of the OAU’s peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.
8
HILEY, NICHOLAS. "Counter-espionage and security in Great Britain during the First World War". English Historical Review CI, n.º CCCC (1986): 635–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ci.cccc.635.
Texto completo da fonte
9
Poole, Ed Gareth, e Guto Ifan. "Internal coordination of social security in the United Kingdom". European Journal of Social Security 21, n.º 2 (31 de maio de 2019): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719844984.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Although social security is traditionally viewed as a highly centralised function in the UK, health care and long-term social care have long been devolved to sub-state governments, an arrangement requiring extensive internal coordination agreements. This coordination has various objectives, including ensuring parity of benefits provision in Northern Ireland (where social assistance is devolved) and Great Britain (where it is centralised), securing financial reimbursements for cross-border health care provision, and determining responsibility and eligibility criteria for individuals in need of social care. Further devolution and decentralisation of social security benefits over the past decade have made such coordination arrangements even more essential.
10
Ragimov, Ilgam M. "Nuremberg Trials: the triumph of justice or the trial of the victors? (Reflections on the book by A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”". Gosudarstvo i pravo, n.º 12 (2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520023298-8.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article analyzes historical, geopolitical, legal and other aspects of the organization and conduct of the International Military Tribunal on the basis of the monograph by Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”. over the main Nazi criminals, the political, legal and moral significance of its results for the further strengthening of peace on Earth and the prevention of global wars, the prevention of crimes against the peace and security of mankind, the development of International Law, etc. are investigated. Based on the results of A.N. Savenkov’s research, the study of archival materials of the Nuremberg Trials and other sources on this issue, the authors believe that: • in the entire history of legal proceedings, there has probably never been a court like the Nuremberg Trials. Its uniqueness lies in the fact that it is the first case in the history of justice (sui generis) when more than 20 high-ranking officials, who were part of the highest political and military leadership of a single aggressor state, found themselves in the dock, guilty of both planning, preparing and unleashing a world war, and committing during it mass crimes against peace and humanity; • the historical value of the International Military Tribunal is also seen in the fact that its results had a huge impact on the course of world history, outlined the basic contours of the new architecture of the post-war world order and world order on Earth, laid the foundations of international criminal justice, etc., and the Tribunal itself became a symbol of the victory of good over evil; • the Nuremberg Trials showed that for crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during an aggressive war, the victorious States have the right to establish a special court (ad hoc) with universal jurisdiction against the political and military leaders of the defeated State, to determine a list of specific crimes (including those with criminal retroactivity), those under his jurisdiction, to provide for a special procedure for the administration of justice, to establish the types of punishment for the perpetrators and their terms, the order and form of execution of a court sentence, etc.; • the refusal of the founders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to bring to trial the highest state and military officials of Nazi Germany on the basis of the national laws of the countries on whose territory they committed numerous terrible crimes incompatible with human nature was due to the fact that the norms of criminal legislation of none of these states (as, indeed, International Law of that time) did not they fully covered all the specifics of the objective and subjective properties of many barbaric crimes committed by Nazi criminals against humanity, therefore, it was not possible to talk about this category of monstrous acts that claimed the lives of tens of millions of innocent people as classic forms or types of crimes that infringe on the rights and freedoms of individual citizens or states, even at the level of the institution of analogy in law; • taking into account the irremediable contradictions between the norms of national and International Law, on the one hand, and the essentially unprecedented atrocities committed by Nazi criminals on a massive scale, on the other, the victorious countries in World War II as bearers of supreme power in Germany (due to the loss of its legal personality) on August 8, 1945 we made the only possible decision in the current situation: 1) to establish an open International Military Tribunal with universal jurisdiction for the prosecution and punishment of the main war criminals of the European Axis countries; 2) on the basis of international treaties and agreements, the basic values of natural law, generally recognized principles of Criminal and Criminal Procedure Law, taking into account certain provisions of the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic legal systems, adopt the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the norms of which should: a) determine the powers and procedures of this judicial body; b) contain a criminal definition of the concepts of “criminal organization”, “crime against peace”, “war crime” and “crime against humanity”; c) provide procedural guarantees for the defendants and their defenders; d) to fix the provision according to which the official position of the defendant (be it the head of state or another responsible state official) is not a basis for exemption from liability or mitigation of punishment, etc.; • in the process of working on the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the doctrine of due (supervisory) law was widely applied in it, which, unlike what exists, is based on such immanent properties of a person’s spiritual being as justice and freedom of spirit, morality and common sense, etc. The originality of supervisory right is also manifested in the fact that it is free from any whatever the external definitions and directives, it is not burdened with political and ideological dogmas; • by its nature, the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal is not a normative legal act in the traditional sense of the term, but a special international prescriptive act with the force of law, adopted on August 8, 1945 by representatives of the heads of government of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France in the form of an annex to the London Agreement “On the Prosecution and Punishment of the main War Criminals of European Countries axes”; • in the verdict of the International Military Tribunal, for the first time at the global level, legal entities were recognized as the subject of crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity – the Elite Guard (SS), the Security Service (SD), the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany (NSRPG). At the same time, not all crimes committed by high-ranking officials and institutions of Nazi Germany during the Second World War were reflected or properly assessed in it; • the expectations of the world community from the Nuremberg Trials were only partially justified, since in those years many in the world believed that all Nazi criminals should be put to death without trial. Only the firm position of the USSR and its insistent demands to the allied powers about the need to bring them to trial prevented further extrajudicial reprisals against them; • the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg cannot be regarded as a “court of victors” over the defeated. It should be perceived as a unique judicial and legal phenomenon in the history of mankind - Transitional Justice at a critical stage in the modern history of mankind.
11
Hrubinko, Andrii. "Great Britain in European External and Security Policy: Review of Western Historiography". European Historical Studies, n.º 8 (2017): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.
12
RUDOLPH, CHRISTOPHER. "Security and the Political Economy of International Migration". American Political Science Review 97, n.º 4 (novembro de 2003): 603–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540300090x.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
How does migration affect the security of advanced industrial states, and how does the security environment shape the way states deal with international migration? Migration rests at the nexus of three dimensions of security, including geopolitical interests, material production, and internal security. I argue that migration policy is an integral instrument of state grand strategy in this context, and that examining levels of threat on each facet of security at a given point in time can largely explain variation in policy. I test a series of hypotheses drawn from this security framework using a case-study method that examines policy development in four advanced industrial states, including the United States, Germany, France, and Great Britain in the period 1945–present.
13
Totten, Robbie. "National Security and U.S. Immigration Policy, 1776–1790". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, n.º 1 (julho de 2008): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.1.37.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
An examination of U.S. immigration policy during the early Republic from a security perspective—a common analytical focus within the field of international relations—reveals the inadequacy of traditional economic and ideological interpretations. Security concerns, based on actual threats from Great Britain and Spain, permeated the arguments both for and against immigration. Those in favor of immigration hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared that it would compromise national security by causing domestic unrest and exposing the new nation to espionage and terrorism. These issues are not unlike those that beset contemporary policymakers.
14
Koposova, E. N. "The Correlation Between External and Internal Factors of the Libyan Crisis". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 5(44) (28 de outubro de 2015): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-173-180.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract: Nowadays, the region of Middle East and North Africa has become a "testing ground" where the competition between the great powers takes place . The importance of this region is determined by its geopolitical position, concentration of large natural resources, as well as the fact that it represents the greatest threat to the international security - the bases of terrorist organizations, the strengthening role of the group "Islamic State", drug trafficking and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya was one of the most developed and richest countries on the African continent: the crisis events of 2011, which resulted in the overthrow of the government, the murder of Muammar Gaddafi and the crisis in the country. From the viewpoint of the neoclassical realism the Libyan crisis is explored in the article. The causes of the crisis (both internal and external) as as well as the interests of the great powers - the United States of America, France and Britain are analyzed.
15
Lyons, Gene M. "The Study of International Relations in Great Britain: Further Connections". World Politics 38, n.º 4 (julho de 1986): 626–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010170.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Aside from language, students of international relations in the United States and Great Britain have several things in common: parallel developments in the emergence of international relations as a field of study after World War I, and more recent efforts to broaden the field by drawing security issues and changes in the international political economy under the broad umbrella of “international studies.” But a review of four recent books edited by British scholars demonstrates that there is also a “distance” between British and American scholarship. Compared with dominant trends in the United States, the former, though hardly monolithic and producing a rich and varied literature, is still very much attached to historical analysis and the concept of an “international society” that derives from the period in modern history in which Britain played a more prominent role in international politics. Because trends in scholarship do, in fact, reflect national political experience, the need continues for transnational cooperation among scholars in the quest for strong theories in international relations.
16
Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY". Izvestia of Smolensk State University, n.º 1 (49) (26 de maio de 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
17
GONZALES, PHILLIP, e ANN MASSMANN. "Loyalty Questioned: Nuevomexicanos in the Great War". Pacific Historical Review 75, n.º 4 (1 de novembro de 2006): 629–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.4.629.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Over four years after oil companies first applied for a permit, Congress authorized the Alaska Oil Pipeline in November 1973. Running from the Arctic Ocean to the Pacific,the pipeline crossed 600 miles of federal land, which made it a "major action significantly affecting the environment," thus triggering an environmental impact statement under the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA). Standard accounts tell of revolutionary environmental laws running into the economic reality of the 1970s. What has been lost in the telling is that the pipeline approval offered Congress an opportunity to investigate the wisdom of a proposed internal improvement. The pipeline controversy was not just the first battle of the environmental decade. It also continued nearly two centuries of debate over internal improvements, public financing of private investments, federal incorporation, monopoly charters, and national security. The pipeline approval was as much a decision about political economy as it was an environmental policy decision.
18
Sorvillo, Edoardo. "Caught in the middle of the transatlantic security dilemma. Great Britain, the United States and Western European security, 1970–1973". Journal of Transatlantic Studies 8, n.º 1 (março de 2010): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010903533917.
Texto completo da fonte
19
KREKHIVSKYI, Oleh. "PROTECTIONISM AS DETERMINANT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF AUTOMOBILE MANUFACTURING IN GREAT BRITAIN". Economy of Ukraine 2023, n.º 10 (29 de outubro de 2023): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/economyukr.2023.10.058.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The tariff policy on imports, which was introduced in Great Britain at the beginning of the World War I and was in force for about 60 years, is considered. Based on historical facts and figures, it is substantiated on the example of the automotive industry that the so-called McKenna duties in the long term had an impact on the growth of production, employment, and budget revenues; led to a decrease in prices on the domestic market, a reduction in imports and an increase in exports, promoted foreign investments, the transfer of advanced technologies, and the wider engagement of local potential in business processes. It is demonstrated that the protective duties currently launched by the Indian government to regulate the import of goods, the production of which has been defined by the government as a priority (in particular, electric cars production is concerned), are a reflection of the measures implemented by Great Britain at the beginning of the 20th century. It is emphasized that protective tariffs for these goods in Ukraine are significantly lower. It is shown that the USA also uses import duties for national security purposes. Taking into account the provisions of the GATT/WTO and the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement, as well as modern examples of their application, it is quite obvious that Ukraine, under the current conditions of external and internal challenges and institutional restrictions, can take advantage of the protectionist policy for the development of industry in the post-war recovery period, based on its right to determine "the most important exceptions for security reasons" in order to ensure the socio-economic and financial stability of the country and the welfare of the nation. In view of this, it is necessary to rethink the current Ukraine’s policy on automobile manufacturing, in particular as regards the foreign trade regulation, and to create a new policy based on effective protectionism theory and effective protection rate calculations, assessment of the current state and prospects of enterprises, the results of a professional discussion on the priorities of the industry: whether it should remain at semi knocked-down kit stage or aim for full-cycle production with a high level of localization.
20
Criss, Nur Bilge, e Magnus Persson. "Great Britain, the United States, and the Security of the Middle East: The Formation of the Baghdad Pact." Journal of American History 86, n.º 3 (dezembro de 1999): 1386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568697.
Texto completo da fonte
21
Malkin, Stanislav. "Transfers of Colonial Order: Internal Security Models after the Great War (Methodological Aspect)". ISTORIYA 12, n.º 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016088-5.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article reveals the possibilities of historical reconstruction of the experience of the leading European powers in matters of the transfer of the colonial order in the “short 20th century”, including its reception outside the global empires, which are opened thanks to the methodological synthesis of the «New Imperial history» and “New Cold war history”. Specific historical examples in the widely interpreted chronological framework of decolonization, including the Interbellum era, show how such an approach helps to restore gaps in the historical genealogy of modern models of internal security in the face of growing and protracted civil conflicts, often of a hybrid nature. The findings broadened the understanding of the expertise and nature of the domestic security policies of leading Powers by identifying the gap between relevant practices and their consistent mythologization, including in historiographical form.
22
James, Harold. "Networks and financial war: the brothers Warburg in the first age of globalization". Financial History Review 27, n.º 3 (5 de novembro de 2020): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000141.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article examines the geo-economic consequences of the financial panic of October 1907. The vulnerability of the United States, but also of Germany, contrasted with the absence of a crisis in Great Britain. The experience showed the fast-growing industrial powers the desirability of mobilizing financial power, and the article examines the contributions of two influential brothers, Max and Paul Warburg, on different sides of the Atlantic. The discussion led to the establishment of a central bank in the United States and institutional improvements in German central banking: in both cases security as well as economic considerations played a substantial role.
23
EDIGER, VOLKAN Ş., e JOHN V. BOWLUS. "A FAREWELL TO KING COAL: GEOPOLITICS, ENERGY SECURITY, AND THE TRANSITION TO OIL, 1898–1917". Historical Journal 62, n.º 2 (18 de junho de 2018): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000109.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractInterest in energy transitions has accelerated in recent years due to rising concerns about global warming and resource scarcity, but the drivers of these phenomena are not well understood. To date, scholars have primarily focused on commercial and technological factors, highlighting that oil was ‘better’ than coal – more powerful, cheaper, cleaner, and more practical to use – and that the internal combustion engine made it more advantageous to use in transportation. Yet oil was also a strategic commodity that powerful states sought to acquire for military reasons. This article contends that geopolitics, military decision-making, and energy security hastened the transition from oil to coal prior to the First World War. It argues that Britain, Germany, and the United States sought to transition their naval fleets from coal to oil to gain a military advantage at sea, which created, for the first time, the problem of oil-supply security. Through government-led initiatives to address oil-supply security, vast new supplies of oil came online and prices fell, the ideal environment for oil to eclipse coal as the dominant source in the global energy system.
24
LEAKE, ELISABETH MARIKO. "British India versus the British Empire: The Indian Army and an impasse in imperial defence, circa 1919–39". Modern Asian Studies 48, n.º 1 (3 de julho de 2013): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000753.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractFrom the end of the Great War to the onset of the Second World War, Great Britain and British India clashed over the Indian Army's role in imperial defence. Britain increasingly sought an imperial fighting force that it could deploy across the globe, but the government of India, limited by the growing independence movements, financial constraints, and—particularly—renewed tribal unrest on its North-West Frontier, refused to meet these demands. Attempts to reconcile Britain's and India's conflicting strategies made little headway until the late 1930s when compromise ultimately emerged with the establishment of the Expert Committee on the Defence of India 1938–39. While the Committee refuted India's traditional focus on the subcontinent's own security, importantly it recognized the necessity of British financial support for the Indian Army and the maintenance of a large local fighting force to prevent North-West Frontier unrest from disrupting imperial military planning at a time of global war.
25
Skocpol, Theda, e Gretchen Ritter. "Gender and the Origins of Modern Social Policies in Britain and the United States". Studies in American Political Development 5, n.º 1 (1991): 36–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0000016x.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Comparative research on the origins of modern welfare states typically asks why certain European nations, including Great Britain, enacted pensions and social insurance between the 1880s and the 1920s, while the United States “lagged behind,” that is did not establish such policies for the entire nation until the Social Security Act of 1935. To put the question this way overlooks the social policies that were distinctive to the early twentieth-century United States. During the period when major European nations, including Britain, were launching paternalist versions of the modern welfare state, the United States was tentatively experimenting with what might be called a maternalist welfare state. In Britain, male bureaucrats and party leaders designed policies “for the good” of male wage-workers and their dependents. Meanwhile, in the United States, early social policies were championed by elite and middle-class women “for the good” of less privileged women. Adult American women were helped as mothers, or as working women who deserved special protection because they were potential mothers.
26
Meehan, John D. "Steering Clear of Great Britain: Canada's Debate over Collective Security in the Far Eastern Crisis of 1937". International History Review 25, n.º 2 (junho de 2003): 253–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2003.9640996.
Texto completo da fonte
27
Nikitin, Dmitrii. "Indian National Congress in the Years of the Lansdowne’s Government (1888–1894): Problems of Development". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 4 (agosto de 2023): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.12.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the main activities of the Indian National Congress (INC) during the reign of Viceroy Lansdowne. During this period, the main objects of the Congress were official recognition by the colonial administration and the expansion of propaganda work in Britain. But Congress also had several internal problems, such as an undeveloped organizational structure and controversies over unresolved social problems in India. Methods and materials. Based on reports on the annual sessions of the INC and the Indian and British press, the article examines the main problems of the development of the INC in 1888– 1894, the reasons for the increased activity of the Congress in England and the process of the emergence of the Congress’ branches in London and the Indian Parliamentary Committee, and the peculiarities of the relationship between Congress and the colonial administration. Analysis. The Viceroy’s views on Congress and their differences from the previous course of the Indian government are analyzed. The specifics of the activities of the INC in Great Britain are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the parliamentary work of the Congress. The reasons for the intensification of internal contradictions in the INC in the early 1890s are investigated. Results. It is concluded that Viceroy Lansdowne’s refusal to abandon the repressive policy towards the Congress contributed to the progressive development of the Congress, which manifested itself in the revitalization of its activities in Great Britain. However, the development was accompanied by the strengthening of internal organizational contradictions and the beginning of the formation of a Congress’ radical wing.
28
Rönnbäck, Klas. "New and old peripheries: Britain, the Baltic, and the Americas in the Great Divergence". Journal of Global History 5, n.º 3 (27 de outubro de 2010): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022810000197.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractIn his seminal bookThe Great Divergence, Kenneth Pomeranz has argued that access to inputs from the vast acreages available in the Americas was crucial for the Industrial Revolution in Britain. But could no other regions of the world have provided the inputs in demand? Recent research claims that this could have been the case. This article takes that research one step further by studying Britain’s trade with an old and important peripheral trading partner, the Baltic, contrasting this to the British trade with America. The article shows that production for export was not necessarily stagnating in the Baltic, as Pomeranz has claimed. Qualitative aspects of the factor endowment of land did not, however, enable the production of specific raw materials, such as cotton, to meet the increasing demand. Thus, the decreasing role of the Baltic ought to a large extent to be attributed to the patterns of British industrialization, and the demand it created for specific raw materials, rather than internal, institutional constraints in the Baltic region.
29
Epifanov, Alexandеr, e Elena Krasnozhenova. "Occupation regime on the territory of the Stalingrad region during the Great Patriotic War". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, n.º 02 (1 de fevereiro de 2021): 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi23.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article is devoted to the organizational and legal foundations of the activities of the Stalingrad bodies of internal affairs and state security to establish the Nazi occupation regime and the administration that carried it out in 1942—1943. On the basis of archival materials, many of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the authors reveal the system of Hitler’s occupation bodies, as well as the atrocities committed by their functionaries.
30
Ovendale, R. "Shorter notice. Great Britain, the United States, and the Security of the Middle East. The Formation of the Bagdad Pact. M Persson". English Historical Review 114, n.º 456 (abril de 1999): 512–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.456.512.
Texto completo da fonte
31
Ovendale, R. "Shorter notice. Great Britain, the United States, and the Security of the Middle East. The Formation of the Bagdad Pact. M Persson". English Historical Review 114, n.º 456 (1 de abril de 1999): 512–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.456.512.
Texto completo da fonte
32
HUDSON, RICHARD. "A history of the LAGB: The first fifty years". Journal of Linguistics 45, n.º 1 (28 de janeiro de 2009): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226708005501.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Since its foundation in 1959, the Linguistics Association of Great Britain has established itself as one of the three associations for UK linguistics, alongside the much older Philological Society and its own child, the British Association for Applied Linguistics, though the relations among the associations are not always clear and can be somewhat problematic. The LAGB's main characteristic has always been its annual or twice-yearly conferences with a focus on language structure, but it also has its own journal and has taken a lead in promoting linguistics to funding and educational authorities. The paper outlines these events and how the LAGB's internal organisation has evolved to deal with them, and ends with three choices that face the association in its second half-century.
33
Goodman, Giora. "The British Government and the Challenge of McCarthyism in the Early Cold War". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2010): 62–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.62.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The domestic policies and excesses of American anti-Communism in the early Cold War, dominated by the image of Senator Joseph McCarthy, have been the subject of controversy and a great deal of historical research. No less significant and much commented on at the time was the influence of McCarthyism on foreign relations and perceptions of the United States abroad. This article deals with the British government's responses to the anti-Communist fervor in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Britain was itself grappling with the challenges posed by the Cold War, including those relating to security and civil liberties in a democratic society. The impact of American anti-Communism was felt strongly in that context. The article draws extensively on recently released files from the British security services and other British government agencies.
34
Subotic, Milan. "“Internal colonialism” - a contribution to the history of the concept". Sociologija 60, n.º 2 (2018): 410–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1802410s.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Starting from the renewed interest into the concept of the ?internal colonialism? within the contemporary ?postcolonial studies?, this paper discusses the origin and the meaning of the concept in various theoretical traditions and scientific fields. The first part interprets ?internal colonialism? and ?internal colonization? from the perspective of historical and political-economic debates on the Russian and Soviet imperial structure, and from the sociological critique of the social development of the Stalinist epoch. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of the effect and limitations of the use of the concept in interpreting the integrative (French) nationalism and interpreting the reactive, (Celtic) minority nationalisms within Great Britain. In the final part the author has interpreted the meanings that ?internal colonialism? had in sociological analysis of the states of the ?capitalist periphery? (Latin America) and in the political discourse of the ?New Left? protest movements in the USA as a ?capitalist metropolis?. By pointing out the close connection of the analyses of ?colonialism in one country? with Marxist tradition of research into class structure of society, the author concludes that the concept of ?internal colonialism? today is primarily used as a metaphor that finds a useful application within the ?cultural studies?. From that point of view, the history of the concept illustrates the change of the theoretical discourse that characterises social sciences after the ?cultural turn?.
35
Kotov, Alexander, e Denis Lesnoy. "Global Britain in the Arctic: balancing the hard and soft power". Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, n.º 2 (2023): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics2820231117.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This paper analyses the new Arctic strategy of the United Kingdom. The Document was published one year after the start of Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine, which has contributed to the changes present in the new Arctic policy, and the revitalization of its role in the European circumpolar region. The authors consider the dynamics of changes within the document compared to previous versions, and the new design of a now holistic UK government approach to the Arctic. Special attention is paid to the increased importance of security in the document, strengthening of the military presence of the United Kingdom in the region, and conditions of the end of low-tension history and "Arctic exceptionalism". Integration of the Arctic strategy with key international and defense strategies of Great Britain is noted. The conclusion is made about the design of a new holistic UK government approach to the Arctic.
36
Gasanov, Kamran N. "Influence of Great Britain on Turkish Policy in the Transcaucasia and the Middle East". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, n.º 1 (30 de março de 2023): 168–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-168-190.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The study explores the Turkish-British partnership. The author verifies the thesis, which gained popularity after the beginning of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war in the Russian expert and journalistic community, that the United Kingdom had a significant impact on Türkiye’s foreign policy in order to destabilize the South Caucasus and oust Russia from the region. Some experts hypothesize that London is trying to implement the “Great Turan” project in the post-Soviet space through the hands of Ankara to the detriment of Russian interests. One of the main arguments that Türkiye’s foreign policy is managed from London is the appointment of former ambassador R. Moore, who has close contacts with Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, to the post of head of British Foreign Intelligence, MI6. To test this hypothesis, the author of the article analyzes the trade, financial, political relations between Great Britain and Türkiye, as well as the degree of similarity in their positions regarding the conflicts in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. The author comes to the conclusion that Great Britain and Türkiye are indeed close allies. This is confirmed by the fact that the British government lobbied Türkiye to join the EU, refrained from interfering in internal affairs, supported R.T. Erdogan during the coup attempt in 2016, and did not criticize Ankara’s pro-Azerbaijani position during the Karabakh conflict. At the same time, the lack of a high level of financial and economic interdependence, Türkiye’s desire to play an independent role in the Middle East and Transcaucasia bypassing NATO, Ankara’s close cooperation with London’s geopolitical adversary Moscow, as well as differences in approaches to the Syrian conflict allow the author to refute the thesis that that Türkiye acts as a “conduit for the interests of Great Britain.”
37
Hrubinko, Andrii. "Britain’s Participation in Foreign and Security Policy of The European Union: Review of Russian Historiography". European Historical Studies, n.º 6 (2017): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.25-47.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article analyzes the achievements of Russian historical science in examining of scientific problem of the UK’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The author splits the scientific publications of Russian researchers into three groups: 1) general works on the history of the formation CFSP of the EU; 2) those on the history of the country’s participation in European integration as a separate direction of foreign policy; 3) works specifically investigating the participation of Great Britain in CFSP of the EU. In conclusions, a list of leading research academic and university centers of Russia for the research of this problem is given. The conclusions as well comprise a list of scientific issues which often publish articles on European politics of Great Britain. The critical analysis of the illumination of the proposed topic delivered in the publications of Russian historians is presented. It is noted that the issue of participation the UK in Common Foreign and Security Policy as a relatively new and specific direction of the EU development is a part of the research topics of the Russian historians, however, it hasn’t become a priority and remains insufficiently developed. This is evidenced by the absence of any kind of special publications. The historical experience of participation of the UK in developing and implementing the CFSP of the EU in the Russian historiography was mainly covered in the general context position of the British government in relation to the European integration. In the publications avaluable, the analysis of the theoretical-conceptual basics and strategic approaches of the British government to the foreign policy component of the European integration at different stages of its development remains predominant. The issues of participation of the official London in the specific projects of the EU’s foreign policy are insufficiently explored. The history of the country’s Eastern European policy is barely covered as well. The issues of participation of the Royal Armed Forces in the civil and military missions of the EU and military-technical cooperation states of the Union are unexplored either. The issues touching upon the policy of Gordon Brown’s and David Cameron’s governments on the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy are virtually unexplored.
38
Tumblin, Jesse. "‘Grey Dawn’ in the British Pacific: Race, Security and Colonial Sovereignty on the Eve of World War I". Britain and the World 9, n.º 1 (março de 2016): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0213.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.
39
Pavlenko, Valerii, e Oleksandr Komarenko. "HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF: THE INABILITY OF THE FORCES OF PEACE AND DEMOCRACY AROUND THE WORLD TO PREVENT THE OUTBREAK OF A PLANETARY WAR IN THE 2ND HALF OF THE 1930S". European Historical Studies, n.º 21 (2022): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.
40
Torp, Cornelius. "The Pension Crisis and the ‘Demographic Time Bomb’: Perceptions and Misperceptions in Great Britain and Germany at the Turn of the Millennium". English Historical Review 136, n.º 583 (1 de dezembro de 2021): 1542–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab355.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract At the turn of the millennium, Germany and the United Kingdom experienced the most severe crises of their pension systems since the Second World War. In both cases, politicians reacted with extensive reforms. The political debates in each country revolved around the notion that demographic ageing was at the root of the crises. Hence, the call for greater intergenerational equity became the key justification of fundamental pension-system reform. But a comparative historical analysis reveals that it is a vast oversimplification to blame the pension crises entirely on demographic ageing. In fact, a combination of other factors—which varied widely between the UK and Germany—far overshadowed the ‘demographic time-bomb’ as the driving force behind the crises. A prime factor in the UK was the declining value of the Basic State Pension and the growing importance of means-tested benefits, along with the decline of company pension schemes. By contrast, the problems facing the pension system in Germany primarily arose from rising unemployment, the systematic early retirement of millions of eastern Germans and the high costs of German unity, which were largely borne by the social-security system. Furthermore, in the debate on Germany’s ability to remain a thriving centre for business and industry, rising pension contributions were widely held responsible for declining competitiveness. In both countries, politicians seized upon the explanatory model of demographic ageing because it made sweeping reforms of the pension system appear the consequence of a quasi-natural process, and created a welcome opportunity to divert attention from socio-political blunders.
41
YAN, Ying, e Yaqiong WANG. "On the Analysis of the Optimization of China’s Food Security Governance Path under the New Food Security Concept". Asia-Pacific Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, n.º 1 (15 de março de 2023): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53789/j.1653-0465.2023.0301.013.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The current international situation has undergone profound changes, coupled with the unprecedented epidemic in a century. The international and domestic environment of my country’s grain market has emerged with new features and faced new challenges. The instability and uncertainties of the food security system have increased significantly. This paper focuses on food security issues under the great changes in the domestic and foreign environment in the new era. Starting from the analysis of the food security concept with Chinese characteristics, it is proposed that my country,s food security governance needs to achieve four basic goals of “supply security,” “access security,” “consumption security” and “regulatory security”. Based on the four security objectives, review and sort out the history and current situation of my country’s food security governance, analyze the main internal and external challenges affecting China’s food security governance , and study and judge the internal and external factors affecting my country,s food security governance and the focus of food security governance. Finally, around the four basic goals of food security governance, combined with the internal and external challenges faced by food security governance, five ways to optimize the road of food security governance in my country are proposed: First , improve the supply efficiency with the help of agricultural science and technology, and basically guarantee the food supply safety; the second is to build a high-level grain circulation and reserve system to firmly maintain the safety of food access; the third is to improve the market transaction and information service system, and actively improve the safety of food consumption; the fourth is to optimize the government’s grain control and monitoring system to firmly guarantee the security of grain control; the fifth is to explore a new cooperation mechanism for international grain trade to enhance the security of international grain trade.
42
Sidorov, Sergey. "V International Scientific Conference “Military History of Russia: Problems, Search, Decisions” Devoted to the 75th Anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War (September 11–12, 2020, Volgograd)". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, n.º 1 (março de 2021): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.22.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article presents information about the V International scientific conference “Military history of Russia: problems, search, solutions” held in Volgograd on September 11–12, 2020, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The conference was held at Volgograd State University. The conference was informative and representative in its composition: more than 220 representatives of scientific institutions of the Russian Academy of Sciences, civil and military universities and centers, archives, museums and libraries in 48 cities of Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Great Britain, Kazakhstan, USA, Turkmenistan and Ukraine. Among the participants of the conference there was a corresponding member of RAE, 39 doctors and 82 candidates of sciences. Along with professors and associate professors, the conference was attended by young scientists: assistant lecturers, postgraduate students, master students, students and schoolchildren. The article analyzes the work of the plenary session, sections, round tables and the discussion platform. The mainstream sections were the following: “Patriotic War: history and modernity”, “National economy of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War”, “Social history of the Great Patriotic War”, “Lower Volga and the Don during the Great Patriotic War”, “Source base for the study of the Great Patriotic War”, “Problems of historiography of the Great Patriotic War”. The permanent sections presented reports on military history in ancient times, the middle ages, modern and contemporary times, social protection of the population in wartime, and international aspects of the Battle of Stalingrad. The round tables discussed issues of military and political security of society and the state, problems of military memorial tourism in the Russian Federation, and international aspects of military conflicts. The discussion platform was dedicated to patriotic education of children and youth.
43
Mladenovic, Miroslav, e Milos Tomic. "Political ecology in the shadow of regional security: The case of the Essequibo region". Medjunarodni problemi 76, n.º 2 (2024): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2402249m.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Continuous exploitation of natural resources within the national borders of a country, especially those intended for energy production (oil, gas, coal), inevitably raises a number of issues in the context of maintaining political, economic and social stability. Observed through the paradigm of the theoretical assumptions of political ecology, the benefits that are realized by the processing and distribution of natural resources are mostly connected with the efficiency of the entire state and social system and thus with security at the internal and external level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is a descriptive analysis of the role of natural resources in disrupting the relationship between Venezuela and Guyana, i.e. territorial dispute over the Essequibo region that has the potential to threaten regional security. Due to the complexity of the study of the historical process of ?maturing? of these states and the achievement of mutually acceptable territorial delimitation on land and sea, the paper uses the technique of content analysis, historical-comparative analysis and the technique of narrative analysis. Based on the results of the research, it can be concluded that the current political and security tensions surrounding the solution of the future status of the Essequibo region, which is rich in natural resources, do not have the capacity to develop into more serious conflicts. The state of Venezuela?s national security has not been satisfactory for many years, including partial foreign policy isolation, while on the other hand, leading Western countries (USA, Great Britain) provide significant support to the territorial integrity of Guyana as well as neighboring countries, which reduces the potential for endangering regional security.
44
Asaturov, Sergey, e Andrei Martynov. "Trends in international relations in the Indo-Pacific region". ScienceRise: Juridical Science, n.º 1(19) (31 de março de 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2523-4153.2022.254248.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable
45
Williams, Brad. "Why the Five Eyes? Power and Identity in the Formation of a Multilateral Intelligence Grouping". Journal of Cold War Studies 25, n.º 1 (2023): 101–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01123.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract Adopting an analytically eclectic approach that draws on theories of realist bargaining, identity, and socialization, this article investigates the early Cold War origins of the Five Eyes intelligence grouping (the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand). An understanding of identity grounded in culture suggests a natural process of international intelligence community building, but this was not the case with the Five Eyes. The formation of the grouping was not preordained. Although Anglo-Saxonism was a necessary condition, it was not sufficient. In addition to being able to provide valuable sites for signals intelligence collection, aspiring members had to be seen as staunchly anti-Communist (and therefore politically trustworthy) by the United States in order to become full members of this exclusive community. Early postwar concerns over the political loyalties and secrecy protection regime of the Australian government prompted the British to initiate a process of socialization aimed at bolstering its affiliate's security institutions and practices and guaranteeing its own access to U.S. secrets.
46
Clarke, Michael. "China's Internal Security Dilemma and the “Great Western Development”: The Dynamics of Integration, Ethnic Nationalism and Terrorism in Xinjiang". Asian Studies Review 31, n.º 3 (setembro de 2007): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820701621350.
Texto completo da fonte
47
Lyman, Serhii, e Margarita Bielousova. "Сiprus-france relations and problems of region security". 15, n.º 15 (1 de agosto de 2022): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2022-15-01.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
After gaining independence in 1960, Cyprus began to establish relations with other countries. However, the ethnic conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in 1974 led to the actual division of the island into two state entities and to various forms of intervention by foreign states, including Greece, Turkey, France and also Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of Cypriot-French relations, to study the whole range of French interests in Cyprus after gaining independence to the present. Methods used to achieve the goals of the study: historical and comparative analysis, systematization and generalization, retrospective method. The article emphasizes that from the very beginning of the Cypriot ethnic conflict, France has consistently advocated the territorial integrity of Cyprus and condemned the creation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. In subsequent years, France contributed to the fact that Cyprus in 2004 became a member of the EU. But bilateral relations became most intense during the presidency of E. Macron in 2017–2022. The economic interests of France in Cyprus are primarily associated with the discovery of large gas reserves on the Cyprus shelf, for which several states are fighting in the Eastern Mediterranean region, among which Turkey is the most active. This struggle stimulates the establishment of military cooperation between France and Cyprus. The related 2017 bilateral treaty, which came into force in 2020, aims to contain Turkey. This treaty, the French-Cypriot military exercises and French efforts to resolve the Cyprus conflict aggravate French-Turkish relations and the political situation in the region. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies for international interactions for post-Soviet states, in particular, Ukraine.
48
Gavrilenko, Nikita Vladislavovich. "“Fear” as a disintegration factor: conceptual view on British-European relations in light of Brexit". Международные отношения, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 2023): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2023.2.41052.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article aims at contributing to discussions on British national identity and its impact on the state’s foreign policy, with British-European relations used as an example. The author provides a concept of “fear” within the constructivist approach as a tool to explain withdrawing from the integration organisation. According to it, the logic of state’s behaviour can be explained with the help of four impulses that cause fear for one’s own identity. These are generalised categories that make it easier to analyse and describe actions taken by actors while interacting with their counteragents. Given the results of the research on British-European relations, one can conclude that deeper integration and gradually empowered supranational bodies provoke conflict between national and transnational identities. For fear of being deprived of its identity, which is of paramount importance, the United Kingdom was trying to securitise the threat by leaving the Union. Accordingly, the concept of “fear” facilitates defining reasons why politicians turn to politicising a problem and developing a security scenario, which is Brexit when it comes to British-European relations. Yet, it doesn’t guarantee identity restoration and can only aggravate internal issues, which is proved by the case of Great Britain.
49
Zhang, Weizhen, e Tao Peng. "The Qingdao Pattern and U.S.-Chinese Crisis Management: The KMT, the CCP, and the U.S. Marines in Qingdao during the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949)". Journal of Cold War Studies 25, n.º 2 (2023): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01145.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract After the Second World War ended in 1945, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried to seize Qingdao, a major port city on the Shandong Peninsula. The landing of U.S. Marines there foiled the CCP's attempt. With the support of the Kuomintang (KMT)—the CCP's main enemy—the U.S. Marines stayed in Qingdao throughout the civil war in China, from late 1945 to mid-1949. Drawing on archival sources from China, the United States, the former Soviet Union, Great Britain, and Japan, this article explores CCP-KMT-U.S. interactions regarding the presence of U.S. Marines in Qingdao. The KMT-CCP civil war influenced—and was influenced by—the presence of the Marines in Qingdao. The KMT government depended on the U.S. Marines for security, whereas the CCP, opposing the U.S. presence, took a tough propaganda stance but remained cautious in its actions. The United States ultimately decided to withdraw the Marines to avoid overt involvement in the Chinese civil war. This type of triangular engagement influenced the future pattern of Cold War confrontations among the three parties.
50
Abazi, Vigjilenca. "The Future of Europol's Parliamentary Oversight: A Great Leap Forward?" German Law Journal 15, n.º 6 (1 de outubro de 2014): 1121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019295.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Secrecy profoundly challenges democratic oversight. Law enforcement cooperation, however, requires some space for discretion and confidentiality. This classical paradox within the context of the European Union is central in the current legislative debate on Europol's revision. The reform is initiated by the Commission's proposal in March 2013 and, for the first time in its history, the European Parliament has direct power to decide over the future of the intelligence agency.This article argues that we should not overestimate European Parliament's post-Lisbon prerogative for oversight, and particularly its access to Europol Classified Information, due to the architecture of intelligence exchange. The foundational principle of intelligence cooperation confers absolute discretion to the originators of information and Europol's “secrets” in almost all cases originate from the member states or third parties.The article offers a new legal and empirical perspective on the tensions of secrecy and oversight in the EU, and especially in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice. It discusses the internal information structure of Europol and suggests options for more plausible oversight arrangements.