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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
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Krēsliņš, Uldis. "Latvia as a partner in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s: Latvia’s relations with Great Britain, the United States and Germany". Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 116 (julho de 2022): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.116.03.
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For the new states that emerged as a result of the First World War, ensuring the internal political security in the early 1920s was a fundamentally important issue. In the case of Latvia, potential security threats were exacerbated by the country’s geopolitical position – a direct border with Soviet Russia – which made Latvia a protective barrier against the spread of the Communist movement. The aim of the study is to characterize Latvia’s role in the political security system of Western democracies in the early 1920s based on the materials of the Latvian security service, focusing on Latvia’s relations in the field of political security with three Western democracies – United Kingdom, the United States and Germany.
2
Sonyel, Salâhi R. "The Turco-Armenian 'Adana Incidents' in the Light of Secret British Documents (July 1908-December 1909)". Belleten 51, n.º 201 (1 de dezembro de 1987): 1291–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1987.1291.
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For almost six centuries the position of the Armenian nation (millet) within the Ottoman Empire, was one of relative peace, order, security and prosperity until the genesis, in the 1870s, of the so-called "Eastern Question". The Turco-Russian war of 1877 had resulted in the abortive Treaty of San Stefano, and had brought about the signature of the Cyprus Convention and the Treaty of Berlin. These treaties were supposed to procure more privileges for the Ottoman Armenians, but they were actually intended to enable the Great Powers, in particular Britain and Russia, to interfere in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire with the hope of snatching a greater share of the spoils when the Empire ultimately collapsed.
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Karpo, Vasyl, e Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk. "Information Component of Disintegration Processes in Spain and Great Britain: the Comparative Aspects". Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, n.º 7 (23 de dezembro de 2019): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.142-154.
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From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.
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Lafta, Jasim Mohmmed. "Britain and European Union, the Repercussions of Accession and the Effects of Secession". International Academic Journal of Social Sciences 11, n.º 1 (19 de fevereiro de 2024): 05–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/iajss/v11i1/iajss1102.
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Europe's openness to the East, while it lives in historical, political, or cultural temporal regions, where soon after a certain crisis was settled, a new crisis emerged, such as questioning the borders and demarcating them again, as well as the dispute between the economic downturn and the necessity of reforms, the place of the ideological confrontation between the East and the West, and the emergence of the phenomenon of fear and caution. Internal dangers replace the fear of external aggression, and the perspective of fear of internal dangers is stronger because it directly affects the security of society and threatens the weakness of the state and its inability to protect internal society. This realistically explains that the concerns and challenges in the security field are constantly increasing, and the problems of the major European countries related to immigration and organized crime may become more severe in terms of their number due to the size of those countries, but they differ from the problems of the dominant countries in terms of their nature and attempts to settle them. Therefore, major private countries, or what were previously called major countries, such as Britain, seek to take proactive measures and measures in anticipation of future threats. In addition, Britain seeks to restore its international status as a great power and its desire to play the role of peacemaker. In order to achieve interests, which is a religion rooted in its history. Those interests must be achieved, even if this is at the expense of European unity, European integration, or the European Common Market.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Güçlü, Yücel. "The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turkish Foreign Policy Under Atatürk". Belleten 64, n.º 241 (1 de dezembro de 2000): 949–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2000.949.
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The basic foreign policy of Turkey under Atatürk was one of friendship with all its neighbours and non-involvement in Great Power politics. Atatürk was essentially a realist. He repudiated adventurism and expansionism. What Turkey wanted was to accomplish its internal reconstruction in peace. The major stance of Atatürk's diplomacy was not only pacific, but was also clearly respectful of law. Since the Republic of Turkey came into existence, the main background of Turkish foreign policy had been friendship with the Soviets. Good relations with Russia guaranteed Turkey's continued security on its northeastern frontier and in the Black Sea. Following the Italian conquest of Ethiopia and basically on account of this fact a Turco-British rapprochement started to take shape since 1935. Close co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference further accelerated the pace. Another aspect of Turkish foreign policy was the Balkan Entente of 1934 to guard against aggression in the region. Turkey's part in the Saadabad Pact of 1937 had also been active and enthusiastic. Regaining of Turkish sovereignty over the Straits at the Montreux Conference and winning back of the district of Hatay were among the most important successes of the Turkish diplomacy under Atatürk's auspices.
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Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.
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This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU’s peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization’s peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU’s activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU’s potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra’s independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU’s decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria’s territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country’s territorial integrity. The results of the OAU’s peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.
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HILEY, NICHOLAS. "Counter-espionage and security in Great Britain during the First World War". English Historical Review CI, n.º CCCC (1986): 635–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ci.cccc.635.
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Poole, Ed Gareth, e Guto Ifan. "Internal coordination of social security in the United Kingdom". European Journal of Social Security 21, n.º 2 (31 de maio de 2019): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719844984.
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Although social security is traditionally viewed as a highly centralised function in the UK, health care and long-term social care have long been devolved to sub-state governments, an arrangement requiring extensive internal coordination agreements. This coordination has various objectives, including ensuring parity of benefits provision in Northern Ireland (where social assistance is devolved) and Great Britain (where it is centralised), securing financial reimbursements for cross-border health care provision, and determining responsibility and eligibility criteria for individuals in need of social care. Further devolution and decentralisation of social security benefits over the past decade have made such coordination arrangements even more essential.
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Ragimov, Ilgam M. "Nuremberg Trials: the triumph of justice or the trial of the victors? (Reflections on the book by A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”". Gosudarstvo i pravo, n.º 12 (2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520023298-8.
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The article analyzes historical, geopolitical, legal and other aspects of the organization and conduct of the International Military Tribunal on the basis of the monograph by Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace”. over the main Nazi criminals, the political, legal and moral significance of its results for the further strengthening of peace on Earth and the prevention of global wars, the prevention of crimes against the peace and security of mankind, the development of International Law, etc. are investigated. Based on the results of A.N. Savenkov’s research, the study of archival materials of the Nuremberg Trials and other sources on this issue, the authors believe that: • in the entire history of legal proceedings, there has probably never been a court like the Nuremberg Trials. Its uniqueness lies in the fact that it is the first case in the history of justice (sui generis) when more than 20 high-ranking officials, who were part of the highest political and military leadership of a single aggressor state, found themselves in the dock, guilty of both planning, preparing and unleashing a world war, and committing during it mass crimes against peace and humanity; • the historical value of the International Military Tribunal is also seen in the fact that its results had a huge impact on the course of world history, outlined the basic contours of the new architecture of the post-war world order and world order on Earth, laid the foundations of international criminal justice, etc., and the Tribunal itself became a symbol of the victory of good over evil; • the Nuremberg Trials showed that for crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during an aggressive war, the victorious States have the right to establish a special court (ad hoc) with universal jurisdiction against the political and military leaders of the defeated State, to determine a list of specific crimes (including those with criminal retroactivity), those under his jurisdiction, to provide for a special procedure for the administration of justice, to establish the types of punishment for the perpetrators and their terms, the order and form of execution of a court sentence, etc.; • the refusal of the founders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to bring to trial the highest state and military officials of Nazi Germany on the basis of the national laws of the countries on whose territory they committed numerous terrible crimes incompatible with human nature was due to the fact that the norms of criminal legislation of none of these states (as, indeed, International Law of that time) did not they fully covered all the specifics of the objective and subjective properties of many barbaric crimes committed by Nazi criminals against humanity, therefore, it was not possible to talk about this category of monstrous acts that claimed the lives of tens of millions of innocent people as classic forms or types of crimes that infringe on the rights and freedoms of individual citizens or states, even at the level of the institution of analogy in law; • taking into account the irremediable contradictions between the norms of national and International Law, on the one hand, and the essentially unprecedented atrocities committed by Nazi criminals on a massive scale, on the other, the victorious countries in World War II as bearers of supreme power in Germany (due to the loss of its legal personality) on August 8, 1945 we made the only possible decision in the current situation: 1) to establish an open International Military Tribunal with universal jurisdiction for the prosecution and punishment of the main war criminals of the European Axis countries; 2) on the basis of international treaties and agreements, the basic values of natural law, generally recognized principles of Criminal and Criminal Procedure Law, taking into account certain provisions of the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic legal systems, adopt the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the norms of which should: a) determine the powers and procedures of this judicial body; b) contain a criminal definition of the concepts of “criminal organization”, “crime against peace”, “war crime” and “crime against humanity”; c) provide procedural guarantees for the defendants and their defenders; d) to fix the provision according to which the official position of the defendant (be it the head of state or another responsible state official) is not a basis for exemption from liability or mitigation of punishment, etc.; • in the process of working on the Statute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the doctrine of due (supervisory) law was widely applied in it, which, unlike what exists, is based on such immanent properties of a person’s spiritual being as justice and freedom of spirit, morality and common sense, etc. The originality of supervisory right is also manifested in the fact that it is free from any whatever the external definitions and directives, it is not burdened with political and ideological dogmas; • by its nature, the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal is not a normative legal act in the traditional sense of the term, but a special international prescriptive act with the force of law, adopted on August 8, 1945 by representatives of the heads of government of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France in the form of an annex to the London Agreement “On the Prosecution and Punishment of the main War Criminals of European Countries axes”; • in the verdict of the International Military Tribunal, for the first time at the global level, legal entities were recognized as the subject of crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity – the Elite Guard (SS), the Security Service (SD), the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany (NSRPG). At the same time, not all crimes committed by high-ranking officials and institutions of Nazi Germany during the Second World War were reflected or properly assessed in it; • the expectations of the world community from the Nuremberg Trials were only partially justified, since in those years many in the world believed that all Nazi criminals should be put to death without trial. Only the firm position of the USSR and its insistent demands to the allied powers about the need to bring them to trial prevented further extrajudicial reprisals against them; • the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg cannot be regarded as a “court of victors” over the defeated. It should be perceived as a unique judicial and legal phenomenon in the history of mankind - Transitional Justice at a critical stage in the modern history of mankind.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
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Percox, David A. "Circumstances short of global war : British defence, colonial internal security, and decolonisation in Kenya, 1945-65". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10927/.
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This thesis fills a significant gap in current secondary literature on post-war British defence and internal security policy. Hitherto, post-war British defence policy in Kenya has only been considered in passing, in relation to the larger question of Middle East strategy. Very little attention has been paid to Kenya's particular importance in the post-1956 ‘east of Suez’ role. Current works on British internal security policy in Kenya concentrate either on post-war policing in general or, more specifically, on the British counter-insurgency campaign during the Mau Mau revolt (1952-6). In examining post-war British defence and internal security policy and practice in Kenya until 1965, this thesis demonstrates the essential continuity in British strategic priorities in the area. Far from having to ‘scram from Africa’, Britain adapted its defence requirements to an acceptable minimum, thereby ameliorating the more ‘extreme’ face of African nationalism, and denying it political capital with which to apply pressure to Britain's ‘moderate’ collaborators. The success of this flexible approach to defensive requirements is clear because, in losing its politically unacceptable army base, Britain gained a great deal in terms of retention of communications, leave camp, overflying, staging and training rights and facilities, in exchange for arming and training the Kenyan military and assisting in the maintenance of post-independence internal security. Such arrangements continued well beyond the apparent demise of the ‘east of Suez role’. This thesis sets British internal security policy in Kenya in its broad Cold War context (1945-65). Even after apparent military victory in 1956, Britain remained fearful of a recurrence of Mau Mau, and the possible failure of attempts to fudge a ‘political solution’ in Kenya. Britain also had to ensure that its ‘moderate’ successors would be safe from the more radical elements in Kenya African politics, especially given the earlier contradictions inherent in the divisive political and socio-economic reforms which had been designed to foster economic and political stability. Quite simply, therefore, this study demonstrates that British defence and internal security interests in Kenya were far more important, and far more intricately connected with the transfer of political power, than has hitherto been acknowledged.
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Gutkowski, Stacey Elizabeth. "Religious violence, secularism and the British security imaginary, 2001-2009". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608941.
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Stefanidis, Ioannis. "United States, Great Britain and Greece, 1949-1952 : the problem of Greek security and internal stability". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244192.
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Jarrett, Nathaniel W. "Collective Security and Coalition: British Grand Strategy, 1783-1797". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984129/.
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On 1 February 1793, the National Convention of Revolutionary France declared war on Great Britain and the Netherlands, expanding the list of France's enemies in the War of the First Coalition. Although British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger had predicted fifteen years of peace one year earlier, the French declaration of war initiated nearly a quarter century of war between Britain and France with only a brief respite during the Peace of Amiens. Britain entered the war amid both a nadir in British diplomacy and internal political divisions over the direction of British foreign policy. After becoming prime minister in 1783 in the aftermath of the War of American Independence, Pitt pursued financial and naval reform to recover British strength and cautious interventionism to end Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe. He hoped to create a collective security system based on the principles of the territorial status quo, trade agreements, neutral rights, and resolution of diplomatic disputes through mediation - armed mediation if necessary. While his domestic measures largely met with success, Pitt's foreign policy suffered from a paucity of like-minded allies, contradictions between traditional hostility to France and emergent opposition to Russian expansion, Britain's limited ability to project power on the continent, and the even more limited will of Parliament to support such interventionism. Nevertheless, Pitt's collective security goal continued to shape British strategy in the War of the First Coalition, and the same challenges continued to plague the British war effort. This led to failure in the war and left the British fighting on alone after the Treaty of Campo Formio secured peace between France and its last continental foe, Austria, on 18 October 1797.
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McConnell, James Robert. "Essex under Cromwell: Security and Local Governance in the Interregnum". PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/686.
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In 1655, Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell's Council of State commissioned a group of army officers for the purpose of "securing the peace of the commonwealth." Under the authority of the Instrument of Government, a written constitution not sanctioned by Parliament, the Council sent army major-generals into the counties to raise new horse militias and to support them financially with a tax on Royalists which the army officers would also collect. In counties such as Essex--the focus of this study--the major-generals were assisted in their work by small groups of commissioners, mostly local men "well-affected" to the Interregnum government. In addition to their militia and tax duties, the men were instructed to see to the implementation and furtherance of a variety of central government policies. Barely a year after its inception, a bill sanctioning the scheme was voted down in January 1657 by a Parliament unconvinced that the work done by the major-generals was in the best interests of the nation. This thesis examines the development and inception of the major-generals initiative by the Council of State, the work the major-generals and their commissioners engaged in, and the nature and cause of the reaction to their efforts in the shires. In the years and centuries following the Stuart Restoration, the major-generals were frequently portrayed as agents of Cromwellian tyranny, and more recently scholars have argued that the officers were primarily concerned with the promulgation of a godly reformation. This study looks at the aims and work of the major-generals largely through an analysis of state papers and Essex administrative records, and it concludes that the Council and officers were preoccupied more with threats to order and stability than with morals. Additionally, by examining the court records and work of the justices of the peace in Essex, this study shows that in regard to improving order the major-generals' work was unremarkable for its efficacy and but little different than previous law- and statute-enforcement activity traditionally carried out by local administrators. Based on this assessment of the major-generals' efforts to improve order as both limited and completely un-revolutionary, this thesis argues that the strongly negative reaction to the major-generals by the parliamentary class was due more to the officers' and government's encroachment on gentry power and local privilege than either the abrogation of the liberties of the people or any modest efforts to foist godliness on the shires. Religion was a major issue during the English Civil Wars, but the demise of one of the Interregnum government's most ambitious attempts to improve security in the localities was rooted not in sectarian distempers but rather in the gentry's preoccupation with keeping central government from meddling in local matters or taxing anyone in their class without parliamentary approval.
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Andrews, Emily Stella. "Senility before Alzheimer : old Age in British psychiatry, c. 1835-1912". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/65690/.
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This thesis addresses the place of old age in British psychiatry, from 1835-1912. It asks: how were mental disorders in old age understood, categorised and responded to? It seeks answers to these questions in three sets of sources: theoretical published works written by professional psychiatrists, the official reports of the bodies charged with managing the asylum at a national and local level, and in the patient records of Hanwell County Lunatic Asylum. It argues that the ‘senile’ became more clearly defined in the latter nineteenth century, in politics and in medicine, as a residual category of person: too insane for the workhouse, too old for the asylum. It shows that, during this period, older people in the asylum were increasingly likely to be viewed as ‘old’. Through the increasing focus on internal pathology as an aetiological determinant of mental disorder, both engendered and reflected in changes to the asylum’s patient records, the inherent agedness of older people – with associations of inevitable decline, incurability and dependency – became central to the way that psychiatrists interpreted their mental disorders. The senile were a controversial group in nineteenth-century psychiatry. The administrators of Lunacy made attempts to exclude them from the asylum, but families and workhouse officials continued to send them there. The asylum played an important role in latter-nineteenth-century London as a pressure-valve for those whose behaviour made them unmanageable in other settings. Without more specialised provision, the asylum was often the only institution which could manage the elderly mentally disordered. Once there, aged patients worked and were cared for alongside the rest of the asylum population, usually until their death.
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Navickas, Katrina. "Redefining loyalism, radicalism and national identity : Lancashire under the threat of Napoleon". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b5cdcdf5-848f-4407-a36b-07ab687fa44b.
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Lancashire redefined popular politics and national identity in its own image. The perceived threat of invasion by Napoleon, together with the Irish Rebellion, sustained the evolution in extra-parliamentary politics that had begun in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The meanings and principles of 'radicalism,' 'loyalism' and 'Britain' continued to be debated and contested in 1798-1812. Elite loyalism became even more exclusive, developing into the Orange movement. Radicals remained silent until the Napoleonic invasion scares had faded and opportunities arose for renewed vocal criticisms of government foreign and economic policy from 1806. Conflicts re- emerged between radicals and loyalists in the middle classes and gentry which provided the training for a new generation of postwar radical leaders and the popularity of the free trade campaign. Inhabitants of Lancashire felt British in reaction to the French and Irish, but it was a Lancashire Britishness. Political identities and actions followed national patterns of events but were always marked with a regional stamp. This was in part because most political movements were held together by a shared 'sense of place' rather than vague notions of class-consciousness or shared class identity. A sense of place manifested itself in the regional organisation of strikes, petitions and the Orange institution. Furthermore, it could also entail a common bitter or defiant provincialism against the government or monarchy. In an atmosphere of anti-corruption and a growing desire for peace, this provincial frustration ironically brought professed loyalists closer to radicalism in campaigns against the Orders in Council and other government policies. Provincialism and other elements of regional identity ensured that any ideas of Britishness were tempered through local concerns and allegiances, but an identity with the nation that was not an acquiescent acceptance of national tropes and stereotypes. Lancashire Britishness was commercial, manufacturing, and above all, independent from homogenisation and the impositions of government.
Livros sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
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Thurlow, Richard C. The secret state: British internal security in the twentieth century. Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1995.
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Knightley, Phillip. An affair of state: The Profumo case and the framing of Stephen Ward. London: Book Club Associates., 1987.
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Thurlow, David. Profumo: The hate factor. London: Robert Hale, 1992.
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MI5, Great Britain. MI5: The security service. 2a ed. London: HMSO, 1996.
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MI5, Great Britain. MI5: The security service. 3a ed. London: HMSO, 1998.
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MI5. MI5: The security service. 3a ed. London: Stationery Office, 1998.
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Summers, Anthony. Honeytrap: The secret worlds of Stephen Ward. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987.
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Summers, Anthony. Honeytrap. London: Coronet Books, 1988.
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Summers, Anthony. Honeytrap: The secret worlds of Stephen Ward. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987.
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Summers, Anthony. Honeytrap: The secret worlds of Stephen Ward. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
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Gildea, Robert. "Crisis of Empire". In France since 1945, 6–34. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192801319.003.0002.
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Abstract In 1945 France was a great power that had come within an ace of extinction. In 1940 it had suffered the worst defeat in its history, overwhelmed within the space of six weeks. It had been occupied by the Germans (and in small part by the Italians) for four years, the so-called unoccupied zone in the south itself invaded in November 1942. Despite the internal Resistance and combats of the Free French, it was liberated only with the help of the Allies, and was lucky to escape an Allied military administration of the kind that was imposed ort Germany. Defeat was compounded by the time the Allies took to recognize de Gaulle’s provisional government as the legitimate government of France. The USA in particular had long hoped that the Vichy government would at some point end its policy of collaboration with Germany and swing onto its side. Not until after the Liberation of Paris in August 1944 was the French Committee of National Liberation officially recognized by the USA, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union, and France admitted to the Security Council of the newly formed United Nations along with these three powers and China. Even then, France was not admitted to the secret talks of the Allies about the post-war settlement.
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Zagare, Frank C. "Introduction". In Game Theory, Diplomatic History and Security Studies, 1–4. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831587.003.0001.
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History, it is oftentimes said, is just one damned thing after another. Generally speaking, highly skilled diplomatic historians and security studies specialists have performed the task of describing each of these “things” with great acumen. Trachtenberg (1990/1991: 136), for example, convincingly and insightfully shows that the sudden change in German foreign policy on the eve of World War I was precipitated by Russia’s partial mobilization and not, as is oftentimes argued, by a warning in Berlin by the German ambassador in London that Great Britain was unlikely to stand aside in any war that involved France....
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Brady, Steven J. "’Tis Ill to Fear”". In Chained to History, 33–61. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761058.003.0003.
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This chapter elaborates on the American responses to the Haitian Revolution, which simultaneously acted as an anticolonial revolution and a slave uprising. It notes the perception of slavery as a national security issue. International politics of the great powers and trade interests complicated the picture for American policymakers, who wanted to avoid conflict with Britain, alienation of France, or loss of markets. However, America's failure to extend recognition to the newly liberated nation to the south indicates that slavery would continue to be an issue for US policymakers for decades to come. The chapter then expounds on First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte's decision to restore slavery in Saint-Domingue.
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Painter, David S., e Gregory Brew. "History and Contested Memories". In The Struggle for Iran, 203–12. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469671666.003.0009.
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Myths and misperceptions, many originally propagated to justify opposition to nationalization and legitimize the coup, have long distorted understanding the crisis. Some of the most common include the argument that US policy throughout the crisis was driven by security concerns and had little or nothing to do with protecting the interests of US and British oil companies; that the United States acted as an “honest broker” between Iran and Great Britain during negotiations to resolve the nationalization dispute; that Mosaddeq’s intransigence was the main reason why negotiations failed; that Mosaddeq’s policies were leading to communism; and that the coup was carried out mainly by Iranian “patriots” acting independently rather than supported and directed by Anglo-American agents.
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Toprani, Anand. "Introduction". In Oil and the Great Powers, 1–22. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834601.003.0010.
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The struggle for oil has been at the center of international politics since the beginning of the twentieth century. Securing oil—or, more precisely, access to it—has also been at the heart of many great powers’ grand strategies during that time, particularly those in oil-poor Europe. The Continent’s geographical and geological endowments, particularly its rich coal seams, had facilitated its rise to global predominance following the conquest of the New World and the start of the Industrial Revolution, but they conspired against it during the Age of Oil. Rather than accept their relegation to second-tier status, Britain and Germany developed elaborate strategies to restore their energy independence. These efforts wound up compromising their security by inducing strategic overextension—for Britain in the Middle East, and for Germany in the Soviet Union—thereby hastening their demise as great powers. For these reasons, the history of oil is also a chapter in the story of Europe’s geopolitical decline....
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Wight, Martin, e DAVID S. YOST. "Eastern Europe in The World in March 1939". In History and International Relations, 209–94. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0012.
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Abstract Owing to the collapse of four empires (Habsburg, Hohenzollern, Ottoman and Romanov) in the First World War, Eastern Europe in 1918–1939 included several new states. These successor states faced competition among themselves, internal social and political conflicts, and intervention by France, Italy, Germany, and the Soviet Union. To a greater degree than in Western Europe, Eastern European elites and peasantries retained memories of national grievances, glories, and “historic rights.” The hope that the weak states of Eastern Europe could combine to constitute a great power to block Soviet and German expansion was an illusion. Aside from the rivalries among these small states, one or more of them generally preferred alignment with a great power, partly owing to the influence of national minorities. Germany had economic advantages as the principal market for Eastern Europe’s agricultural surpluses and the most potent supplier of industrial products. Italy conducted “an active policy of intervention and disruption that was the conditioning factor in Balkan and Danubian politics until she was eclipsed by Nazi Germany.” Britain and France abdicated their responsibilities, notably to Czechoslovakia, at the 1938 Munich conference. Germany and Russia became the most influential determinants of the consequences for Eastern Europe. For example, Ukraine’s brief independence after Germany’s conquests could not be sustained; and Ukraine “was then swallowed up again in the Russian Power as a member of the Soviet Union—tracing a path which was to be followed or approached within a generation by most of the other successor states of Eastern Europe.”
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Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. "Militaries". In Centers of Power in the Arab Gulf States, 189–218. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197776452.003.0009.
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Abstract This final chapter examines the role of “hard” power in enabling regimes in the Gulf to respond to threats and challenges to internal and external security. The Gulf monarchies are the great survivors of political dynasties in the Middle East, as they have navigated the wars and revolutions which toppled many of their regional peers. External security partnerships, initially with Great Britain and subsequently with the United States, have formed a consistent backbone of local and regional security choices. Assessing the perception of threats, as constructed by ruling elites, is important to understanding how leaders react and respond to challenges to security, and the chapter explores instances in which officials got this right as well as wrong. The chapter (and the book) ends with an assessment of the development and deployment of forms of “soft” power, and looks to the future as the Gulf States grapple with new challenges associated with the energy transition and calls for meaningful and sustained climate action.
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Bernd, Hillebrands, e Falk Katrin. "Belize". In Elections in the Americas, A Data Handbook, 85–108. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199283576.003.0005.
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Abstract Belize’s modem history begins with the country’s occupation by the British, when it was called British Honduras. The country did not become an independent parliamentary monarchy in the British Commonwealth until 21 September 1981, despite the fact that the 1964 Constitution had already established autonomy over the management of its internal affairs (internal self-government). This relatively long process of gaining independence can be explained, in part, by Guatemala’s intention to annex the territory, even hinting at the possibility of an invasion. Great Britain maintained an armed presence in the country even after Guatemala had recognized Belize’s independence in 1986. As early as 1982, Belize reached an agreement with the USA on military aid.
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Davey, Jennifer. "‘I am behind the Scenes’". In Mary, Countess of Derby, and the Politics of Victorian Britain, 136–52. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786252.003.0007.
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Chapter 7 focuses on the diplomatic role Mary played during the first eighteen months of the Great Eastern Crisis. Sparked by internal unrest in the Ottoman Empire, this major diplomatic event engulfed European politics during the years 1875–1878. The chapter places Mary within this international narrative and considers her role as ‘diplomat’. It reveals the reality of her political and diplomatic activities at the centre of the British Government and it explores Mary’s specific forms of influence: acting as an intermediary between the Foreign Office, the Prime Minister, and her contacts inside the Ottoman Empire; offering diplomatic advice to the cabinet; instructing the British representatives in Constantinople; and working closely with the Russian Ambassador to avert an Anglo-Russian conflict. In uncovering these activities and placing them within a wider international narrative, this chapter represents a critical intervention in the history of female diplomatic activity.
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Wight, Martin, e DAVID S. YOST. "Switzerland, the Low Countries, and Scandinavia in The World in March 1939". In History and International Relations, 308–22. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0014.
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Abstract In 1939 the main neutral European states were Switzerland, the Low Countries (Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands) and the Scandinavian countries (here defined as Denmark, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). They were all successful parliamentary democracies; and in their foreign policies, Wight observed, “the elements of prestige and competition for power had perhaps a smaller part than in any other states in the world.” They complemented their traditional reliance on neutrality with efforts to promote collective security and disarmament in the League of Nations. Both approaches failed. For example, “At the military conference of 23 May 1939 Hitler declared that the Dutch and Belgian air bases must be occupied by force: ‘declarations of neutrality must be ignored.’” Small Powers such as Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, and Portugal were incapable of defending their colonial holdings. “The disproportion between their weight in the world and their possessions marked them down for attack.” Discussions between Hitler and high-level British officials on colonial matters raised concerns among European neutral states. “The Western neutrals had to trust that Britain, being traditionally more sensitive to disturbances of the balance of power in Africa and the Indian Ocean than in Central Europe, would thenceforward recognize in her policy that the great empires overseas were reciprocally dependent upon the security of the smaller.”
Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
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Rehor, Michal, Jiri Zaruba, Petr Vrablik, Frantisek Helebrant e Pavel Schmidt. "HISTORY OF CLIMATE DEVELOPMENT AND EVALUATION OF IMPACTS OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON MINING AND RECLAMATION IN THE MOST BASIN - RESEARCH RESULTS AND PROPOSED ADAPTATION MEASURES". In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s20.028.
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The Research Institute for Brown Coal j. s. c. (VUHU) has been involved in the research project of the EU Research Fund of Coal and Steel - The impact of extreme weather events on mining operations for four years. The project is focused on assessing the impact of climate change on mining activities in major European coal basins. Other participants are scientific teams from Poland, Great Britain, Spain, Germany and Greece. This is the last year of the project solving, so this paper summarizes the results of the solution for the Czech Republic. The first part of the paper summarizes the knowledge of the historical development of the climate, including significant climatic disasters. Attempts to reconstruct the paleoclimate in the Tertiary based on the evaluation of preserved geological phenomena are also briefly evaluated here. The next part of the paper evaluates the development of temperature and precipitation in the wider area of the Most Basin, including the forecast for the future and the impact of climate change on mining and reclamation. Therefore, the greatest attention is paid to the proposed adaptation strategies. All laboratory analyses carried out as part of this research were carried out by VUHU testing laboratories accredited by CIA according to CSN EN 150-IEC 17025 on the basis of internal methodological procedures based on relevant standards.
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Малкин, С. Г. "Escalation and Colonial Control in the British Empire during the Interbellum". In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.027.
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Эпоха Интербеллума сопровождалась непрекращавшимися спорами сторонников различных правовых режимов функционирования колониального порядка в условиях роста повстанческой активности в Британской империи после Великой войны. Дискуссии по этому вопросу отражали теоретические и доктринальные противоречия, а также споры военных и гражданских властей по поводу границ их ответственности в этом вопросе. В статье анализируются изменения в подходах военных к определению параметров обеспечения внутренней безопасности в империи после Великой войны в связи с ограничениями правового характера и новыми вызовами колониальному правлению, обусловленными ростом национально-освободительного движения. В фокусе исследования – взгляды военного класса на юридическую рамку механизма управления колониальными кризисами: цель, задачи, параметры и назначение введения военного и чрезвычайного положения. Такой ракурс исследования позволил по-новому поставить вопрос об эволюции управленческих практик на завершающем этапе развития Британской империи, в эпоху ее деколонизации и трансформации. Особенности развития имперской школы военной мысли Великобритании в условиях возраставшего значения вооруженных сил и одновременного сокращения возможностей использования других рычагов влияния на сохранение власти метрополии в колониях и на иных зависимых территориях также рассматриваются в данной статье. The Interbellum era was accompanied by ongoing disputes between supporters of various legal regimes of the functioning of the colonial order amid the growth of rebel activity in the British Empire after the Great War. Discussions on this issue reflected theoretical and doctrinal contradictions, as well as disputes between the military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their responsibility in this matter. The article analyzes changes in the military's approaches to determining the parameters of internal security in the empire after the Great War due to legal restrictions and new challenges to colonial rule due to the growth of the national liberation movement. The focus of the study is the views of the military class on the legal framework of the mechanism for managing colonial crises: the purpose, tasks, parameters and purpose of the introduction of martial law and emergency. This perspective of the study made it possible to raise the question of the evolution of management practices in a new way at the final stage of the development of the British Empire, in the era of its decolonization and transformation. The peculiarities of the development of the imperial school of military thought of Great Britain in the context of the increasing importance of the armed forces and the simultaneous reduction in the possibility of using other levers of influence on the preservation of the metropolis power in the colonies and other dependent territories are also considered in the article.
Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Internal security – Great Britain – History"
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, fevereiro de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.