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1
Mesihović, Salmedin. "Ovid and Illyricum". Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, n.º 2 (10 de dezembro de 2020): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.45.
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The famed Roman poet Ovid was banished from Rome, for unknown
reasons in 8 CE, by the first emperor Augustus, to the remote town of Tomis on the
Black Sea coast, at the then-outmost eastern border of the Roman Empire. Ovid himself
emphasised to have been banished for a mistake and a poem, but did not provide more
elaborate details as to what the cause had exactly been. That was the period when the
Roman Empire fought a difficult war against the Illyrian rebels and their military and
political Alliance led by Bato the Daesitiate. For that reason, Ovid was sent to Tomis not
through the Adriatic shore but rather through roundabouts, via Greece and Moesia. Ovid
was very sad in Tomis, constantly pleading for amnesty. For that reason, he kept sending
letters to influential friends and members of the ruling Augustus family, asking them to
advocate for his return. In one of the letters to Germanicus, Ovid described in detail the
triumphant procession honouring the victory over the rebelled Illyrians, mentioning also
the captured Bato the Daesitate and the kind treatment he had received.
2
Gross, Simcha. "Being Roman in the Sasanian Empire". Studies in Late Antiquity 5, n.º 3 (2021): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.361.
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Over the past several decades, scholars have challenged longstanding assumptions about Christian narratives of persecution. In light of these revisionist trends, a number of scholars have reconsidered the “Great Persecution” of Christians under the fourth-century Sasanian king Shapur II. Where scholars previously argued that the cause of Sasanian imperial violence against Christians was a perceived connection between them and the increasingly Christian Roman Empire, these new accounts reject this explanation and downplay the scope of violence against Christians. This article reexamines Sasanian violence against Christians in the fourth century, navigating between the proverbial Scylla and Charybdis of positivist and revisionist approaches. It argues that the accusations against Christians must be situated within the broader Roman-Sasanian conflict. In this context, fifth-column accusations were a pervasive anxiety, animated—and deployed—by empires and inhabitants alike. Yet, rather than inexorably leading to indiscriminate violence against all Christians, fifth-column accusations operated in a variety of ways, resulting in targeted violence but also, it is argued, in imperial patronage. Seen in this light, concerns for Christian disloyalty were responsible for the drastic vacillations in Christian experience under Sasanian rule during the fourth and early fifth centuries, unparalleled for other non-Iranian Sasanian communities, such as Jews. It was the particular circumstances of Christians, caught between the Sasanian and Roman Empires, that account for their experience under Sasanian rule.
3
TEMIN, PETER. "Financial Intermediation in the Early Roman Empire". Journal of Economic History 64, n.º 3 (setembro de 2004): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002943.
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I evaluate the effectiveness of financial markets in the early Roman Empire in this article. I review the theory of financial intermediation to describe a hierarchy of financial sources and survey briefly the history of financial intermediation in eighteenth-century Western Europe to provide a standard against which to evaluate the Roman evidence. I then describe the nature of financial arrangements in the early Roman Empire in terms of this hierarchy. This exercise reveals the extent to which the Roman economy resembled more recent societies and sheds light on the prospects for economic growth in the Roman Empire.
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Spruce, Damian. "Empire and Counter-Empire in the Italian Far Right". Theory, Culture & Society 24, n.º 5 (setembro de 2007): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276407081285.
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What old Fascisms and new nationalisms circulate in the political spaces of Europe? Through an analysis of their split on immigration policy in 2003, this article examines the myths and ideologies of the two major far right parties in Italy, the Lega Nord and the Alleanza Nazionale. It argues that the anti-imperial mythology of the Lega, based on the defence of Lombardy against the Holy Roman Empire, has led it into a modernist politics of territoriality, borders and homogeneity. On the other hand, the Alleanza Nazionale has used its Fascist heritage, and in particular the mythologizing of the Roman empire, to open up a postmodern imperial politics, involving the expansion of borders, and the incorporation of new peoples and territories. Through the use of interviews with militants and deputies, it looks at how the Alleanza has re-articulated imperial Fascist mythologies within a new pro-European Union discourse, while the Lega has maintained its role of protest against deterritorialization despite the seeming inevitability of the territorial integration.
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SCHWARZ, HANS. "Luther and the Turks". Unio Cum Christo 3, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.1.2017.art8.
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Abstract: Confronted with the military advance of the Turkish Ottoman Empire against the Holy Roman Empire, including the siege of Vienna, Martin Luther wrote several treatises on the Turks. Luther rejected the idea of a war in the name of religion against the Ottoman onslaught, seeing instead the defense of the Holy Roman Empire as the duty of the Emperor. Luther understood the Turkish threat as God’s punishment for the laxity of Christians and so called for repentance and a return to the gospel. Luther wanted the Christians to have firsthand information about Islam and promoted a translation of the Qur’an in German against many obstacles. The Protestant church in Germany is very cautious about defining a present-day application of Luther’s approach.
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Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Pons et cella penaria – Die Bedeutung Siziliens für die Entwicklung des Imperium Romanum ausgehend von Ciceros „Verrinen“". historia.scribere, n.º 13 (22 de junho de 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.618.
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Pons et cella penaria – The importance of Sicily for the formation of the Roman Empire on the basis of Ciceros “In Verrem”In the year 70 BCE, one of the most renowned trials in Roman history took place: The lawsuit of Gaius Verres, former propraetor of the Roman province Sicilia. Marcus Tullius Cicero, taking up the role of the claimant in this trial, wrote a series of speeches against Verres (“In Verrem”). Therein he stated, among other things, the importance of Sicily for the Roman Empire. As the first Roman province, it introduced the Romans to a new system of governing foreign territory. It functioned as a “bridge” for the conquest of Carthage and, finally, it fed the Roman population and its army. The following paper will examine each of these three steps, as well as use them as a framework to discuss the role of Sicily for the formation of the Roman Empire.
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Šačić Beća, Amra. "Cultural-historical development of the Illirian people of Naresi (civitas Narensium)". Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, n.º 41 (6 de janeiro de 2022): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-41.6.
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Naresi were the second largest paople in Naronian convent (Narona conventus). Their historical development can be tracked from the late Iron Age to the 3rd century AD. The process of this community’s formation is related to the breakdown of Autariates ethnical complex, which makes them post-Autariat Illyrian people. It seems like Naresi populated areafrom the source of Neretva river in the North to Prenj mountain in the South. Nowadays, it would refer to the area of municipalities: Kalinovik, Konjic, Jablanica and some parts of Prozor-Rama and Nevesinje. Literally, their name could be interpreted as Neretljani. It needs to be emphasized that they belong to Pliny’s Ilyrii proprie diciti, or Illyrians in the narrow sense. Naresi are one of the peoples that became a part of the Illyrian state which can be described as peoples alliance,although sources don’t imply it. They are mentioned in the works of: Pliny the Elder (Gaius Plinius Secundus Maior), Appian of Alexandria (’Aππιανός ’Aλεξανδρεΰς) and Claudius Ptolemy (Κλαύδιος Πτολεμαῖος). Although it’s also not mentioned in thesources, there’s a big probability that Naresi participated in Bato’s revolt (AD 6–9). Their ethnic name appears on two epigraphic sacral monuments. Both monuments are dating from 2nd century AD when Illyrians ethnic awareness was not strong enough. In mentioned century started intensive romanisation of Naresi, which can be concluded based on detailedanalysis of epigraphic monuments from their registration area. Specifically, a large percentage of Aelius (41%) that exist on epigraphic monuments is a good enough proof for that conclusion. Domestic Illyrian names that were given by Naresi in the age of Roman Empire are: Boio, Laiscus, Dazas, Carvus, Iacus, Mandeta, Pines, Temus and Pinnius. In onomastics, Celticnames appear, but statements that Naresi are Celtic- Illyrian are unfounded. In need to be emphasized that Celtic material and onomastics are represented in a very poor percentage and mostly came to teritory of Naresi by trade or matrimonial relations.
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Kee, John. "Writing Edessa into the Roman Empire*". Studies in Late Antiquity 5, n.º 1 (2021): 28–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.1.28.
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The Syriac tradition presents an exceptional opportunity to investigate how the people of a late Roman frontier articulated local community affiliation against the backdrop of the larger Mediterranean and Near Eastern worlds. Over the last decade, Syrian/Syriac identity and Roman identity in late antique Syria-Mesopotamia have emerged as topics of increasing interest. In concentrating on ethnicity, however, studies of specifically local affiliations have generally left unexamined the other modes of group identification which may have been equally or more salient. This essay fills that gap by excavating non-ethnic means of constructing local and regional identity in three Syriac texts written in and about Edessa in the pivotal century around 500 CE: the Chronicle of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite, the Chronicle of Edessa (540), and Euphemia and the Goth. Across their differences in date and genre, these three texts demonstrate a convergent set of strategies for reconciling Edessa and its neighbors to the Roman Empire at large. Crucially, all three project notions of local belonging which focus not on ethnic markers but on particular places: in the first instance, on the city. Drawing from cultural geography’s interdependent concept of “place,” the essay shows how in these texts local identity emerges from the interaction of city, church, and empire; Edessa’s connections to the wider Roman world serve not to negate but to articulate its specificity as a community. Moreover, such place-based means of identification could be extended to frame larger regional communities too, as Ps.-Joshua does in its most distinctive moments.
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Vannan, Eleanor Mary. "The Queen of Propaganda: Boudica’s Representation in Empire". Arbutus Review 12, n.º 1 (25 de outubro de 2021): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar121202120187.
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Boudica was an Iceni queen c. 60 CE in Roman-occupied Britain who revolted against the Roman empire. While there is a scarcity of primary sources that document her life, Boudica has remained a dominant figure in conceptualisations of British national identity. This paper examines the works of the Roman historians, the archaeological record, and the depictions of Boudica in different periods and analyses the ability of historians to record events without being influenced by the ideology of their contemporary periods. Through a comparative examination of sources, this paper argues that Boudica should not be approached as a verifiable historical figure but as a tool to understand imperial propaganda.
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Hendria, Ricky, e Sherly Franchisca. "General Retaliation Against The Roman Empire as Seen in William Shakespeare’s Coriolanus". Jurnal Ilmiah Langue and Parole 2, n.º 2 (19 de agosto de 2019): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36057/jilp.v2i2.366.
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This reseacrh is titled "General Retaliation Against The Roman Empire As Seen In William Shakespeare's Coriolanus. In this research the author will discuss several issues, namely (1) How is Coriolanus's struggle in defending Rome's empire from enemy attacks? (2) What did Coriolanus do to avenge himself at the Roman empire? (3) What is the story of Coriolanus at the end of the story? the objectives of this research are (1) To analyze Coriolanus' life at the beginning of the story (2) To explain the cause of coriolanus to avenge his Roman empire (3) To study and explain how much Coriolanus's grudge to Rome to the tragic story he experienced.
The theory used in this research is literary psychology theory according to Sigmund Freud. This research uses a qualitative method. The object of research is the drama Coriolanus by William Shakespeare. Data sources are divided into two, namely primary data sources and secondary data sources. The primary data source is the drama script itself. Secondary data sources are text texts and several references related to research. The data collection technique is taking notes. The technical analysis of the data is descriptive analysis.
The results of the study show the following conclusions. First, the responsibility of a general in maintaining the sovereignty of his kingdom. Second, feelings of resentment arise when a struggle is not properly appreciated. Third, someone's revenge towards others can have fatal consequences and can even end in a tragic death.
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Pigoński, Łukasz. "Polityka zachodnia cesarza Marcjana (450-457). Problem huński i jego wpływ na relacje między Cesarstwem Wschodnim a Zachodnim". Vox Patrum 66 (15 de dezembro de 2018): 383–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3466.
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The reign of Emperor Marcian came at the turning point in the history of the Late Roman Empire. The Empire struggled against the Hun and Vandal menace and an internal political crisis. The Western policy of Theodosius II, who attempted to keep a close relationship between both parts of the Empire, turned out to be a failure, and led to numerous defeats against barbarians. After his death, the military faction, opposed to his policies, chose its own candidate, Marcian, a former officer in service of a powerful general Aspar. The Emperor conceived a new line of Western policy, especially opposing the demands of Attila, the king of Huns. Marcian was reluctant to get involved in the matters of the Western Roman Empire, however, in 452 he sent an auxiliary force to Valentinian III, as a part of an agreement with Aetius, who convinced the Emperor to abandon his claim to the Eastern throne. Marcian also saw the opportunity to weaken Attila, and attacked the dwellings of his warriors beyond the Danube. After the death of Aetius, the Emperor did not support the Western Roman Empire, even when Rome was threatened and eventually sacked by Vandals. The cautious and pragmatic policy of Marcian helped the Byzantium to regain its power, and it led to neutralization of the Hun menace. The Emperor however did not make an attempt to save the Western Roman Empire from its internal political struggle and the Vandal attacks.
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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Ku chrześcijańskim korzeniom Europy. Znaczenie nawrócenia cesarza Konstantyna dla Kościoła, dla Cesarstwa Rzymskiego, dla Europy". Vox Patrum 61 (5 de janeiro de 2014): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3607.
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The article is consecrated to Constantine’s conversion and to its consequences for the Church, for the Roman Empire and for Europe. There is a general opinion that, even if his attachment to Christianity was not very mature, he worked for the Christian religion during all his life. He has taken many decisions on behalf of the Church; he protected her against the Donatists in Africa. His position towards the Arian heresy was not very clear. He did not pay attention to the dogmatic formulas, but especially to those solutions which guaranteed peace among people. Surely, the emperor once introduced into the Church, remained there as her protector and head. The society was accustomed the emperor’s position as pontifex maximus. Bishops did not protested against his involving into ecclesiastic matters because he worked on their behalf. The effect of Constantine’s attitude was: the Christianization of the Roman Empire and the connection of the Church to the State. In later centuries such an alliance of the altar with the throne was boring for the Church. It is said that every privilege has to be paid. The Roman Empire was collapsed in the end of the fifth century, but its heritage remained in Europe. Charlemagne, cooperating with Pope Leon III, tried to restore the Roman Empire as a Christian State, but he failed to do it. Surely, by his support for schools and studies, he contributed to the European culture. The idea of the Sacrum Imperium Romanum appeared again in the times of Otto I, and especially of Otto III. Such an idea was not possible to be put into practice. The Roman Empire has never been restored, but many of its elements were assimilated by the Church and by medieval Europe. There are to be noticed in all European countries in our time.
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Rossi, Luiz Alexandre Solano. "Cross and Roman legion: popular imaginary in the first century". Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 2, n.º 2 (23 de março de 2018): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v2i2.288.
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From the year 63 BCE the new imperial order arrives in Palestine. An empire desired by the gods and considered eternal as the gods themselves are. Nevertheless, the eternity of the Empire passes through instruments of violence against the peoples subjugated in the present. Thus, the cross and the Roman legion will become symbols in the social imaginary of the Palestine’s peasants. Imaginary that is constructed from images present in the daily routine. Crosses and soldiers were present in the Palestinian scenario to remind any peasants of their vulnerability and at the same time to reaffirm the perennity of an empire deified by force.
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Zolotukhina, Natalya, e Nikolay Bolgov. "Society of North Africa on the Eve of the Empire’s War with the Vandals and Its Attitude to Justinian’s Reconquista". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 6 (janeiro de 2020): 198–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.16.
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Introduction. The article presents an analysis of North African society on the eve of Belisarius’s campaign against the vandals in North Africa (533–534). The campaign directed by Justinian under the leadership of Belisarius aimed to return the territory of North Africa to the Roman Empire. Methods. The methodological basis of this work is the concept of the Late Antiquity, the core of which is studying the people’s mentality, since the existing work on this issue focuses solely on socio-economic and political cause-and-effect relationships of the further confrontation between the Moorish and Roman tribes. Actually, the methods are the following: the historical-systemic method was the most important (an attempt to analyze the specifics of North African society on the eve of the war with the Vandals). Analysis. We divided North African society into three groups: the Vandals, the Libyans, the Moorish. The last two groups and their attitude towards the inclusion in the Roman Empire were of the greatest interest. Some of the tribes supported Justinian’s idea of the Reconquista and fought against the Vandals. Some supported the vandals. Nomadic tribes remained neutral. In our opinion, supporting the military campaign against the Vandals was due not only to economic reasons, but also mental ones. Thus, the research interest was caused by the transition period but not only in relation to the “Late Roman – Early Byzantium” line, but also because the region was romanized (presence of Latin culture, including the language segment), then it was part of the Vandal kingdom, after that – part of the Roman Empire (synthesis of Greek and Latin culture, with the predominance of Greek one). Results. In the course of the campaign against the vandals, North African society was represented by several social groups: the Vandals, the Libyans and the Мооrish – tribes that have their own cultural characteristics. Some tribes, who were in the Romanized zone (before the arrival of the Vandals), were on the side of Belisarius and fought against the Vandals. With extreme caution, we can say that this was due not only to socio-economic or political reasons, but also to mental ones. In our opinion, Byzantine Africa was a synthesis of Latin and Greek with the prevalence of the latter, and the Romanized population still wanted to feel part of the Roman Empire.
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Coyle, J. Kevin. "Foreign and insane: Labelling Manichaeism in the Roman Empire". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 33, n.º 2 (junho de 2004): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980403300206.
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The range of attacks on Manichaeism in Late Antiquity shows how great a danger it was thought to pose, in both government and Christian ecclesiastical circles. Of the usual labels employed in the Roman Empire against religious movements deemed undesirable, "foreign" and "insane" had special applications to Mani's religion, thanks to its origins and to a founder's name that invited polemical wordplay. This article will study these and related labels as they figured in anti-Manichaean discourse and consider their relationship to elements of the Manichaean discourse itself.
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Scott, Hamish. "The Changing Face of the Holy Roman Empire". Austrian History Yearbook 48 (abril de 2017): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000680.
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Few institutions have possessed as enduring importance in Europe's history as the Holy Roman Empire. Dating its foundation to Charlemagne's coronation in 800, it survived for a millennium, being dissolved only in 1806 in the face of the overwhelming threat from Napoleonic imperialism. Its geographical extent was equally remarkable: at its peak, imperial territory stretched eastward from the North Sea as far as Poland, and southward from the shores of the Baltic deep into the Italian Peninsula. Around 1800, shortly before its nemesis, the Empire was Europe's second largest polity, with a territorial area of around 687,000 square kilometers. It was eclipsed only by Russia, which during the later-seventeenth and eighteenth century had expanded spectacularly. Its population too was impressive: with around twenty-nine million inhabitants, its only rivals were France and Russia. Claiming descent from ancient Rome, the Empire long embodied the idea of a unified Christendom, while its defensive role against Ottoman expansion from the late fifteenth century onward sustained its religious mission even after the Protestant Reformation. Yet it is often squeezed out of accounts of Europe's past, an exclusion which is particularly evident for the early modern centuries.
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Wolfe, James C. "Isaiah and the Issue of Genre in the Chronicle of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite". Journal of Late Antiquity 16, n.º 2 (setembro de 2023): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2023.a906774.
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Abstract: This article seeks to elucidate the thesis and literary programme of the Chronicle of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite, which was written in Syriac in Edessa by an anonymous author sometime in the first two decades of the sixth century during the reign of the Roman emperor Anastasius. To do so, it examines how the anonymous author situates events in the Chronicle against historical and theological precedent from the book of Isaiah, through both implicit allusions and explicit references. It suggests that the creation of this inter-text between the Chronicle and the book of Isaiah was intended to function as both a model of and model for the harmonization of local history with the much larger trajectories of salvation history and the history of the late Roman empire. It argues, therefore, that the Chronicle represents one of the many ways in which late antique Syriac writers negotiated not only their place in the late Roman empire but also their place in contemporary Roman literary discourses. As a result, its ultimate contention is that the Chronicle is an example of the trend of "theological Roman patriotism" found in other historiographical texts written in Greek and Latin from the eastern empire in the sixth century.
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Meier, Mischa. "The Roman Context of Early Islam". Millennium 17, n.º 1 (9 de novembro de 2020): 265–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0009.
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AbstractThe article tries to contribute to a more concrete embedding of early Islam into the context of late antique, in particular late Roman history. It takes its starting point in a description of the phenomenon of liturgification as an overarching process of religious permeation and internalization that swept across Eastern Roman society since the second half of the sixth century and saved society from collapse. During the early seventh century, when the Romans suffered from immense territorial losses to the Persians, liturgification contributed to the survival of the Empire as well. Liturgification, however, radiated out into the territory of the immediate neighbors of the Romans, and thus also reached Arabia by various ways, not least via trade and military contacts, but probably above all through the mediation of the Ǧafnids, who energetically supported Christianization in their area of influence, which extended deep into the Arabian Peninsula. In this way, liturgification itself created the enabling space in which Islam could come into being. The restitutio crucis by Heraclius in Jerusalem, March 21, 630, then lent these developments concrete reference points and impetus. It should be viewed as the culmination of a process that was driven in turn by liturgification and characterized especially by the grave threats that the Eastern Roman-Byzantine Empire faced in its war against the Persians in the early decades of the seventh century. It led to a reconceptualization of the imperial monarchy, which now attributed a messianic quality to the emperor in a highly eschatologically charged context. The emperor, in turn, first effectively tapped the representational potential of this quality in the act of restoring the relics of the True Cross in Jerusalem in 630. This brought about a situation of messianic rivalry, since the rise of the Prophet Muhammad – which was made possible in turn by the penetration of liturgification into Arabian territory – was based on claims similar to those that Heraclius had claimed for himself. The first attacks on Byzantine outposts in the years 629/30 may have been a direct response to the emperor’s self-representation in Jerusalem. They were the beginning of the Muslim armies’ excursions beyond the Arabian Peninsula and thus the beginning of the great Muslim-Arabian Empire that would come into being in the ensuing century. Against this background, the restitutio crucis proves to be vitally important as a turning point in developments both within the Byzantine Empire and beyond its borders.
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Świętoń, Adam. "Aspects of seashore protection in the Late Roman empire". Gdańskie Studia Prawnicze, n.º 3(43)/2019 (4 de novembro de 2019): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/gsp.2019.3.05.
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The article contains brief considerations on the legal aspects of coastal protection in the period of the late Roman empire. The Roman authorities of the transmarine provinces were likely to face problems such as the smuggling of illegal goods or unwelcomed persons. The question is who was in fact responsible for the prevention of and fight against unlawful activities. There are only few constitutions which indirectly refer to this problem. The laws indicate that the responsibility burdened various types of officials. only one of them – custos litorum – seems to be strictly connected to the marine duties. The origins and com- petences of custodes litorum are however unclear and should be subject to further research.
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Hall, Joshua M. "Virgil's Feminist Counterforce: Juno's Furor as Matter of Imperium's Unjust Forms". Journal of Aesthetic Education 58, n.º 2 (2024): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/15437809.58.2.02.
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Abstract In this article, I offer a new philosophical interpretation of Virgil's Aeneid, dually centered on the queens of Olympus and Carthage. More specifically, I show how the philosopher-poet Virgil deploys Dido's Junonian furor as the Aristotelian matter of the unjust Roman imperium, the feminist counterforce to the patriarchal force disguised as peaceful order. The first section explores Virgil's political and biographical background for the raw materials of a feminist, anti-imperial political philosophy. The second section, following Marilynn Desmond, situates the continuing misogynist condemnation of Virgil's two goddess-queens in the context of their honored centrality in Roman and Carthaginian culture. The third section reinterprets Virgil's goddess-queens as agents of furor as (apparently mad) feminist counterforce to the (actually mad) unjust force of the Roman empire via its agents Jupiter and Aeneas. The fourth section translates these poetic-philosophical interpretations into prose, arguing that Dido's Junonian furor is the Aristotelian matter constituting the unjust forms of Roman imperium. And the conclusion applies the latter analysis to Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's Empire, suggesting Dido as a model for the “multitude” in the fight against the imperial injustice of today's globalized empire.
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Nassauer, Gudrun. "Göttersöhne: Lk 1.26–38 als Kontrasterzählung zu einem römischen Gründungsmythos". New Testament Studies 61, n.º 2 (26 de fevereiro de 2015): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688514000332.
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Roman identity and legitimisation of imperial rule were closely connected to the mythological motive of divine descent. In this context, the myth of Romulus with the encounter between the god Mars and the virgin Rhea Silvia developed its own significance that was available for broader circles within the population of the Roman Empire. It is against this background that Luke 1.26–38 may be read as an alternative foundation narrative that assimilates essential features of the Roman myth of origin in order to reinterpret it christologically.
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Pobežin, Gregor. "Julian the Apostate, Claudius Mamertinus, and Ammianus Marcellinus: Filling in a “Blank Spot”?" Clotho 5, n.º 2 (4 de março de 2024): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.5.2.57-71.
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Flavius Claudius Julianus, often referred to as “Julian the Apostate,” ruled the Roman Empire from early 360 AD until his death in battle on June 26th, 363 AD. Despite his brief reign, Julian undertook significant reforms targeting various aspects of public life, including the administration and provincial governance. This paper focuses on his administrative activities in Illyricum, where he resided in 361 AD while campaigning against Constantius II. While facing immediate tactical concerns during his campaign, Julian reportedly engaged in imperial administrative duties within Illyricum, as documented by historian Ammianus Marcellinus and panegyrist Claudius Mamertinus. This research delves into Ammianus’ account to analyze Julian’s administrative acts in Illyricum and subsequently across the Roman Empire.
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Tomasiewicz, Marcin. "Koncepcja państwa i władcy w myśli politycznej Pawła Orozjusza". Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 13, n.º 4 (2020): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.20.034.12759.
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In this article, the author tries to present Paul Orosius’s political doctrine, taking its connection with the tradition of imperial theology of Eusebius of Caesarea and the philosophy of Augustine of Hippo as references. The main source material is the historiographic study of Orosius from the beginning of the 5th century – Seven Books of History Against the Pagans. The considerations focus on the interpretation of four key themes: the Roman Empire, monotheism, peace, and Christianity. Orosius shares the prevalent belief of Christian writers of the late antiquity, that God gives special protection to the Roman Empire. He emphasizes the importance of the peace that prevailed in the time of Augustus, and gives theological and political interpretation of the temporal coincidence of Octavian’s reign and Christ’s birth. On the basis of proper interpretation of symbolic historical events, Orosius built a kind of political ecclesiology. This doctrine advanced the principal that the Roman state and the Church were united by a common mission to promote the Christian faith. At the same time, in Book Seven, Orosius confronts an attempt at the historiosophical interpretation of barbarian invasions that threatened the prosperity of the empire. Based on factual material, he relativizes the relationship between the Roman Empire and Christianity. The state appears as a subsidiary power to the Church’s evangelizing mission, which concept is also reflected in the ethos of the good ruler proposed by Orosius.
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Pestel, Friedemann. "Educating against Revolution: French Émigré Schools and the Challenge of the Next Generation". European History Quarterly 47, n.º 2 (abril de 2017): 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688164.
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The education of children as future elites after the Restoration was a persistent concern for French émigrés after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on discourse on émigré education and émigré schools in Britain and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, this article examines how, in the 1790s, the émigrés' rejection of the Republic and their quest for monarchical restoration resonated in pedagogical activities. Under difficult living conditions and unclear prospects of political exile, education became a consolidating strategy of combating the Revolution with pedagogical means. The social composition, educational programmes, and public representations of émigré schools reveal their pivotal role in émigré community life, involving priests, women, writers, politicians, local supporters – and children. Comparison between Britain and the Holy Roman Empire allows for differentiating strategies of integration into the host societies and of immunization against revolutionary influences. Education contributed to strengthening the émigrés' identity and mobilizing their hosts for the ideological, military, and humanitarian struggle against the Revolution. The students' later careers call for reconsidering experiences of exile education among the elites of Napoleonic and Restoration France.
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Milinović, Dino. "Kasna antika: dekadencija ili „demokratizacija“ kulture?" Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, n.º 17 (6 de novembro de 2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.10.
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In our age “without the emperor”, fascination with empires and with the emperor mystique continues. Take for witness Tolkien and his Return of the King, the third sequel of The Lord of the Rings, or the television serial Game of Thrones. In the background, of course, is the lingering memory of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, “a revolution which is still felt by all nations of the world”, to quote Edward Gibbon. It comes as a surprise that in this dramatic moment of its history, in times marked by political, economic and spiritual crisis that shook the very foundations of the Empire during the 3rd century, historians and art historians have recognized the revival of plebeian culture (arte plebea, kleinbürgerliche Kultur). It was the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, talking at the XI International Congress of the Historical Sciences in Stockholm in 1960, who introduced a new paradigm: the “democratization of culture”. In the light of the historical process in the late Roman Empire, when growing autocracy, bureaucracy, militarization and social tensions leave no doubt as to the real political character of the government, the new paradigm opened up fresh approaches to the phenomenon of decadence and decline of the Roman world. As such, it stands against traditional scenario of the “triumph of barbarism and Christianity”, which was made responsible for the fall of the Roman Empire and the eclipse of the classical civilization of ancient Greece and Rome. It is not by accident that the new paradigm appeared around the middle of the 20th century, at the time when European society itself underwent a kind of “democratization of culture”, faced with the phenomenon of mass culture and the need to find new ways of evaluating popular art. Today, more than anything else, the notion of “democratization of culture” in late Roman Empire forces us to acknowledge a disturbing correspondence between autocratic and populist forms of government. It may come as a shock to learn that the very emperors who went down in Roman history as villains and culprits (such as Caligula, Nero or Commodus), were sometimes considered the most “democratic” among Roman rulers. Do we need to feel certain unease at this historical parallel?
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Erdemi̇r, Hatice. "The Nature of Turko-Byzantine Relations in the Sixth Century Ad". Belleten 68, n.º 252 (1 de agosto de 2004): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2004.423.
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In the middle of the sixth century, a new nomad power emerged in central Asia. A federation led by Turkic groups which rapidly impinged on the Persian empire after the subjugation of the Hephtalites and had an impact on the Roman empire through the flight westwards of the Avars. As a result, both Romans and Persians were soon in diplomatic contact with the Turkish Kagan, and considerable evidence for this process is presented in the fragments of the Greek historian Menandros Protector, with useful supporting material in the historian Theophylact Simocatta and the Syriac author John of Ephesus. This diplomacy had both an economic aspect, the ability of the Turks to intervene in the silk trade, and a strategic one, since both Roman and Persian empires could view the Turks as useful allies against their traditional rival in the Near East. The Turks could attack Persia through the former territory of the Hephtalites, while they could take over Roman possesions in the Crimea.
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Shelyshey, S. S. "The Phenomenon of Imperial Patriotism in German Political Pamphlets of the 1670s – 1680s". Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, n.º 1 (13 de janeiro de 2023): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-1-9-19.
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During the reign of Leopold I, the Holy Roman Empire faced serious foreign policy challenges: the wars of the Ottoman Empire and the wars of Louis XIV. Both threats were reflected in German journalism. German publicists came out in defense of the Empire, as a result, a huge number of works with pro-imperial motives appeared. Speaking from the standpoint of imperial patriotism, German publicists strove to create an image of a common danger that threatened not only the entire Empire, but every German. Imperial patriotism was manifested in three topical subjects of German political journalism of the last quarter of the 17th century: French politics, the struggle against the Ottoman Empire and uprisings in Hungary. All three plots were presented from the position of a threat to the existing order. An important component of the negative image of France was its desire to seize the imperial throne and destabilize the internal situation in the Empire. The successes in the struggle against Turkey were demonstrated as the successes of the Empire and the Emperor. The Hungarian uprisings were condemned as a betrayal of the emperor, and therefore of the Empire. The surge in imperial patriotism was beneficial to the imperial power, which used it to strengthen their authority within the Empire.
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Obeid, Ass Lecturer Mohammed Aziz. "The Julio-Claudian Roman Family and Their Role in Establishing the Foundations of the Early Imperial Age (14–68 AD)". Thi Qar Arts Journal 3, n.º 45 (31 de março de 2024): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v3i45.571.
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The Julio-Claudian family was credited with solidifying the foundations of the Roman Empire, which was anxious due to the deeply rooted republican thought in the Senate (Senatus), which was looking for opportunities to pounce on the empire and return it to the republican era. However, this family stood against this project by creating the Imperial Guard (Praetorian), especially after the assassination of Julius Caesar inside the Senate with knives by the council members. The decisive word in the power transition process was for the leaders of the Imperial Guard, whose command to maintain their influence and dominance was linked to the emperor’s survival; therefore, they stood against the return of the republic.
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Santalucia, Bernardo. "ACCUSATIO I INQUISITIO W PROCESIE KARNYM OKRESU CESARSTWA". Zeszyty Prawnicze 2, n.º 2 (28 de março de 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2002.2.2.01.
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ACCUSATIO AND INQUISITIO IN CRIMINAL PROCEEDINGS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE PERIODSummary Until recendy it has been considered in the Roman law studies that the proceedings before queastiones perpetuae materially differed from cognitio extra ordinem. It has been assumed that the former had the nature of the action of law proceedings, the latter of the inquisition proceedings. According to the majority of specialists, the proceedings before quaestiones were initiated by citizen’s action demanding — on behalf of the whole community - that a crime be prosecuted, while cognitio extra ordinem was initiated by an official ordering its police services to prosecute a crime.At present the above presented view has opponents, who underline the significance of the action also in the cognitio extra ordinem. In their opinion, this prevailing conviction is hardly possible to be accepted taking into account a correct analysis of the sources speaking of the action of lawproceedings being privileged against the inquisition proceedings. It is also claimed that the terminology and principles of the action of law proceedings maintained their dominant character irrespective of the developments of the inquisition proceedings, and the law developed harmoniously both in the publica iudicia and the cognitio extra ordinem area untilthe end of the Western Empire, which is confirmed by the leges from IV and V century.The author of this article does not share these opinions. He is sure that the older researchers were closer to the truth of the Roman criminal proceedings. The inquisitio of judges and officials, applied in the first centuries of the Empire, became common along with the development of the cognitive system to finally deprive the public action of its original significance - in the decline of the Roman Empire period it no longer conditioned initiating the proceedings and was only one of the means to inform about crimes, which were prosecuted by criminal repression ex officio.
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Gardner, I. M. F., e S. N. C. Lieu. "From Narmouthis (Medinet Madi) to Kellis (Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from Roman Egypt". Journal of Roman Studies 86 (novembro de 1996): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300427.
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In 1968, Peter Brown read at the Society's Annual General Meeting a paper entitled ‘The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire’. Delivered at a time when little research was being carried out by British scholars either on Manichaeism or on the cultural and religious relationship between the Roman and the Sassanian Empires, it was for many a complete revelation. With consummate skill and vast erudition Brown placed the history of the diffusion of the sect against a background of vigorous and dynamic interchange between the Roman and the Persian Empires. He also mounted a successful challenge on a number of popularly held views on the history of the religion in the Roman Empire. Manichaeism was not to be seen as part of the mirage orientale which fascinated the intellectuals of the High Empire. It was not an Iranian religion which appealed through its foreigness or quaintness. Rather, it was a highly organized and aggressively missionary religion founded by a prophet from South Babylonia who styled himself an ‘Apostle of Jesus Christ’. Brown reminded the audience that ‘the history of Manichaeism is to a large extent a history of the Syriac-speaking belt, that stretched along the Fertile Crescent without interruption from Antioch to Ctesiphon’. Its manner of diffusion bore little or no resemblance to that of Mithraism. It did not rely on a particular profession, as Mithraism did on the army, for its spread throughout the Empire. Instead it developed in the common Syriac culture astride the Romano-Persian frontier which was becoming increasingly Christianized consequent to the regular deportation of whole communities from cities of the Roman East like Antioch to Mesopotamia and adjacent Iran. Manichaeism which originally flourished in this Semitic milieu was not in the strict sense an Iranian religion in the way that Zoroastrianism was at the root of the culture and religion of pre-Islamic Iran. The Judaeo-Christian roots of the religion enabled it to be proclaimed as a new and decisive Christian revelation.
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Wick, David P. "It Seemed Like Such a Good Idea at the Time … - Expected and Unexpected Consequences when Athens & Other Major Greek City States Leveraged Philip V to Draw Rome into the Eastern Mediterranean". Athens Journal of History 9, n.º 4 (27 de setembro de 2023): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-4-1.
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The grand theme of the "liberation of Greece" is peculiar in the second and first centuries B.C. by being proclaimed more often by outsiders than by Greeks, and far more often by outsiders than by Athenians. The Athens that ultimately became wholly Roman after the disastrous hostage crisis provoked by Mithridatic forces on the Acropolis in the 80's started down that road by joining with a few other Greek city states to call in Roman aid against Philip V of Macedon in the 190's, and did so, arguably, believing it could leverage a projection of force by a war-weary Roman Republic to make itself again political master of the Greek mainland. To attract Roman aid against the raids of Philip V's Macedon, Athens and its allies had to make both a case that Macedon posed a genuine threat to the eastern Mediterranean (and to Rome, in the aftermath of its war against Hannibal, and Philip's apparent offer to support that war), and the case that it was a key strategic asset for Rome not only in defeating Philip, but also for stabilizing Greece. To play this hand effectively, Athens not only mobilized its legendary propaganda skills, but also worked public feeling hard in its own streets to make Rome feel welcome, and to make Roman intervention feel natural and attractive at home. By playing this hand, Athens also provoked reprisals from Philip, the damage to Athens' physical heritage foreshadowing more extreme destruction a century later when the city would be caught between the insurgents of Mithridates and the renegade Roman forces of Sulla. The Athenian public became, as a result, even more ready to 'be Roman.' At the time, the intent of Athenian politicians to create a specially protected micro-empire for the city on the Greek mainland appeared achievable, but the Roman response, as so often, moved in unexpected directions, and pulled Athens inexorably into the future empire of Rome. Athens’ secondary intention: to become the default educator of the whole ruling culture in Rome’s next generations (it believed it was reaching this goal with the Hellenistic east) would require secondary tactics – including a demonstration using a staged lawsuit in Rome. This study intends to examine the earliest stages of the piecemeal, and only partially intentional, first step of Romanizing in Athens – I addressed a later stage in my study of the Mithridatic hostage crisis on the Acropolis.
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Banić, Josip. "The Mystery of Merania: A New Solution to Old Problems (Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Croatia-Dalmatia during the Investiture Controversy)". Zgodovinski časopis 75, n.º 1-2 (20 de junho de 2021): 42–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.56420/zgodovinskicasopis.2021.1-2.03.
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This paper deals with issues concerning the historical background that engendered the imperial (titular) Duchy of Merania and the modality by which this mysterious territory became part of the Holy Roman Empire. The second part outlines interpretations regarding how this patch of land became part of the Holy Roman Empire. Since there is still no satisfying answer as to how, when precisely, and why this change of jurisdictions took place and who were the main protagonists of this takeover, the author proposes a new solution to this age-old mystery. The takeover of Merania is posited in the second half of the 1070s, that is in the period of Croatian king Zvonimir who fostered enmity with the Holy Roman emperor Henry IV by offi cially taking the side of the reform papacy and pope Gregory VII during the polarizing Investiture Controversy. It is in this context that the attacks from the direction of Istrian march and the Duchy of Carinthia ensued against Zvonimir’s kingdom, led by a noble knight Wezelin whose identity is discussed in detail; this marks the beginning of the imperial takeover of Merania.
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Shelyshey, Sofya S. "The Outpost of Christianity: the functions of an external threat in the Holy Roman Empire during the reign of Leopold I (1658-1705)". Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, n.º 2 (18 de junho de 2022): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-2-232-239.
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The article is devoted to the formation of the image of the Holy Roman Empire in the imperial journalism of the late 17th - early 18th centuries. The successes in the struggle against Turkey restored the position of the Empire on the European proscenium and allowed Emperor Leopold I to compete with Louis XIV for the role of European hegemon. The claims of Leopold I were reflected in imperial journalism. Influenced by the Austro-Turkish wars and the wars of Louis XIV, German publicists rethought the idea of a "universal monarchy", on which the Empire’s claims to European leadership were traditionally based, and resurrected the classic image of the Empire as a defender of the Christian world. This image was based on the opposition of the Empire to two enemies: the Ottoman Empire, the traditional enemy of Christians, and the France of Louis XIV, which German publicists presented as a traitor to Christian values and a violator of the European order.
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Grüll, Tibor. "„Civilis, non tyrannica dominatio” (Tert. Apol. 2.14.)". DÍKÉ 7, n.º 2 (28 de maio de 2024): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2023.07.02.11.
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In the first three centuries of the existence of Christianity, it was exposed to sporadic and then increasingly organized persecution by the authorities of the Roman Empire. All of the Christian apologists emphasized the illegality of these persecutions. Tertullian, the jurist, who worked under Septimius Severus, emphasized that the Roman Empire is a state of law, not a tyrannical rule, and this law did not allow the execution of innocents. Although the number of Christians continued to grow despite the persecutions – in Carthage, for example, at the end of the 3rd century, one in ten inhabitants of the city declared themselves to be Christians – it seems that they resigned themselves to the constant oppression. In the Apologeticum, Tertullian lists three possible forms of resistance: internal disruption, open armed rebellion, or mass emigration, but he considers them both unjust and impracticable. According to him, the persecutions were approved by God in order to purify his Church. At the same time, there is also an eschatological reason why they did not stand against the tyrannical oppression: some Christian theologians interpreted the statement in 2 Thessalonians 2:7 about the “one who now holds it back” (niv) or “he who now restrains it” (esv), viz. who prevents the appearance of the Antichrist as being the Roman Empire or the emperor itself. If the current emperor falls, the Empire itself will collapse, and the “ten kings” will come, who will be the direct forerunners of the Antichrist. This is why Christians honour the emperors and they do not oppose them by force even if they are sent to death by the imperial authorities.
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Schremer, Adiel. "Midrash, Theology, and History: Two Powers in Heaven Revisited". Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, n.º 2 (2008): 230–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x245973.
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AbstractThis paper seeks to re-contextualize and re-interpret the earliest rabbinic polemic against the concept of "Two Powers in Heaven." In contrast to previous interpretations that view that polemic as aimed at rejecting Christian or Gnostic concepts, the present paper suggests that Two Powers was conceived by Tannaitic sources as an expression of existential giving up on God, which stemmed from His inability to demonstrate His power, as was exposed in the military defeat of the Jews in their wars against the Roman Empire.
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Mekhamadiev, Evgenii A. "Caesar Constantius Gallus (351–354 AD) and His Military Policy at the Near East Provinces of the Late Roman Empire". Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.003.
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The paper addresses the military-administrative activities of Constantius Gallus, a nephew of Emperor Constantius II (337–361), who administered the Late Roman Empire’s eastern provinces from 351 to 354 on behalf of Constantius II, holding the title of caesar. Constantius Gallus’ military policies in the east has been studied against the background of Greek and Latin sources along with the Talmudic texts written in Hebrew (in translations into modern Western European languages). This paper is aimed at the analysis of the main directions of Constantius Gallus’ military policy and his reform of the command structure of the troops stationed in the Roman provinces in the Near East in the period in question. This study allowed the author to clarify Constantius Gallus’ contribution to the general development of the Late Roman military organization in the eastern provinces of the Empire. The author has researched Constantius Gallus’ military polices by three topics: the struggle against the Persians in Syria and Mesopotamia; the military campaign against the rebellious Jews in Palestine; and the struggle against the Arab invaders into Arabia Petraea in 353. The research of these issues allows the author to conclude that, in his works, Constantius Gallus followed the separation of powers principle: he did not command the troops, neither he personally conducted military operations or interfered into the course of combat operations. He followed a simpler task of creating the mechanisms providing coordinated relations between commanders of expeditionary and frontier troops, coordinating joint actions of the commanders, and keeping conditions for effective collaboration of different kinds of troops.
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Dodson, Joseph R. "The Fall of Men and the Lust of Women in Seneca’s Epistle 95 and Paul’s Letter to the Romans". Novum Testamentum 59, n.º 4 (20 de setembro de 2017): 355–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341581.
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Abstract Seneca’s invective against the sexual misconduct in the Roman Empire as part of his decline narrative is a neglected parallel to Rom 1:26-27. Its resonances, however, give more support to Ben Witherington’s comment about specifically situating Romans 1 within the context of Seneca’s castigation of the lechery in Rome. Moreover, the parallels with Epistle 95 reinforce an excessive lust view of Rom 1:26-27.
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Mekhamadiev, Evgenii Aleksandrovich. "395–398 AD Western Roman Expeditionary Army in Claudius Claudianus’ Poem De bello Gildonico: The Aspects of Ethnic Composition". Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.003.
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The Later Roman court poet and panegyrist Claudius Claudianus (ca. 370 – after 404) supplies a main source on the military-political history of the Western half of the Roman Empire in 395–404, particularly the account of a revolt of North Africa’s warlord Gildo raised up in spring of 397 and suppressed in winter 398. A relatively fast defeat of Gildo was the one from the series of undoubted victories of the Roman general Stilicho, the commander-in-chief of all the Western Roman expeditionary troops. In this connection, Claudianus’ poem De bello Gildonico supplies the researchers with valuable evidence not only on the course of military events, but also on the internal composition of Stilicho’s troops sent against Gildo. Using the account of this poem, the author of the given paper’s aim is to determine the ethnic origin of the soldiers who fought against Gildo in Africa: the analysis of Claudianus’ data has showed that the military corps sent against Gildo comprised of mainly of German mercenaries and not of the soldiers of Roman origin. The author of this article explains why Claudianus consecutively named the German soldiers as the “Gauls” (Galli) and why the ethnic name Galli was so important to him. The author has extensively considered the ethnic names mentioned by Claudianus and has made the conclusion that Claudianus wanted to hide the presence of German mercenaries within Stilicho’s troops, because, as Claudianus thought, direct mentions of Germans’ participation in the raid would destroy the image of Stilicho as Roman commander. In this way the poet contraposed rebellious Gildo to Stilicho, who, according to poet, commanded only the warriors of the local Roman origin.
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Milton, P. "Intervening Against Tyrannical Rule in the Holy Roman Empire during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries". German History 33, n.º 1 (16 de fevereiro de 2015): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghu114.
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Kehoe, Thomas J., e Frederik Juliaan Vervaet. "Honor and Humiliation in Apuleius’ Apologia". Mnemosyne 68, n.º 4 (2 de julho de 2015): 605–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341673.
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Apuleius’ Apologia has consistently drawn scholarly attention as an example of soaring rhetoric from the Second Sophistic and for being the only remaining account of a trial for illegal magic from the early Empire. This study opts for a different approach. It uses the Apologia as a window into the culture of Roman provincial high society by examining Apuleius’ motivations for demanding his accusers bring formal charges against him, as well as the social factors that pushed the preceding conflict to such a dramatic climax. The main contention of this inquiry is that the actions of both Apuleius and his enemies reveal the paramount importance of honor as a cultural driver of conflict, and particularly its vocalization in the parry and riposte of insults and humiliation that ultimately resulted in a theatrical courtroom confrontation. The results of this micro-study in Roman provincial life should thus provide a useful complement to both Ifie & Thompson’s excellent paper on Rank, Social Status and Esteem in Apuleius (1977-1978) as well as J.E. Lendon’s magisterial Empire of Honour. The Art of Government in the Roman World (1997). It also adds a practical dimension to Lateiner’s detailed analysis of Apuleius’ literary strategies of humiliation and embarrassment in his Metamorphoses (2001).
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Korporowicz, Łukasz Jan. "Rome and Roman law in English antislavery literature and judicial decisions". Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 91 (2 de abril de 2020): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.91.04.
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The abolition of slavery by modern states was an important step towards the recognition of what is now known as human rights. The British Empire and its cradle, England, were the leading entities responsible for the support of the international trade slave. For this reason, its antislavery movement is one which deserves particular attention. The argumentation used by the abolitionists has been a subject of many studies. Philosophical, theological or commercial arguments against slavery are well researched. It needs to be emphasised, however, that abolition was a legal step. In this context, it is interesting to seek legal argumentation against the enslavement of people. It is obvious that an appropriate reasoning would be difficult to find. Slavery has been a common social institution since ancient times. The universal principles of Roman law, as well as the significance of Roman civilisation for the development of the Western culture, made it one obvious field of research. The main aim of this article is to check if reference to Roman antiquity has been one of the crucial arguments in the antislavery struggle in Britain.
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Zwollo, Laela. "Historical Research as a Socratic Dialogue with the Present: Interpreting Augustine’s Treatment of Porphyry in Ciu. 10". Cuestiones Teológicas 49, n.º 112 (2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v49n112.a11.
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This research aims to identify Augustine’s deeper motivations in his refutation of the Neo-Platonist Porphyry in the City of God X. One of the facets of the inquiry is to clarify the role of Porphyry in Augustine’s political theory and in his perspective of the Roman Empire. This essay focuses on the method I employed which led to certain discoveries during these investigations. The method is described in terms of a “Socratic dialogue”, as an Auseinandersetzung between past and modern/recent history. The particular application of this method entails recognizing and objectifying certain attitudes in present society as well as those in contemporary scholarship, which can subliminally color one’s perspective in historical research. This variation of a “Socratic dialogue,” as applied to my research, confronts the conception of “empire” or “empire mentality”; striving for social change in terms of “revolution,” justifying (or rebelling against) oppressive measures or the oppressors. The rigid questioning of these issues takes place in a debate between the “Voice of the Present” (the attitudes identified above) and the “Voice of the Past” (the 4th and 5th century context in the Roman Empire in Augustine’s lifetime). The goal of this method is twofold: to highlight the sometimes thwarting effects of the historian’s personal context on their historical interpretation, and secondly, to open new avenues in interpretation, namely, in my case, enabling the placing of Augustine’s refutation of Porphyry into a more plausible, credible historical context.
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Kopij, Kamil. "When Did Pompey the Great Engage in his imitatio Alexandri?" Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 21 (27 de julho de 2018): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.21.2017.21.07.
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The aim of this article is to revisit the issue of Pompey the Great’s imitatio Alexandri, especially the timetable for its beginnings and development. Previous studies of the subject have indicated that either the Roman general was involved in imitating the Macedonian king since his youth, or he did not do so at all. Meanwhile, this article presents evidence indicating that the most likely scenario implies that the image of Pompey as the Roman Alexander was created during his eastern campaign against Mithridates. Moreover, it was probably Theophanes of Mytilene, Pompey’s friend and trusted advisor, who developed this theme. Additionally, there is evidence indicating that Pompey tried to limit the use of imitatio Alexandri primarily to the eastern parts of the Roman Empire, fearing that an ambiguous perception of Alexander in Rome would harm his image.
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BELLINGRADT, DANIEL. "Organizing public opinion in a resonating box: the Gülich rebellion in early modern Cologne, 1680–1686". Urban History 39, n.º 4 (11 de outubro de 2012): 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926812000363.
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ABSTRACT:The article analyses one of the most spectacular urban rebellions of the early modern Holy Roman Empire of the German nation from the perspective of local acts of communication. Led by the merchant Nikolaus Gülich, the ‘Gülich rebellion’ convulsed the free and imperial city of Cologne in the 1680s. Gülich appealed to public opinion and used media impulses within the urban community to campaign successfully against the corruption of the city council.
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Rubtsov, S. M. "The Defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex. To the History of the Marcomannic Wars in the Middle Danube". Izvestiya of Altai State University, n.º 2(118) (4 de junho de 2021): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)2-09.
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The article is devoted to the military action of the Roman Empire in the Middle-Danube valley in the early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D. The main aim of this article consists in reconstruction one of the important events in Roman wars against the Germans tribe marcomanni, who lived on the territory of modern-day Czechia (ancient Boygemia). The author uses the analytical and comparative methods, analyzing the historical works of Roman authors and epigraphic facts. One of the main new aspects of article consists in chronology of events. The author tries to prove that defeat of Roman army and death of praefectus Marc Macrinius Vindex took place at the same time in early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D.. This defeat had the important influence on the other military operations in the next time. Marcomanni and his allies seriously threatened the Roman province of Pannonia situated on the right bank of the Danube. The emperor Marcus Aurelius (161 — 180 A.D) waged several wars against the marcomanni and their allies quadi in 167 — 180 A.D. In winter 169 A.D. Marcus Aurelius became the sole emperor. He came back in Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia and began to complete the army for the offensive against marcomanni. The legatus Augusti Marc Macrinius Avitus Catonius Vindex with vexillationes of five Pannonia's legions and a few auxiliums forced a crossing the Danube in the early spring 170 A.D. Marcomanni defeated the Roman army and killed the legatus Augusti. The Germans captivated many soldiers from legions and auxiliums, burned several war-camps in Upper and Lower Pannonias. They reached the borders of the North Italy and besieged the Aquileja again. The author comes to the conclusion, that in result of the defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex the Roman troops in the Middle and Lower Danube stood on the defensive.
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Drexler-Dreis, Joseph. "The Meaning of Freedom and the Kingdom of God: A Struggle against the Fetishization of Our Present World". Horizons 48, n.º 2 (dezembro de 2021): 302–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2021.52.
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In their respective contexts of Roman empire and global neoliberal capitalism, the Jesus movement and the Zapatistas announce that another world is possible and that this world has irrupted in the struggle for that other possible world. This article argues that the practical and theoretical work of the Zapatistas offers to theologians a way to articulate the meaning of the kingdom of God as a world of hope and struggle that is actualized in and informed by struggles to resist fetishization.
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Wüst, Wolfgang. "IMPERIAL DISTRICTS AS FEDERAL AND REGIONAL ELEMENTS OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE 1500–1806". Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, n.º 7 (2 de agosto de 2020): 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.77.8713.
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The creation of the Imperial Circles (= Reichskreise) was an overdue answer to the powerlessness of the Empire and the Estates in matters of the preservation of peace in the countryside, the organization of the Supreme Court, the control of taxes, begging, the poor, customs and coin matters, the conscription of the Imperial Army, health care – formed by the medical Policey with regard to the supply of drinking water, protection against epidemics and plague – and many other points in the early modern process of civilization. These included, for example, the construction of cross-border roads and streets and the settlement of territorial prestige and border disputes. Some of these were certainly more of a requirement than an everyday practice. Since the 16th century, most of the administrative work was then carried out by the increasing competence of county councils. In combination with their territorial system of offices and government, they had new instruments of regional planning control at their disposal. For urgent tasks such as regional and supra-regional road construction, the fight against epidemics and crime, and customs, coinage or trade policy, the county councils (= Kreiskonvente) were often too “small”, especially in the territorial area of southern Germany, but the Reich as a whole was far too “large”" to find and implement practicable solutions. Up to now it was a research desideratum to classify the imperial circles into the European system of federal structures. My contribution aims to close this gap.
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Rosenfeld, Ben Zion, e Haim Perlmutter. "Landowners in Roman Palestine 100–300 C. E.: A Distinct Social Group". Journal of Ancient Judaism 2, n.º 3 (6 de maio de 2011): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00203003.
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The article exposes an extensive population who were a middling group between the rich and poor in Jewish society in Roman Palestine in the first to third centuries C. E. The Hebrew expression ba‘al habayit and the Greek parallel οἰκοẟεσπότηζ initially refer simply to a “householder.” Analyses of literary and archaeological sources from this period demonstrate that these concepts developed a new meaning, against the backdrop of historical events that led to changes in the socio-economic order, and came to refer to the small landowner in Jewish society. The sources describe various features of this group, such as the cooperation between its members. This article also contributes to the debate concerning the existence of middling groups in the society of the Roman Empire.
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Zieliński, Marcin. "ROSYJSKIE SEMINARIUM PRAWA RZYMSKIEGO PRZY BERLIŃSKIM UNIWERSYTECIE". Zeszyty Prawnicze 12, n.º 1 (18 de dezembro de 2016): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2012.12.1.06.
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The Russian Seminar of Roman Law at the University of Berlin and its Polish Participants Summary After the university reform of 1884 in the Russian Empire there was a need to educate more scholars of Roman law for appointments to vacant chairs. The tsar’s government in cooperation with University of Berlin established a special institution in Berlin called the Russian seminar of Roman law. This seminar was intended for graduates of Law and Classics. Distinguished German professors of Roman and civil law, H. Dernburg, A. Pernice, and E. Eck, were tutors to the tsar’s students. The prescribed course of lectures took two years and students had to write a final dissertation. Some of the tsar’s students were of Polish origin, and they included L. Petrażycki, who was probably the most renowned, K. Dynowski, T. Siemiradzki, and W. Juszkiewicz. Later only Dynowski and Juszkiewicz continued their interest in Roman law. Petrażycki became a famous scholar of the theory and sociology of law. Siemiradzki did not finish the seminar, because he conspired against the tsar’s government in a Polish underground organisation in Berlin and the Russian government sent him to prison.
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Schreiber, Stefan. "Der politische Lukas. Zur kulturellen Interaktion des lukanischen Doppelwerks mit dem Imperium Romanum". Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 110, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2019): 146–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2019-0011.
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Abstract The conventional image of the Rome-friendly, politically apologetic Luke is increasingly questioned today. In order to be able to recognize a political attitude of Luke within the narratives of Luke-Acts, an evaluation of different textual complexes is necessary. The article first elaborates on Rome-critical features of the Lukan Birth narrative against the backdrop of the conception of the aurea aetas supporting the early Roman Principate, before considering the implications of the idea of Christ’s reign for the evaluation of imperial rule. It also addresses the dark sides of Roman rule in Luke and then discusses the political ambivalence in the tax question in Luke 20,20–26. The sword episodes in the Passion narrative do not allow any violent resistance. The Roman governors as representatives of Rome in the provinces appear in Luke as factors of uncertainty for the first Christians, while the hope for a good living with the Roman military rests on the centurions. The real political challenge, however, is the ethos of the Christian communities itself. The synopsis of the texts gives a differentiated picture of the attitude Luke takes towards the Roman Empire.