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1

Telnes, Margot. "Husbanken satser på kvalitet". Plan 38, n.º 06 (4 de janeiro de 2007): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-3045-2006-06-16.

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Eliesen, Gry. "Husbanken, eneboligen og folket". Plan 38, n.º 02 (18 de maio de 2006): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-3045-2006-02-04.

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Søholt, Susanne. "HUSBANKEN FRA BOLIGBANK TIL KOMPETANSEBANK". Stat & Styring 18, n.º 01 (30 de abril de 2008): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn0809-750x-2008-01-05.

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4

Råd, Oddny Grete, e Henning Sunde. "Boligsosiale handlingsplaner – en suksess for Husbanken". Plan 35, n.º 01 (19 de fevereiro de 2003): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-3045-2003-01-09.

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5

Kiøsterud, Tore W. "Ny lov om Husbanken, men hva med utfordringene i boligmarkedet?" Plan 40, n.º 04 (8 de outubro de 2008): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-3045-2008-04-13.

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6

Grytten, Ola Honningdal. "Jardar Sørvoll: Husbanken og boligpolitikken 1996–2021.JardarSørvollHusbanken og boligpolitikken 1996–2021.Cappelen Damm Akademisk, Oslo, 2021, 312 s." Historisk tidsskrift 101, n.º 3 (14 de outubro de 2022): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/ht.101.3.9.

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7

Yulianawati, Yulianawati, Tria Rosana Dewi e Umi Nur Solikah. "Dampak Status Penguasaan Lahan terhadap Pendapatan Usahatani Padi di Desa Tambakmerang Kecamatan Girimarto". Daun: Jurnal Ilmiah Pertanian dan Kehutanan 9, n.º 2 (27 de dezembro de 2022): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33084/daun.v9i2.4133.

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The purpose of this research is (1) to analyze the income level of rice farming in the farmer-owners, tenants, and Husbandmen at Tambakmerang Village Girimarto District. 2 to analyze the efficiency of rice farming in the farmers, tenants, and Husbandmen in Tambakmerang village Girimarto subdistrict. This study was implemented using the method of detailed analysis with disproportionate sampling in random sampling. The methods of analysis used in this research are revenue analysis and efficiency analysis. The results of the research concluded that the level of income of rice farming in the farm owner of the Pengrake, renter, and Husbandmen in the village of Tambakmerang Girimarto District Wonogiri is for farmers owners of the tenants amounting to Rp. 38,239,416.7, the tenant farmers amounting to Rp. 20,153,625 and farmer of a Pengrake Rp. 18,762,662.50. The efficiency of rice farming in the farmer's owner, tenants, and Husbandmen at Tambakmerang Village Girimarto District Wonogiri Regency is for the owner of a pengrake 4.34, the tenant farmer of 2.87 and farmer of the husbandmen of 2.52. This suggests that rice farming in the area of research has been finalized and can still be improved.
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Rebbestad, Lars Rune. "Go' vær og uvær – Husbankens arbeid med klimatilpasning". Plan 35, n.º 05 (5 de setembro de 2003): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-3045-2003-05-09.

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Como, David R. "City on the Other Hill: The Plough Patent, the Company of Husbandmen, and a Radical Puritan Colonization Project". New England Quarterly 92, n.º 3 (setembro de 2019): 348–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00757.

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This article provides a comprehensive account of the “Company of Husbandmen” created to settle southern Maine in 1631 under the “Plough Patent.” Partly inspired by radical religious ideas, the project quickly collapsed. The scheme nevertheless offers insight into early New England history, while illuminating transatlantic Puritan controversies and colonization aspirations.
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Havens, Hilary. "Omitting Lady Grace:The Provok'd Husbandin Frances Burney'sCamillaandThe Wanderer". Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 38, n.º 3 (5 de agosto de 2014): 413–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1754-0208.12221.

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Juin, C., T. Acamovic, D. Younie e D. Yackiminie. "Comparison of fat quality from organically and conventionally husbanded steers". BSAP Occasional Publication 17 (janeiro de 1993): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263967x0000135x.

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Tufte, Geir C. "Boligpolitisk paradoks: Det avregulerte boligmarkedet åpnet for å bygge små boliger under Husbankens minstestandard". Tidsskrift for boligforskning 5, n.º 2 (16 de dezembro de 2022): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/tfb.5.2.4.

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Dormandy, Richard. "Hebrews 1:1-2 and the Parable of the Wicked Husbandmen". Expository Times 100, n.º 10 (julho de 1989): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468910001004.

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14

O'NEILL, J. C. "THE SOURCE OF THE PARABLES OF THE BRIDEGROOM AND THE WICKED HUSBANDMEN". Journal of Theological Studies 39, n.º 2 (1988): 485–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/39.2.485.

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Milavec, Aaron. "The Identity of "the Son" and "the Others": Mark's Parable of the Wicked Husbandmen Reconsidered". Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 20, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 1990): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610799002000105.

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Wells, Christopher W. "The Changing Nature of Country Roads: Farmers, Reformers, and the Shifting Uses of Rural Space, 1880–1905". Agricultural History 80, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2006): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-80.2.143.

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Abstract The period from the end of the Civil War to about 1905 saw some key changes in American country roads, including the passage of the first state-aid road laws, the creation of the first federal road agency, and the growth of a strong urban-rural coalition promoting rural road improvements. Although these have been well discussed, two significant but unrecognized changes lay at their heart. First, the effect of the good-roads campaigns of the 1890s in convincing farmers to embrace a major intellectual shift: trading the belief that roads were "natural"--local resources to be husbanded--for the idea that they were "technological"--publicly owned tools to be engineered in the service of social ends. Second, how the shifting uses of rural roads, from groups of urban cyclists touring the countryside to mail carriers delivering letters to farmhouses, not only strengthened the growing ties between rural and urban areas but also helped transform the basic political relationships between isolated communities and county, state, and national governments. Together these turn-of-the-century changes paved the way, literally and figuratively, for the growth of the extensive highway system that today is such a dominating characteristic of the American landscape.
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Guiry, Eric, Paul Szpak e Michael P. Richards. "ISOTOPIC ANALYSES REVEAL GEOGRAPHICAL AND SOCIOECONOMIC PATTERNS IN HISTORICAL DOMESTIC ANIMAL TRADE BETWEEN PREDOMINANTLY WHEAT- AND MAIZE-GROWING AGRICULTURAL REGIONS IN EASTERN NORTH AMERICA". American Antiquity 82, n.º 2 (29 de março de 2017): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2016.34.

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Historical zooarchaeologists have made significant contributions to key questions about the social, economic, and nutritional dimensions of domestic animal use in North American colonial contexts; however, techniques commonly employed in faunal analyses do not offer a means of assessing many important aspects of how animals were husbanded and traded. We apply isotopic analyses to faunal remains from archaeological sites to assess the social and economic importance of meat trade and consumption of local and foreign animal products in northeastern North America. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of 310 cattle and pigs from 18 rural and urban archaeological sites in Upper Canada (present-day southern Ontario, Canada; ca. A.D. 1790–1890) are compared with livestock from contemporary American sources to quantify the importance of meat from different origins at rural and higher- and lower-status urban contexts. Results show significant differences between urban and rural households in the consumption of local animals and meat products acquired through long-distance trade. A striking pattern in urban contexts provides new evidence for the social significance of meat origins in historical Upper Canada and highlights the potential for isotopic approaches to reveal otherwise-hidden evidence for social and economic roles of animals in North American archaeology.
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18

Kingsbury, Jack Dean. "The Parable of the Wicked Husbandmen and the Secret of Jesus' Divine Sonship in Matthew: Some Literary-Critical Observations". Journal of Biblical Literature 105, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1986): 643. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3261211.

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Miller, Erin, e James H. Forse. "The Failure to Be a “Goode Husbande” in Thomas Heywood's Edward IV (Parts I/II) and A Woman Killed with Kindness". Ben Jonson Journal 18, n.º 2 (novembro de 2011): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2011.0026.

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20

Sweet, Timothy. "Pastoral Landscape with Indians: George Copway and the Political Unconscious of the American Pastoral". Prospects 18 (outubro de 1993): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300004841.

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After squanto taught the colonists at Plymouth in 1620 “both the manner how to set [their corn], and after how to dress and tend it,” Indians seem to have disappeared from the American pastoral scene, except as unwelcome intruders. Seventeen years later, writes William Bradford, “the Pequots fell openly on the English at Connecticut, in the lower parts of the river, and slew sundry of them as they were at work in the fields.” Mary Rowlandson opens the story of her captivity during King Philip's War similarly, describing how the Narragansetts came out of the wilderness to attack the farmsteads at Lancaster, setting fire to buildings “with flax and hemp, which they brought out of the barn,” and later celebrated by feasting on the animals they had captured: “miserable was the waste that was there made, of horses, cattle, sheep, swine, calves, lambs, roasting pigs, and fowl (which they had plundered in the town) some roasting, some lying and burning, and some boiling to feed our merciless enemies.” These accounts — in which Indians violate the pastoral scene, killing peaceful tillers of the soil and wantonly consuming the stock that had been so carefully husbanded — suggest that in the 17th Century, despite the original beneficence of Squanto, Indian “savagery” was perceived as a threat not only to the lives of individual colonists but to agriculture itself, the foundation of the colonial economy in North America. But it was the agrarian culture of the English that turned the Indians into “savages,” for the Pequot War and King Philip's War began, as Francis Jennings has demonstrated, with the colonists' hunger for land.
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Abedin, Mohammad Zakerin, Laila Jarin, Md Easin Arfat, Md Sadiqur Rahman e Rasheda Yasmin Shilpi. "Bacterial profiles and multi-drug resistance patterns in bacterial isolates associated with freshwater fish infections". Journal of Bangladesh Academy of Sciences 48, n.º 1 (15 de junho de 2024): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/jbas.v48i1.69379.

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Fish and fish products can support 40% of world diets, which meets 60% of the animal protein requisites in Bangladesh. Infections of fishes, along with the continuously elevated emergence of microbial resistance, are the major drawbacks to the massive milestone forward. This investigation aimed to reveal the antimicrobial resistance patterns of the pathogens associated with diverse fish infections. According to Bergey's manual of bacteriological classification, isolated pathogens were provisionally identified at genera levels based on their cultural, morphological, and biochemical characteristics. The Kirby-Bauer (Cockerill and CLSI, 2013) disc diffusion method was exploited to determine the antimicrobial resistance. Pathogenic growths were found in 150 (83.34%) out of 180 samples by Aeromonas spp. (39.33%), Vibrio spp. (16.67%), Flavobacter spp. (14.67%), Edwardsiell spp (12.67%), Pseudomonas spp. (9.33%), Streptococcus spp. (5.55%), and Citrobacter spp. (2%) in Shing (Heteropneustes spp.), Pangus (Pangasius spp.), Pabda (Ompok spp.), Gulsha (Mystus cavasius), Tilapia (Oreochromis niloticus), Koi (Cyprinus spp.), Magur (Clarias batrachus), and Tengra (Mystus tengara). Pathogens showed resistance against Amoxicillin (136/150; 90.67%), Chlortetracycline (135/150; 90%), and Erythromycin (134/150; 89.33%), whereas Levofloxacin (138/150; 92%), Ciprofloxacin (123/150; 82%), Neomycin (120/150; 80%), and Colistin (117/150; 78%), exhibited potential effectiveness. A huge frequency of 60% (90 out of 150) of pathogens exhibited as high as 21 antimicrobial resistance patterns towards a minimum of 4 antibiotics and a maximum of 8 antibiotics, whereas Aeromonas spp. isolates were the most prominent. The investigation would provide substantial guidance to veterinarians and animal husbandmen involved in fish cultivation to design therapeutics against infections. Regular and vigorous investigation and implementation of the acquired knowledge would be the only possible solution to halt the rapid increase of antimicrobial resistance. J. Bangladesh Acad. Sci. 48(1); 61-74: June 2024
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22

Roy, Prodipto. "Degradation due to mining: The Piparwar Case Study and problems of estimating costs of degradation". Social Change 31, n.º 1-2 (março de 2001): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570103100211.

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Mining has two broad side-effects which may be considered degrading to the environment. The first is the environmental effects of the change on the land-use from forest or cropland to degraded wasteland due to the improper dumping of overburden; and the second, which is partially linked to the first, is the displacement of whole villages comprised of families who have husbanded their crops and animals, and lived symbiotically with the forest for centuries if not millenia. This paper is concerned mainly with the first and only partially with the second as this is the subject of a separate paper. This paper outlines methods of estimation of the quantum of degradation caused by mining taking a long-term perspective of the last 50 (to 100) years and the next 50 years. The types of mines listed include a very wide variety including coal mines, bauxite mines, iron-ore mines, manganese, zinc, chromite, asbestos, granite, sandstone, copper, silver, gold and one uranium mine. Oil drilling maybe considered another form of mining or extracting fossil fuels. All these forms of extracting metals, non-metals, rocks, carbons, and hydro-carbons are included under the broad purview of'mining’. Secondary data will need to be obtained from various governmental departments on the numbers of mines which have been opened both before Independence and after in order to establish parameters. In addition data on families displaced, land acquired, land-use before and after will also be obtained. After making meaningful categories primary data on a parsimonious sample of each category and each type of mining (extraction) will be carried out to use as estimators of the parameters. The case study of the Piparar coal mine illustrates the difficulties and the inaccuracies that may be encountered when using average estimators. Notwithstanding these difficulties, on account of the fact that mining has been the cause for a great deal of the environmental degradation in India, it is important that fresh estimates should be made.
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Chen, Yuanjing, Zhiyue Wang e Haiming Yang. "Effects of Dietary Sodium and Chloride on Slaughter Performance, Digestive Tract Development and Tibia Mineralization of Geese". Animals 13, n.º 4 (19 de fevereiro de 2023): 751. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani13040751.

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This study evaluated the slaughter performance, digestive tract development and tibia mineralization effects of sodium (Na) and chloride (Cl) on geese. Four hundred and thirty-four male geese at 29 days were randomly assigned into nine groups with six replicates (eight in each). The experiment employed a 3 × 3 factorial design, with two instances each of three Na levels (0.10%, 0.15%, and 0.20%) and three Cl levels (0.15%, 0.20%, and 0.25%). All experimental birds were husbanded for 42 days. Dietary Na and Cl levels and their interactions (Na ×Cl) had no significant effect on the slaughter, breast, thigh, abdominal fat yield, and digestive tract index of geese (p > 0.05). However, dietary Na and Cl level significantly affected the crypt depth of the jejunum and tibial development. Variations in Na and Cl levels had a significant interaction on the crypt depth of jejunal (p < 0.05), 0.20% Na × 0.25% Cl had a minor crypt depth. Dietary variations in Na and Cl significantly affected the tibial strength, and there was a significant interaction between them (p < 0.05). When Na and Cl were at their maximum (0.20% Na and 0.25% Cl), the strength of the tibia was the lowest. In addition, a single factor (Na or Cl) had no effect (p > 0.05), but its interaction significantly affected the calcium (Ca) content of bone (p < 0.05). When the Na and Cl levels were 0.15% and 0.15%, respectively, the Ca content in bone was the highest. These results suggest that dietary Na and Cl had interactive effects on geese, especially in the development of the tibia. High dietary Na and Cl levels adversely influenced the tibia and intestinal crypt morphology. Therefore, we do not advocate supplementing too much Na or Cl in the diet. Combined with our previous results, for 29–70-day-old geese, it is recommended that dietary Na and Cl levels should be 0.10% and 0.15%, respectively.
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Vaitkevičienė, Daiva. "Mead in the Baltic Society: from Beekeepers to Nobility". Tautosakos darbai 51 (27 de junho de 2016): 32–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/td.2016.28883.

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Although the living tradition of making mead and partaking of it has become extinct in Latvia and Lithuania in the course of the recent centuries, its traces can still be found in the historical, ethnographic and folklore sources. This tradition is particularly prominent in two cases: in the nobility feasts of the 15th–16th centuries and in the parties held by beekeepers in the 19th–20th centuries.Mead used to play a significant social and political role in the life of nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: not only the ruler and the court, but also foreign leaders and diplomats arriving to make political and commercial contracts enjoyed it. The mead consumption indicated the social prestige of the nobles. Although following Christianization of Lithuania, wine grew increasingly frequent in the nobility’s feasts, mead nevertheless preserved its firm position until the 16th century; even until the 17th century, it was still popular among the nobles.Because of its social and political importance in the nobility’s life, mead also entered the legendary tradition. The 16th century Renaissance historians (Erasmus Stella, Simon Grunau, Lucas David and others) describing the origins of the Prussians and Lithuanians, depict mead as the drink of the noble warriors. According to the legends, mead was an invention and the favored drink of the Cymbrian (Gotland) nobles arriving to Prussia and subsequently sharing it with the local Prussian nobility, thus legitimizing its equal status. The legendary Prussian king Widewuto established his Prussian kingdom following the pattern of the beehive and grouping the members of the society according to their occupation (fieldworkers, beekeepers, stockbreeders, etc.) To ensure the lasting peace in his kingdom, Widewuto introduced the public mead-drinking feasts. However, not only the nobility, but also the commoners enjoyed drinking mead. Since procuring its main ingredient – honey – depends on the activity of the beekeepers, the author devotes special attention to their life style, social communication and festivities.Until the 16th century, the hollow-tree beehives in the woods were much more common in Lithuania than the artificial ones kept in the homesteads; therefore, the trade of procuring honey had much in common with hunting, since both activities took place in the forest. Because of the wild nature and unpredictable behavior of bees, the beekeepers much as the hunters depended on luck and the deities in charge of good fortune, differing in this respect from husbandmen. On the other hand, beekeeping in the Baltic lands was more than just part of economy: it was a social phenomenon, binding the beekeepers together as friends. The beekeepers believed that keeping the bees single-handedly caused bad luck; therefore, one had to share both the beekeeping tasks and the procured honey with one or several partners in trade. The friendship ties established by the beekeepers united them into beekeeping communities (bičiuolija), the members of which tended to the bees together and at least twice a year (during the honey harvesting and in spring, when tending to the tree-hollows) arranged parties for their members (literally – friends, bičiuliai in Lithuanian). During these parties, the beekeepers and their families enjoyed eating and offering honey and drinking mead together. These parties of beekeepers provided an alternative to those held by husbandmen, called sambariai, during which the whole village community drank beer made of the grain collected from all the farms.The phenomenon of bičiulystė (literally, friendship by means of beekeeping) is characteristic exclusively to the Balts, therefore it must have formed as early as the Baltic tribal period. In the 12th – the beginning of the 13th century, when the process of political integration gained momentum, the political leadership formed in the Baltic tribes, and the military nobility emerged. It is quite likely, that the social pattern of bičiulystė was rather handy in this process. The communities of beekeepers, binding inhabitants of different villages by mutual trust, loyalty and cooperation, provided an ideal media to form the soldiery, i.e. friends in arms (amicia). The masculine character of these communities, their association with hunting and rituals of good fortune, the reinforcement of mutual connections by means of marriage, and the mead-drinking parties may serve as additional arguments in favor of this assumption.The analysis allows us assuming that mead-drinking festivities arranged in Lithuania by members of different social layers have common roots in the ancient communities of beekeepers characteristic to the Balts. In the process of social differentiation and stratification, the social pattern of bičiulystė found different use among the nobles and the peasants. Among the nobles, the mead-drinking feasts disappeared in the 17th century, while beekeeping peasants arranged their parties until the beginning of the 20th century.
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CHAKRABORTY, Swarnendu. "History of Animal Keeping in Ancient India and it’s Socio-Economic, Scientific Applicability in 21st Century". British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 3, n.º 1 (29 de abril de 2023): 06–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/pjpsh.2023.3.1.2.

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The human race is a member of the Mammalian class and the Primate Order. So, a human is also an animal. But what differs from other animal species is human wisdom. It is only humans who can domesticate other animals and use them to fulfill different needs. In hunting/gathering hominid societies, animals were rich sources of meat, skin, and bone. But the artistic and curious human mind kept records of his relationship with the animal world through rock paintings from the Upper Paleolithic era. From different centres of human habitats throughout the Indian Sub-Continent, a huge amount of animal remains have been discovered by Archeologists. Apart from kitchen waste which highlights the on-veg food habit of nomadic people, terracotta animal figurines, day-to-day bone tools, ivory and shell ornaments, artifacts etc., pointed out the importance and use of domesticated animals in human life. Animal domestication and husbandry became synonymous with Indian Proto-Historic and Historic civilizations not only economically / militarily but also with religious and cultural traditions. Sheep and goats were first domesticated by South Indian Neolithic men around 2 thousand and five hundred B.C. as sources of milk, wool, meat, leather and other commodities. Today’s Indian domestic fowl originated from red jungle fowl. Seals of Indus civilization were decorated with humped and hump-less bulls, goats, sheep, elephants, and fowl. Vedic Aryans husbanded horses, dogs, sheep, goats, fowl, elephants, cow-bull etc. During the Mauryan era, buffalo was included in the category of dairy cattle. Domestication of animals is not a new thing in human history. The novelty lies in Indian people’s attention and urge for the wellbeing of domesticated animals. Ancient Indian literature like Vedas, CharakSamhita, SushrutSamhita, HaritaSamhita, Agni Purana, Mastya Purana, Artha-Shastra etc. Provide proper guidance on orientation, construction, and purification of animal houses, besides veterinary Ayurvedic and surgical treatment of numerous diseases. In Vedic literature, Cow was considered as the measuring unit of wealth. Cow received the status of “Aghnya” [Not to be killed]. Priests were the first veterinarians of ancient India. Prominent among them were Shalihotra [Earliest expert in Horse medicine and author of “Haya Ayurveda”], Palakapya [Author of “Hasty- Ayurveda”] etc. 6th Century B.C. Indian rulers of Sravasti, Kousambi, and Lichabi kingdoms issued humped bull/cow inscribed coins. During the Indian invasion of Alexander the Great [326 B.C.], a Prince from Punjab presented Cock with engraved silver coins as a form of tribute. Arthashastra mentioned the King’s duty of ensuring enough pasture land near every village. Gopa was accountable for keeping a record of this land. Horses and Elephants were the two main war animals of the Mauryan army. Proper care was given to them. Hurting/killing of any of these species resulted in the death penalty. The third Mauryan Monarch, Asoka, after his conversion to Buddhism, established veterinary hospitals throughout his domain. Ancient Indians were aware of the technique of animal husbandry as well. In short ancient Indian Veterinary Ayurvedic and surgical treatments are effective in curing dysentery, cough, wound, infertility, and different infections besides psychological stress still in the Twenty-First Century. Besides terrestrial animals’ ancient Indian people were aware of the existence of fish, shells, and turtles. It is my aim in this essay to analyze customs, technologies and history of the domestication of animals by ancient Indian people and its socio-economic-scientific applicability in the scenario of the Twenty-First Century. I will utilize both primary and secondary sources to endure this goal.
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Innset, Ola. "Husbanken og boligpolitikken 1996–2021. En jubileumsbok [The housing bank and the housing policies – an anniversary book]". Scandinavian Economic History Review, 19 de outubro de 2022, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.2022.2130974.

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Risan, Lars Christian, e Siri Nørve. "Universell utforming og den vanskelige avgrensingen av «alle»". FormAkademisk - forskningstidsskrift for design og designdidaktikk 6, n.º 3 (31 de dezembro de 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.7577/formakademisk.436.

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Universell utforming er et prinsipp hvor målsetningen er at «utforming av produkter og omgivelser [skal skje] på en slik måte at de kan brukes av alle mennesker, i så stor utstrekning som mulig, uten behov for tilpassing og en spesiell utforming.» (Aslaksen mfl, 1997, den første norske definisjonen) I løpet av de siste 15 årene har dette prinsippet blitt fremmet i Norge som et utvetydig fremskritt. Det kan imidlertid være farlig å tro at en ren teknisk løsning kan bygge bro over politiske kontroverser (Imrie 2012), og i denne artikkelen vil vi vise hvordan viktige ideologiske premisser er skjult under paraplyen om universalitet. Vårt empiriske felt er norsk boligpolitikk fra etterkrigstiden og fram til i dag. Innenfor dette feltet ser vi at det har vært argumentert for ulike versjoner av «universell utforming» de siste 40 årene, selv om navnet «universell utforming» er av nyere dato. Vi vil vise hvordan prinsippet har endret seg fra å ha et sosialdemokratisk innhold – før det ble omdøpt til «universell utforming» – for å bli inkorporert i et nyliberalt boligpolitisk paradigme de siste 15 årene. De sosialdemokratiske forgjengerne til «universell utforming» ble til dels formulert som videreutviklinger av en boligpolitikk for sosial rettferdighet og økonomisk likhet. Med innføringen av begrepet «universell utforming» har denne brede sosiale rammen forsvunnet, men under dekke av universalitet og entydig framskrittsoptimisme har denne politiske endringen blitt underkommunisert.[i] [i] Prosjektet er finansiert av Husbanken. Prosjektmedarbeiderne har bestått av NIBR-forskerne Erik Henningsen, Siri Nørve og Lars Risan. Underveis har disse forskerne intervjuet og snakket med en rekke personer innenfor feltene funksjonshemming- og boligpolitikk. Vi takker også Jon Guttu, Olav Rand Bringa, Tore Lange for mange konstruktive innspill.
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Dioli, Maurizio. "Observation on dromedary (Camelus dromedarius) welfare and husbandry practices among nomadic pastoralists". Pastoralism 12, n.º 1 (17 de fevereiro de 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13570-021-00221-5.

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AbstractAnimal welfare is an important topic for consideration within every livestock husbandry sector. Welfare frameworks have recently been developed for intensively and semi-intensively husbanded dromedaries. These do not fit the reality of dromedaries under pastoral husbandry, and no specific analysis exists on dromedary welfare when reared under pastoral nomadic conditions. This article examines the existing husbandry practices utilised by nomadic pastoralists with the aim of improving the understanding of dromedary welfare in a nomadic pastoral husbandry system.
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Cavalcanti, Edneida Rabêlo, e Solange Fernandes Soares Coutinho. "Desertification in the northeast of Brazil: the natural resources use and the land degradation". Sociedade & Natureza 1, n.º 1 (30 de maio de 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/sn-v1-2005-9801.

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The Agenda 21 and the United Nations Convention for Desertification Combat defines desertification as the degradation of lands in arid regions, semi-arid and sub-wet dried, resulting from various factors, among them the weather variations and the human activities. This understanding, besides marking the geographical space to be taken into consideration, undoes with the clearly climatic view of the question and proves that desertification has its origin in complex interactions of physical factors, biologics, political, socials, cultural and economics. However, it's necessary to recognize that there are generally more serious causes, as the poverty, that leaves no alternative for the husbandmen only get from land the maximum possible to supply the family's immediate necessity even affecting its subsistence for a long time. In terms of world, semi-arid regions represent 1/3 of the planet's surface, where lives 1/5 of the population, more than 1 million people. Twenty-two per cent is the participation of these areas in the production of foods. The Semi-arid of Brazil is registered as one of the physiographic zones of the Northeast Region, representing about 57% of this territory. The organization of the economical process, historically based on extensive cattle breeding and agriculture, and on the existence of some products of larger importance in the market, like the case of cotton was, always based on an agrarian structure dominated by land concentrations. In the more diffused desertification process in the North-eastern semi-arid this pattern has been constructed on alarming proportions, aggravated and reaffirmed by the occurrence of periodic droughts and the peculiarities due to the systems of production that appear from this process directly contrary to the correct manners of use of the natural resources, in option to, where and how to develop the agricultural activities.
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Davidsen, Ole. "Evangeliefortællingens udsigelse". Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, n.º 17 (20 de setembro de 1990). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i17.5357.

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Inspired by the work of A. J. Greimas and Claude Bremond the article presents an elementary definition of the enunciation of the narrative, its narration:1) The narrator (enunciator) seeks to give the narratee (enunciate) an idea of a state of being and/or of an action.2) The subject of being for this state/action is the narrator, the narratee or a third person3) The responsible subject of doing for this state/action is the narrator, the narratee, the third person A or a fourth person B.A narrative, in the strict sense of this word, is a storytelling discourse, where neither the narrator nor the narratee is performing as subject of being and/or as subject of doing. Furthermore is the action closed, the narrator informs about events, which have taken place. The gospel of Mark can be viewed as a narrative in this sense, since neither the narrator Mark, nor his implied reader, is performing at the stage of its enunciate. The gospel narrative informs about many states and Actions, but the main theme is the realization of the kingdom of God, an action for which God ultimately is the responsible subject of doing (the fourth person B). Now the question is: “Whom is the subject of being favoured by this action?” In the first place the answer must be the third person A, the baptized or the chosen, i.e. persons performing in the enunciate of the narrative. But if the gospel is good news, then the narratee must see himself designated as a favoured subject of being, and another question arises: “How does the narration connect the narrative world with the reality of the reader?! It seems that such a connection can have a bearing upon time, place and/or person, and in the case of the gospel narrative it is upon time. The main action, the realization of the kingdom of God, is not finished in the story world, but will reach its end in the world of the reader (cf. the parable of the wicked husbandmen). By the establishment of this metonymical intercourse, the narration is symbolizing or semiotizing the reader, who receives his Christian identity and being from the narrative.
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