Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Hungarian War songs"

In the last years of World War I, Béla Bartók and Zoltán Kodály compiled a folksong selection One Hundred Hungarian Soldiers’ Songs from their own collections, requested by the Centre for Music History of the Monarchy’s War Ministry in Vienna. The collapse after the war interrupted the publication already in press. Parts of the song collection Kodály asked back in 1921 were returned in 1940 through diplomatic intervention. Later the manuscript was lost, but some parts have been found in the Kodály estate recently. However, the tunes are still latent; not even Kodály knew in his last years where they were. The present paper discusses the circumstances of the volume’s genesis and fate, and as a new development, the process of reconstructing the music section on the basis of the segments of the manuscript found in the estate (introduction and list of sources), the folksong collections of the Institute for Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Bartók-and Kodály-Systems) and the earlier researchers of the author concerning Kodály’s collection. The collection is an important document of Hungarian folk music history and the history of research. It is also the only collection of the series initiated by the Centre for Music History that was ready for the press as the next volume after Bernhard Paumgartner’s 100 deutsche Soldatenlieder published in 1918.

In contrast to restless students in Bucharest, Cluj, Iasi, Timiş oara, and other cities, who tried to organize rallies calling for government reforms in the fall of 1956 but failed, Romanian workers and peasants expressed their feelings about the revolution in nearby Hungary by going on feverish shopping sprees; stockpiling food staples; writing anonymous leaflets and graffiti; spreading rumors; and engaging in arson, vandalism, and physical brawls. The Hungarian crisis aroused in some citizens fears of a World War III, for others a war over Transylvania, and for still others a Hungarian-style revolt in Romania. A survey of published Securitate reports written between 26 October and 23 November 1956 shows that the three most frequent oral comments recorded were those complaining about the economy, those predicting that “what happened in Hungary will happen in Romania,” and those asking “why was the Soviet intervention necessary?” The economic complaints outnumbered the other two types of comments. Political messages, oral and written, spanned the spectrum, from fascist, Iron Guard songs, monarchist comments, to procapitalist slogans. Although most irredentist comments, oral and written, originated from cities in Transylvania, more than half of the incidents of physical aggression, including arson and other acts of sabotage, occurred in non-Transylvanian regions. Although the Securitate sometimes exploited ethnic tensions to gain recruits, Romanian citizens expressed more rage toward the communist dictatorship than against ethnic Hungarians.

A special chapter of research into the history of folk music in the time of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy was the Musikhistorische Zentrale (Music History Department) at the imperial royal Ministry of War. It was established during World War I, modelled on the Austrian Volksliedunternehmen (today Volksliedwerk). The Musikhistorische Zentrale wanted to collect all the soldiers’ songs, fanfares, military music, soldiers’ sayings, customs, jokes, letters and their expressions which are of historical and cultural significance. Bernhard Paumgartner (1887–1971), a musician and lawyer, had the idea of collecting this material. After the war, he became well known as the director of the Mozarteum in Salzburg, as conductor, music researcher and member of the Salzburger Festspiele. Under Paumgartner’s direction, notable individuals were involved in the compilation of Musikhistorische Zentrale. One of these men was the student of composition and musicology Felix Petyrek (1892–1951), who was dedicated to folk music all over his life as composer as well as researcher and music teacher. Other important collaborators for the Hungarian part on the collection were Zoltán Kodály and Béla Bartók.

Artykuł dotyczy twórczości Lwa Węglińskiego (1827–1905), poety z pogranicza polsko-ukraińskiego, który wydał 6 zbiorów w języku ukraińskim pisanych alfabetem łacińskim i 7 książek w języku polskim, w których dominował materiał oparty o reminiscencje z historii i kultury różnych narodów, a także przekłady poezji i folkloru ludowego. Zbiór Snopek z niw słowiańskich i obcych (1885) jest w całości poświęcony przekładom z folkloru słowiańskiego: są w nim zawarte ukraińskie (42), morawskie (69), węgierskie – „obce pole” (21), niemieckie (60) pieśni ludowe. We wstępie Lew Węgliński określił pieśni węgierskie jako „ogniste, dowcipne, namiętne”, a następnie przytoczył przekłady węgierskich pieśni wojennych Erotki wojskowe – Na placu ćwiczeń, Pod czas marszu, Epikurejka i innych.Lew Węgliński informował, że jego przekłady węgierskich pieśni ludowych stanowiły Suplementum (załącznik) do tomu drugiego. Zawartość zbioru Echo z-za Tatr i Karpat (1885) jest przedstawiona bardzo szczegółowo i w całości poświęcona historii, folklorowi i literaturze Węgier, które autor uważa za najbardziej przyjazny Polsce kraj sąsiedzki. Po arkadyjskich epigramatach w języku niemieckim, Słowie wstępnym i Objaśnieniach porównuje on pieśni węgierskie z folklorem innych, w tym słowiańskich, narodów. Lew Węgliński opisuje pozytywne zjawiska dialogu polsko-ukraińskiego, w szczególności przywołuje i cytuje mowę Do parlamentu Węglińskiego petycja o wyswobodzenie Polski. Materiał poetycki zbioru podzielony jest na dwie części: „oryginalne” utwory (44 wiersze) i Pieśni erotyczne oparte na motywach węgierskich (prawie 100 wierszy), natomiast drugi dział Wolne przekłady i naśladownictwa podzielony jest również na części Z węgierskich pieśni ludowych i Z Sándora Petőfiego (50 wierszy).Oryginalny wiersz autorstwa Lwa Węglińskiego Węgierska kraina sławi główne symbole tej krainy – Cisę, Dunaj, Karpaty i Tatry, wino, źródła lecznicze itp. Symbole te w poetycki sposób przedstawiają historię i kulturę Węgier. Autor wspomina o węgierskich „luminarzach” literatury, a szczególną uwagę poświęca najsłynniejszemu lirykowi, „rycerzowi i bardowi” Sándorowi Petőfiemu. W artykule rozważane są przekłady wierszy Petőfiego Przy kominku, Zwaliska czardy, Bachusowe pieśni, a także wierszy patriotycznych Życzenia i Szózat. Te fakty dotyczące polskiej recepcji Sándora Petőfiego powinny zostać uwzględnione w przyszłych badaniach.The paper deals with the work of Lew Węgliński (1827–1905), a poet of the Polish–Ukrainian borderland, who published 6 collections in the Ukrainian language written in the Latin alphabet, and 7 books in Polish, which were dominated by the imaginary material created through appeals to the history and culture of different nations as well as translations of national poetry and folklore. The collection Snopek z niw słowiańskich i obcych (1885) is entirely devoted to translations of Slavic folklore: Ukrainian (42), Moravian (69), Hungarian – “the foreign field” (21), German (60) folk songs. In the introduction, Lew Węgliński described Hungarian songs as “fiery, witty, passionate”, and then cited the translations of Hungarian war songs called Erotki wojskowe – Na placu ćwiczeń, Pod czas marszu, Epikurejka and others.Lew Węgliński informed that his translations of Hungarian folk songs were a Suplementum (the attachment) to volume two. The contents of the collection Echo z-za Tatr i Karpat (1885) are presented in great detail and entirely devoted to the history, folklore, and literature of Hungary, which the author considers to be the most friendly neighbouring country to Poland. After the Arcadian epigraphs in German, the Introductory Word and the Explanations, he compares the Hungarian songs with the folklore of others nations, including Slavic. Lew Węgliński describes the positive facts of the Polish–Ukrainian dialogue, in particular refers and cites the speech Do parlamentu Węglińskiego petycja o wyswobodzenie Polski. The poetic material of the collection is divided into two parts: “original” works (44 poems) and Erotic songs based on Hungarian motifs (almost 100 poems), while the second section Free translations and imitations is also divided into parts From Hungarian folk songs and From Sándor Petőfi (50 poems).The original poem written by Lew Węgliński Hungarian Land, which celebrates the main symbols of this land – the Tisza, Danube, Carpathian and Tatra mountains, wine, medicinal springs, etc. These symbols poetically represent the history and culture of Hungary. The author mentions the Hungarian “luminaries” of literature, and pays a great attention to the most famous lyricist “knight-bard” Sándor Petőfi. Translations of Petőfi’s poems Przy kominku, Zwaliska czardy, Bachusowe pieśni as well as patriotic poems Życzenia and Szózat are considered in the paper. These facts of Polish perception of Sándor Petőfi are to be included in future studies.

The question of historicism, historical authenticity of folklore works has long been of interest to researchers, since oral history not only complements historical sources, but often presents a mixed interpretation of events and characters. In their own way, the people also interpreted the events of the Hungarian liberation revolution of 1848-1849 under the leadership of Layosh Koshut against the Hapsburg dynasty, combined with such a pressing issue for peasants as the abolition of the serfdom. The slavic folklore about Layosh Koshut is represented by folk songs and legends, and reproduces the main points of the liberation war: the mobilization of the local population, its struggle for freedom, the arrival of the Russian army and defeat, the capitulation and escape of Koshut, etc., as well as such a pressing issue for peasants as the elimination of the serfdom, which peasants associate with Koshut or with the Cossier. People’s views on Koshut in songs are controversial. They partially contain anti-Hungarian motives, Koshut’s condemnation, in others his defeat is sympathy. The peasants are struggling for national and social freedom, as opposed to the serfdom, which is devoted to many places in the folk narratives of the region. Over time, in folk works, there is a permutation of time and space, some historical characters and places are replaced by others, changing and actualizing. The article addresses the problem of historical authenticity of folklore works, peculiarities of reproduction of events by artistic and poetic means, their parallels with Hungarian sources, transformation and actualization over time.

In the mid-1870s, a wave of popular urban hauntings in public spaces swept across Europe. These included sightings of the Park Ghost in Sheffield in 1873 and the Westminster Christ Church Ghost in London in 1874. In early December 1874, probably the most famous Czech ghost, the Podskalí Apparition (Podskalské strašidlo), was born. This haunting was followed by that of similar but less popular ghosts that appeared in industrial, working-class Prague neighborhoods in 1876 and 1907, respectively. This paper analyzes newspaper articles from this period about these apparitions and their later depictions in Czech popular culture, and interprets these phenomena as local variants of the so-called “prowling ghosts”, a particular type of suburban phantom documented by current historiographical research on 19th-century ghostlore in England. The paper then describes how these Prague ghosts were utilized socially by two completely different cultural practices. On one hand, these hauntings were used by working-class people as vernacular spectacles and improvised festivities related to pranks, the symbolic occupation of public space, and Czech nationalism. For the middle classes and period newspapers loyal to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, on the other hand, unruly mobs converging on the sites of supposed hauntings were a threat to established social norms and triggered both moral panics and public scorn of these “ghost hunters”. However, this attitude changed quickly when these events entered popular culture in the form of popular songs and, later, memoirs and literature. Between the Belle Époque at the First World War, these famous Prague hauntings were the staple for nostalgic longing in the last few decades of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Serbs and Hungarians are neighboring nations for more than a millennium. Over the course of last couple of centuries, due to historical circumstances, a substantial part of the Serbian population has been intermixed with Hungarians. Their mutual relationship has resulted in more than enough historically memorable events. Out of the conflicts of World War I, Serbs came out as the victors while Hungarians were on the side of the defeated. Consequences of the war in which Serbs and Hungarians fought each other left deep wounds on their mutual relationship. The devastating war blows and hardships which Hungarians brought onto Serbs during World War I have contributed to a certain level of distrust which Serbs felt towards Hungarians between the two world wars. This condition has largely influenced mutual sentiments of both peoples. During the period between the two world wars, Serbs acquired some new attitudes, but even more so strengthened the old ones they have had towards Hungarians. Serbs realized that Hungarians kept their national pride even in the period between the two wars, and that the Hungarian attitude towards Serbs has undergone certain change. The territorial dispute between Hungary as the national state of Hungarians, and Yugoslavia as a country predominantly populated by Serbs, represented the major obstacle and a source of misunderstanding between the two nations. The attitudes of the wider Serbian population towards Hungarians between the two wars are harder to apprehend because there was hardly any such research or analysis done in this period. What is available, however, are various personal i.e. subjective opinions recorded by individual Serbian intellectuals of various profiles of the time. They have acquainted themselves and, to a certain extent, studied both Hungarians who lived in Hungary and the Hungarian national minority who lived in Yugoslavia, mainly throughout the multinational region of Vojvodina. Between the two wars, Serbs held Hungarians in high esteem as serious people who, aside from some warlike and crude traits, possess good work habits, sensibility and integrity. This is evident in the fact that in this period Serbs did not come up with a single pejorative or insulting song, witticism or aphorism in regards to Hungarians. For the purpose of greater understanding and even closeness between the two nations in the future, it would be beneficial to carry out a more extensive research into the mutual relationship of Serbs and Hungarians, as well as of their respective cultural accomplishments, not only in the period between the two wars, but in other periods as well.

Every nation is proud of its national leaders, preserves the memory on them. The Hungarians are no exception, and they gave birth to one of their best sons, who led the national liberation war of 1848 – 1849 and greatly contributed to the birth of their nation. The name of this Hungarian is Lajos Kossuth. Being under the rule of the Habsburg dynasty for a long time, the Hungarian people, who had significant traditions of statesmanship since the Middle Ages, found themselves under the threat of assimilation. Only the ascetic activity of such national leaders as I Szecheny, S. Petőfi, L. Kossuth, F. Deák and others saved Hungarians from such participation. Their activity was most clearly manifested during the revolution and the national liberation war of 1848 – 1849. However, even after the defeat, the leaders had to work on solving the national problems of Hungary and its peoples. In the 60s of the XIX century the views on the political future of former like-minded people diverged diametrically. This applies to the entire spectrum of activities of Ferenc Deák and Lajos Kossuth. The latter, throughout his long life (1802 – 1894), while living in exile, continued to call on all Hungarians to realize the main goal – the restoration of their own independent state, completely separated from the Austrian Empire. The opposite position was taken by the leader of the constitutionalists, the head of the liberal party, F. Deák. Taking into account all internal and external circumstances, he and his numerous like-minded people chose the path of compromise with the dynasty and Austria and advocated the restoration of Hungary’s constitutional rights through purely peaceful means. The political differences between the two national leaders were most clearly manifested during the preparation and conclusion of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian agreement, which determined the state system not only of historical Hungary but also of the entire Habsburg Empire for the next half-century. Among active politicians, it was L. Kossuth who understood the final tragedy of such a compromise choice by the Hungarians, which could bring temporary tactical results but could not ensure strategic national interests.

The aim of this article is to analyse the relations of the three Ottoman vassal provinces (Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia) during the last years of the Long Turkish War (1591/93–1606). The provinces rebelled against the Ottomans at the beginning of the war. Then influenced by the policies of their dynasties or due to the military occupation of the neighbouring great powers such as the Habsburg monarchy, Poland and the Ottoman Empire, they changed the sides of the conflict. The Movilăs (or Movilă family) tried to govern two Romanian voivodships, Moldavia and Wallachia simultaneously. They had a good relation with the Ottomans and they supported rule of István Bocskai (r. 1604–1606), who rebelled against the Habsburgs in 1604 and was elected as the Prince of Transylvania and Hungary by the Hungarian rebels. The voivode of Wallachia, Radu Şerban (r. 1601, 1602–1610, 1611), who secretly allied himself with the Habsburgs, while simultaneously being recognised by the Ottoman side also endorsed him. The Prince of Moldavia, Ieremia Movilă (r. 1595–1606), tried to remove him from the Wallachian throne. He wanted to install his younger brother, Simion (r. 1600–1602 in Wallachia, r. 1606–1607 in Moldavia) – who had once held the title of the Prince of Wallachia – on the Wallachian throne after deposing of Radu Şerban. They formed an alliance with the Ottoman military dignitaries as well as with Bocskai to achieve their goal. Although this was an unsuccessful attempt, they strongly supported the Hungarian uprising. After the death of Ieremia Movilă, his sons tried to gain the power over Moldavia with Polish assistance. By contrast, the Hungarians gave military assistance to Simion against Ieremia’s sons.

Pharmacy activity in Bosnia and Herzegovina was regulated in 1879 by an Order of the Provincial Government, at the beginning of the Austro-Hungarian occupation. The pharmacy owner had to have a doctorate in chemistry or a master's degree in pharmacy obtained at an Austro-Hungarian faculty. The Law on Pharmacies was adopted in 1907. The first modern pharmacy in Banja Luka was opened by Moritz Brammer in 1879. The pharmacy was inherited by his son Robert, who had sons, Ernest, Hans and Alfred, pharmacists. Ernest inherited father's pharmacy, where he worked as of 1921. Hans, also a writer and a publicist, worked in this pharmacy (1921-1930). He emigrated to Israel in 1949. Before World War II, Alfred owned a pharmacy and a drugstore in Zagreb. The Brammer family, a well-known one in Banja Luka, contributed greatly to the cultural and social development of the city in the time in which they lived.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

In my essay I trace how – by which means and through what channels – the Ukrainian song «Ĭхав козак за Дунай» (Kozak was riding beyond the Danube) reached Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth-century and then by the means of German mediation, sprang out onto Hungarian territories. In the German language area, it spread essentially as a folk song. Translated (or rather transcribed) into German by Christopher Tidge, the Ukrainian song reached the Kingdom of Hungary most likely together with the troops that took part in the Napoleon wars. At the same time, another version of the song circulated among the Hungarian elite in German culture. The latter was known as Russisches Lied in the translation of Theodor Körner – it was also in vogue and was distributed mainly in print media. The history of this song that in the first decade of the nineteenth century, gained fame in Czech, Polish, and English, has another line that may be interesting from the point of view of Russian and Hungarian literary connections. In 1814, Russian poet Wilhelm Küchelbecker translated the song into German. His translation which remained in the form of the manuscript and was not known to the reading public reveals an amazing similarity and in some places direct coincidences with the poem by the Hungarian poet Count Ferenc Teleki written presumably before 1820.

Abstract When Bela Bartók entered the Budapest Academy of Music at the turn of the century, Hungary was in the throes of a new national movement for independence from Austria. He therefore decided that his contribution to the cause would be the creation of a specifically Hungarian style of composition, and he sought inspiration in Hungarian popular art song, known as magyar nóta, that is, Hungarian tune or national melody, which was then considered to be the true Hungarian folk music. During the nineteenth century, a large number of such melodies had been composed by amateur musicians of the educated Hungarian classes and published with hackneyed piano accompaniments. The most popular tunes were for the most part disseminated by Gypsy bands in Hungarian and Austrian towns, who performed their repertories with an excess of rubato and ornaments.1 In fact, it was such Gypsy-styled national melodies that Liszt used in his Hungarian Rhapsodies and as source material for the unique tonal language in his Piano Sonata in B Minor.

Gershon Legman was born to poor Hungarian-Romanian immigrants in Scranton, Pennsylvania, in 1917. This chapter lays out the origins of his interest in collecting erotica and folklore and connects his scholarly beginnings to his childhood and early education. Gershon grew up in the intensely pious world of Orthodox Judaism and was, his parents felt, destined to be a rabbi. His childhood was spent in the study of words and texts. As a boy, he chafed at the prudery of his domineering father, and as an adolescent he was appalled by the American censorship regime that kept accurate sex and birth control information out of the hands of ordinary people. Rejecting his parents’ goals for him, Legman became absorbed with the literature and oral traditions of sex and began his extensive collection of dirty jokes. The author uses Legman’s letters and memoirs to explore the familial and personal origins of his lifelong erotic folklore collecting projects, including his purported kinship to Viennese folklorist Friedrich S. Krauss.

Abstract It is perhaps well known how Bartok eventually extended his trips to collect folk music in the territory of Greater Hungary, from the central Hungarian population to the Slovaks in the north and Romanians in the east.1 It is uncertain when he decided to extend his fieldwork to non-European regions. His intention to undertake a North African trip begins with his correspondence of 1911. On July 9, his letter to Mrs. Janos Bu itia from Munich states that he was en route to Paris, “in order to study Arab folk songs.”2 During his stay in Paris, July 11–23, he wrote to his wife, Marta, that he had already purchased an Arab-French dictionary and an Arabic grammar book but did not find any Arab folk song collections. In the same letter, he mentions the possibility of a journey to Africa: “It will be good for you to be carefully accustomed to the heat. Perhaps next summer we will go to such a place.”3

András II (1205-1235) imposed new taxes to be able to support his lavish lifestyle, but he mostly outsourced the collection of these taxes. To increase the number of his allies despite the general discontent, the king gave away royal estates one after another. In response to the protests of the royal servants and the lords on Imre’s side, András II issued the Golden Bull of 1222, in which he promised to abide by the law and to abandon his lavish lifestyle. The Golden Bull was named after the pendant seal that authenticated the charter. From the time of King Béla II onwards, the king used a gold seal on all important documents, but only the Golden Bull of 1222 is usually written with capital letters. It should be added that our historiography also mentions two other golden bulls: the second one was issued by András II in 1231 at the request of the high priests and two of his sons. The third golden bull was issued by King Béla IV, together with his two sons, Stephen the Younger and Béla, Prince of Slavonia.

Abstract In Contrast to his compatriot Zoltán Kodály, Bartók was essentially an instrumental composer, and his comparatively meager list of vocal compositions, though produced throughout his career, is of slighter significance than his work in other fields. Aside from the opera Duke Bluebeard’s Castle, which must be considered a dramatic rather than a vocal work, there are several published groups of original songs, the Cantata profane for double chorus, tenor and baritone soli, and orchestra, and a number of small choral works based upon or inspired by Hungarian folksong. All the rest, whether for solo voice and piano or for chorus, are folksong transcriptions.

Among the texts which were censured by the first editor and therefore not included in the first edition of Chetagurov’s collection Ossetian Harp (1899), a prominent place is held by the poem Dodoj. This composition became soon a ‘revolutionary’ song, it was very spread beyond the boundaries of Ossetia. During the Great War a Danish scholar, Arthur Christensen, and a Hungarian one, Bernát Munkácsi, had the opportunity to work with Ossetic war prisoners. The result of their fieldwork was a collection of different texts and tales. Curiously, in both publications, which were carried out independently, we find the text of Dodoj. The present paper aims at featuring the Latin-based transcriptions provided by the two scholars; in addition, after a philological comparison of both texts with the original version of Kosta’s manuscript, some questions are tackled, which are related to the then pronunciation of some Ossetic sounds and enable to get a diachronic/diatopic insight into some development tendencies of the language in the last century, as well as into the peculiar textual history of Kosta’s poem.

The essay examines the work of Kailstrat Zhakov (1866–1926), a Komi writer, philosopher, and a scholar of the so-called Silver Age in the Russian literary history. He was the author of an original philosophical study of limitism as well as a Komi literary epos “Biarmia”and other works. For Zhakov, the problem of personal, social, national, and ethnocultural identity was relevant at all stages of his literary career; all his life, he was trying to cross boundaries between peoples and cultures, albeit aware of his own liminality and mediality. The chapter discusses the identity problem discussed in his books“Through the Life’s Order”and “To the North, in the Search of Pam Bour-Mort”. In the series,“Songs and Thought of Pam Bour-Mort” (the last book), we encounter a dialogical-engaging and family-kindred type of worldview that is peculiar, according to György Kadar, to Finno-Ugric people. Based on this observation, I draw parallels and discover some similarities between Zhakov and Hungarian poet Andre Adi (a poem“Szeretném ha szeretnének” [I want to be loved]).

Abstract In this chapter you will be introduced to an array of different kinds of questions that concern general networks that are not just trees but in which cycles and multiple edges are permitted between nodes. At first inspection the problems and queries may not seem to be about networks but the underlying network comes to life as a natural model of the situation in each case. But first we look a little more closely at the reasons why nets are becoming more noticed. ‘I’ ve danced with a man, who has danced with a girl, who has danced with the Prince of Wales!’ The idea of this was enough to send the girl singing this old song into raptures. However, as has often been observed, this kind of thing is bound to happen once we start to mix with prominent people. Even if we make a point of avoiding celebrities all our lives, it was observed, apparently by the Hungarian writer Frigyes Karinthy as early as 1929, that it is more than likely that any two people on Earth could be linked through a chain of no more than five personal acquaintances.

This paper looks at research on music teachers’ attitudes towards folk songs. The investigation of the Department of Music, Faculty of Education, Masaryk University in Brno began by looking at the situation in the Czech Republic and was subsequently extended to a broader European context. Our analysis compares the first results obtained in Hungary and the Netherlands, emphasizing the current state of cultural and social change and its impact on teaching folk songs in schools. In addition to the above, it also presents the current position of folklore in contemporary Hungarian and Dutch society.