Teses / dissertações: "Human rights – press coverage"

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McPherson, Ella Elizabeth. "Human rights reporting in Mexico." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252214.

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John, Cornelia. "FGM in Swedish press : A dissertation examining the journalistic coverage of female genital mutilation (FGM) in Swedish press." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-144056.

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What topics are discussed within the female genital mutilation debate? And who gets to speak out? Are there any prominent patterns able to detect? This thesis tries to elaborate these thoughts examining the journalistic coverage of FGM in Swedish newspapers during the year of 2016. A content analysis of all published newspapers during the year of interest sets the empirical basis, and is supported by interviews with journalists covering the issue. The dissertation holds a constructionist approach meaning that the perception of reality is constructed, and thereof differs. This approach also clarifies that there is no constant truth, but several. Findings within the empirical data are mainly discussed connected to feminist theory as well as the concept of agenda-setting, eventually involving discussions about human rights issue as a value for journalism. What is clear here is that women are overrepresented within the debate, and are depicted as strong individuals, are seldom victimized or depicted in stereotyped gender roles as opposed by scholars. Meanwhile, participating journalists are somewhat semi-aware about their own portrayals since they opine that they are focusing on representing female characters in their articles. This might indicate that the FGM debate is unilaterally represented in some ways. The result also shows a clear pattern in representing FGM in media as a global issue treating the prevalence of FGM around the world, even when a domestic perspective is used. The issue of interest is also perceived as a procedure aiming to control women and/or their sexuality in a quite vast extent, scholarly as well as empirically

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Gomes, Cléber Moletta. "A CONSTRUÇÃO DAS NOTÍCIAS PELAS ASSESSORIAS DE IMPRENSA DA TERRA DE DIREITOS, CONECTAS DIREITOS HUMANOS E JUSTIÇA GLOBAL." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2016. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/51.

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Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T13:42:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MOLETTA,Cleber.pdf: 1401047 bytes, checksum: c5b661da2ecdd011d84f505f0681fc9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior This research studies the construction of the news by the human rights organizations's press offices Terra de Direitos, Justiça Global and Conectas Direitos Humanos. For this, the paper analyzes the media coverage held by the press offices of the institutions in three events. The research is based on the press relations's concepts, theories of constructionist perspective about journalism and the media coverage's concept. The method used was discourse analysis, focusing on a qualitative approach of the study object. They evaluated the appropriation strategies of journalistic discourse in the construction of news, considering the mediatized environment circulation and generating directions. It was found that the institutions take ownership and betting on journalistic discourse as a way to midiatizar their actions and provide directions in a traffic environment. The political and ideological positioning of entities is considered inthe definition of discursive strategies. The news of the construction of journalistic techniques are appropriate by the assessors. Their discursive offers betting on different possibilities in the appropriation and generation of directions. With this research, we hope to contribute with studies on the role of the press offices of human rights organizations in the face of intense media coverage in social discourses. Esta pesquisa estuda a construção da notícia pelas assessorias de imprensa das organizações de defesa dos direitos humanos Terra de Direitos, Justiça Global e Conectas Direitos Humanos. Para tanto, o trabalho analisa a cobertura jornalística realizada pelas assessorias de imprensa das instituições em três acontecimentos. A investigação é fundamentada nos conceitos de assessoria de imprensa, nas teorias do jornalismo de perspectiva construcionista e no conceito de midiatização. O método empregado foi a análise do discurso, privilegiando uma abordagem qualitativa do objeto de estudo. Foram avaliadas as estratégias de apropriação do discurso jornalístico na construção das notícias, considerando o ambiente midiatizado de circulação e geração de sentidos. Constatou-se que as instituições se apropriam e apostam no discurso jornalístico como forma de midiatizar suas ações e oferecer sentidos em um ambiente de circulação. O posicionamento político e ideológico das entidades é considerado na definição de estratégias discursivas. As técnicas jornalísticas de construção da notícia são apropriadas pelos assessores. Suas ofertas discursivas apostam em diferentes possibilidades de apropriação e geração de sentidos. Com esta pesquisa, espera-se contribuir com estudos sobre a atuação das assessorias de imprensa de entidades de defesa dos direitos humanos diante da intensa midiatização dos discursos sociais.

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Castillo, Deborah Marie. "Human Rights and American Media Coverage: Nicaragua, 1979 and 1983." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292176.

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Oby, Michael Randolph. "Black Press Coverage of the Emmett Till Lynching as a Catalyst to the Civil Rights Movement." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_theses/20.

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BLACK PRESS COVERAGE OF THE EMMETT TILL LYNCHING AS A CATALYST TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by MICHAEL OBY Under the Direction of Leonard Teel ABSTRACT The movement for civil rights in America gathered momentum throughout the 1950s. In the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown vs. The Board of Education ruling, declaring unconstitutional permissive or mandatory school segregation, the white South responded with both passive and active resistance. In the midst of this ferment, an African-American boy from Chicago was lynched in Mississippi. Subsequent stories in the black press reported not only Emmett Till’s murder and the trial, but also a widening mobilization within the race, notably the creation of associations in defense of civil rights. The coverage of news and views in the black press provide substantial evidence that this mobilization ignited the civil rights movement of the mid-1950s, just months before the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott led by Martin Luther King Jr. This research supports the view that the black community’s mobilization during the months after Till’s murder served as a catalyst for the civil rights movement.

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Thompson, Mark A. "Space Race: African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/.

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Using African American newspapers, this study examines the consensual opinion of articles and editorials regarding two events associated with the space race. One event is the Soviet launch of Sputnik on October 4, 1957. The second is the Apollo 11 moon landing on July 20, 1969. Space Race investigates how two scientific accomplishments achieved during the Cold War and the civil rights movement stimulated debate within the newspapers, and that ultimately centered around two questions: why the Soviets were successful in launching a satellite before the US, and what benefits could come from landing on the moon. Anti-intellectualism, inferior public schools, and a lack of commitment on the part of the US government are arguments offered for analysis by black writers in the two years studied. This topic involves the social conditions of African Americans living within the United States during an era when major civil rights objectives were achieved. Also included are considerations of how living in a "space age" contributed to thoughts about civil rights, as African Americans were now living during a period in which science fiction was becoming reality. In addition, this thesis examines how two scientific accomplishments achieved during this time affected ideas about education, science, and living conditions in the U.S. that were debated by black writers and editors, and subsequently circulated for readers to ponder and debate. This paper argues that black newspapers viewed Sputnik as constituting evidence for an inferior US public school system, contrasted with the Soviet system. Due to segregation between the races and anti-intellectual antecedents in America, black newspapers believed that African Americans were an "untapped resource" that could aid in the Cold War if their brains were utilized. The Apollo moon landing was greeted with enthusiasm because of the universal wonder at landing on the moon itself and the prowess demonstrated by the collective commitment and organization necessary to achieve such an objective by decades end. However, consistently accompanying this adulation is disappointment that domestic problems were not given the same type of funding or national commitment.

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Morrison, Christa (De Swardt). "Human stem cell research : tracking media attention in time from 1998-2005." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1043.

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Thesis (MA (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. Moral questions arising from advances in science and technology are proliferating exponentially. Much controversy surrounds the ways in which biotechnology is used to eradicate a vast range of diseases and injuries. Stem cell research is one such way. Throughout the world stem cell research has been met with varying responses that range from opposition and criticism to approval and advocacy. As a result, it has attracted significant attention from the news media. The media have been accused of bias by focusing only on the controversial aspects of the research as opposed to reporting fully and fairly on the remarkable scientific advances. In this study I look at the patterns of media attention paid to stem cell research in the international weekly magazine Time between November 1998 and September 2005 inclusive. Contrary to the results expected on the basis of my literature study which pointed out the notion that the media tend to focus on sensational news more than non-controversial issues, I found that Time did a fair job in reporting on the scientific aspects of stem cell research. The percentage content of articles by year, focusing on scientific information of stem cells, dominated other news frames. The two years following the 2000 and 2004 American presidential elections, are however marked by the dominance of policy frames. This study found that Time covered controversial issues like embryonic stem cell research, public funding debates and political policy development in direct relation to their rise and fall on the political agenda in the United States.

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Tisdale, John Rochelle 1958. "Medgar Evers (1925-1963) and the Mississippi Press." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278976/.

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Medgar Evers was gunned down in front of his home in June 1963, a murder that went unpunished for almost thirty years. Assassinated at the height of the civil rights movement, Evers is a relatively untreated figure in either popular or academic writing. This dissertation includes three themes. Evers's death defined his life, particularly his public role. The other two themes define his relationship with the press in Mississippi (and its structure), and his relationship to the various civil rights organizations, including his employer, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Was the newspaper press, both state and national, fair in its treatment of Evers? Did the press use Evers to further the civil rights agenda or to retard that movement, and was Evers able to employ the press as a public relations tool in promoting the NAACP agenda? The obvious answers have been that the Mississippi press editors and publishers defended segregation and that Evers played a minor role in the civil rights movement. Most newspaper publishers and editorial writers slanted the news to promote segregation but not all newspapers editors. The Carters of Greenville, J. Oliver Emmerich of McComb and weekly editors Ira Harkey and Hazel Brannon Smith denounced the segregationist groups. Evers, too, is not easily defined. His life's work produced few results but his mere presence in the most racist state in the country provided other civil rights organizers with an example of personal strength and fortitude unmatched in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The dissertation reviewed the existing primary and secondary source material, and included personal interviews with primary participants in the Jackson boycotts of 1963. Evers compares with Abraham Lincoln in that both received little credit for their accomplishments until more than thirty years after their assassinations. Both represented the democratic philosophy of the common man's ability to achieve deeds not possible in a caste system.

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Ezewudo, Gabriel Ejikeme. "Playing "Carrot and Stick" : Canadian press coverage of Nigeria on the hanging of nine Ogoni rights activists, November-December 1995." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0003/MQ39935.pdf.

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Jessie, Alison Leigh. "Questions of Citizenship: Oregonian Reactions to Japanese Immigrants' Quest for Naturalization Rights in the United States, 1894-1952." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2644.

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This study examines the discrimination against Japanese immigrants in U.S. naturalization law up to 1952 and how it was covered in the Oregonian newspaper, one of the oldest and most widely read newspapers on the West Coast. The anti-Japanese movement was much larger in California, but this paper focuses on the attitudes in Oregon, which at times echoed sentiments in California but at other times conveyed support for Japanese naturalization. Naturalization laws at the turn of the century were vague, leaving the task of defining who was white, and thus eligible for naturalization, to the courts. Japanese applicants were often denied, but until the federal government clarified which immigrants could or could not become citizens, the subject remained open to debate. "Ineligibility to naturalization" was often used as a code for "Japanese" in discriminatory land use laws and similar legislation at the state level in California and in other western states. This study highlights several factors which influenced Oregonian editorials on the subject. First, the fear of offending Japan and provoking war with that empire was a foremost concern of Oregonian editors. California's moves to use naturalization law to prevent Japanese immigrants from owning land were seen as dangerous because they damaged relations with Japan and could lead to war. The Oregonian went so far as to recommend Japanese naturalization during the First World War. However, war and foreign relations were federal issues, thus the second theme seen throughout Oregonian editorials was deference to federal authority on questions related to naturalization. While suggesting that naturalization for existing immigrants might be good policy, the Oregonian urged the federal government to settle the matter. Once the Supreme Court ruled against Asian naturalization in 1922 and 1923, the Oregonian dropped its push for such rights. Nativism was another theme that influenced opinions at this time, and before 1923 the Oregonian generally opposed extreme nativist positions, while at the same time advocating for limits to Japanese immigration and against mixed marriages. This paper does not deal with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II because naturalization was not the issue for the anti-exclusion movement at the time. Citizenship did not give the Nisei, second generation Japanese American citizens, any protection against their wartime removal from the West Coast. This study returns to the issue of naturalization for Japanese immigrants after the war, as a number of Issei, first generation Japanese immigrants, still lived in the United States but were denied citizenship, even though most had been in the country for decades at that point. There was less opposition to Japanese naturalization after the war due to the noted loyalty of the Japanese during the war, the focus on human rights as an issue promoted by the new United Nations, and Cold War politics which demanded better relations with Japan and thus fairer treatment of Japanese living in the United States. The Oregonian editorials reflected the shift in public opinion throughout the country in favor of lifting the racial bar to citizenship. Japanese Americans in Oregon were active in the campaign to change U.S. naturalization law. The issue was more important to the Japanese American community than it was to the Oregonian editorial board by then, as other Cold War events took precedence on the front and op-ed pages of the newspaper.

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Aykota, Cansu. "Painting the steps : a socio-legal analysis of the freedom of the press in Turkey." Thesis, Brunel University, 2016. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13657.

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Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.

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Seo, Hyunjin. "Media coverage of six-party talks a comparative study on media content and journalists' perceptions /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5005.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 30, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

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Del, Toro Marilu. "The discursive impact of transnational advocacy networks : how amnesty international and human rights watch influenced the media coverage of the Rwanda genocide." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2765.

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Initial representations of the Rwanda genocide in the Western media were at best inaccurate and at worst, stereotypical, citing African "tribal savagery" and "centuries-old tribal hatred" as the reason for the mass killings. Two major human rights organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, had the opportunity to correct media portrayals and help shape the agenda for policymakers. The purpose of this study was to take a critical look at media portrayals and discover whether these two nongovernmental organizations played a role in influencing the coverage. An extensive media analysis of three elite Western newspapers found that NGOs were the single largest source of nuanced political explanations countering stereotypes of African "tribal warfare." Human Rights Watch, in particular, played a pivotal role in sensitizing the media to the genocide's character as a planned, politically motivated campaign.

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Zegarra, Medina Raúl E. "Hans Joas: The Sacredness of the Person: A New Genealogy of Human Rights, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013, 217 pp." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112735.

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Ertle, Lynne 1963. "Antique Ladies : Women and Newspapers on the Oregon Frontier, 1846-1859." Thesis, University of Oregon, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12275.

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viii, 234 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT PN4897.O74 E78 1995 Studies have shown that women's ideas, especially those that challenge the status quo, have historically received little attention from the press. This thesis discusses how women were described in three of Oregon's frontier newspapers from 1846 to 1859, and also explores their contributions to the newspapers as writers, poets, editors, and businesswomen. Information from established American media clipped for the frontier papers described popular, mainstream ideas of womanhood, as well as provided news on the emerging women's rights struggle. Information generated locally on women encompassed a variety of themes, including marriage, education, and temperance. This study shows that even though content about women and women's roles as contributors were constrained by contemporary ideas of propriety and women's place in society, women were valued as readers and contributors to the three Oregon newspapers. Committee in charge: Dr. Lauren Kessler, Chair; Dr. Timothy Gleason, Dr. Leslie Steeves

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Andreasson, Tobias Martin English Media &amp Performing Arts Faculty of Arts &amp Social Sciences UNSW. "Human rights obligations and Australian newspapers: a media monitoring project, using peace journalism to evaluate Australian newspaper coverage of the 2004 HREOC report regarding children in detention centres." Publisher:University of New South Wales. English, Media, & Performing Arts, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41211.

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This research thesis investigates news journalists?? role in the promotion and protection of peace and human rights. I explore how news journalists do not just have the ability, through the discursive selections they make, to be a catalyst for peace and non-violent solutions, it is their obligation under international human rights. My study links arguments about universal ethics for media based on international human rights with the practical and analytical approach of ??peace journalism??. The main argument rests on the idea that objectivity or impartiality in news journalism does not equal ethical neutrality since there is always a discursive selection made by the news journalists. In order to monitor whether news journalists discursive selections comply with the international human rights obligations, I have explored how the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (HREOC) report A Last Resort? were covered in three Australian newspapers when it was published in 2004. The HREOC report was a testament of human rights abuses by the Australian Federal Governments towards children in Australian detention centres. I establish that health professionals were a significant group for both HREOC??s main findings and recommendations and a key group for the contextualisation of the human rights violations explored and exposed in the HREOC report. Informed by conflict analysis and peace studies theories I argue HREOC establish how the detention policy equals ??structural violence?? that caused ??direct violence??, which was justified and normalised because ??cultural violence??. I use discourse analysis to explore the discursive selections in the newspapers, and establish that the report received limited coverage and health professionals were omitted in the news while the political conflict was reported. This trivialised the report and health professionals?? role, which led to the naturalisation and normalisation of the violence. I finally reinforce these finding by exploring alternatives to the coverage using a peace journalism framework, which further clarifies the subjective nature of the discursive selection.

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Braziunaite, Ramune. "Isolated Incidents or Deliberate Policy? Media Framing of U.S. Abu Ghraib and British Detainee Abuse Scandals During the Iraq War." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1308595914.

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Shake, Itumeleng Pascalina. "Who is watching who? Regulation of media and freedom of expression in Uganda : a critical analysis of the Press and Journalists Act of 1995." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8081.

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Critically examines the regulation of media through the Press and Journalists Act in Uganda. Also makes a comparative analysis of different forms of media regulation in other jurisdictions and recommends best practices which might be useful for Uganda Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof Frederick Jjuuko, Faculty of Law Makerere University Uganda http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ Centre for Human Rights LLM

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Massuda, Arthur Serra. "Controles na liberdade de expressao: a 1ª Conferência Nacional de Comunicação na imprensa." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/4554.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:13:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Serra Massuda.pdf: 750486 bytes, checksum: a94d17970647e98177cc392c42aed3b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-10 This research reviews the Brazilian press reports on the First National Conference on Communications (Confecom). It combines concepts from Michel Foucault‟s discourse theory, particulary his concept of procedures on discourse control, and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe‟s political theory of discourse. The selection of press reports on Confecom included those from newspapers Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo, in December 2009, when the conference took place. The review reveals a journalistic discourse controlled by an end-oriented rationality, constituting an invisible space around violations of freedom of expression denounced by the conference. The research included analysis on documents from the Confecom Organizing Commission, in order to assess how debates were expected to occur. Results reveal a debate where discourses were divided into thematic axis and work groups, while their effectiveness is controlled by vote procedures. A model of public debate where the press is a protagonist, i.e. subjects articulating journalistic techniques express themselves through mainly private means of communication, can be found on recommendations from the Organization of American States‟ inter-American system of freedom of expression and is designed based on democratic needs. In these recommendations, democracy is analogue to a utilitarian liberalism that Foucault points out on government practices during 18th century, aiming the management of public and private interests. Among the democratic needs, the journalistic quest toward public interest is questioned as it demands specific configuration on the political economy of communications in order to work properly. Otherwise, it is always vulnerable to an overdetermination of particular interests on this quest. On the other hand, by maintaining an unsolvable public-private antagonism, such liberal position, though a necessity to the inter-American-recommended democracy, does not measure up to the radical democracy need advocated by Mouffe on The Democratic Paradox, meaning the inclusion of those excluded from and by political processes. In the conclusion, an effort to constitute a public debate to achieve this need is developed based on Axel Honneth theory of recognition. On such a debate, journalistic discourse is controlled by a resistance to experiences of disrespect Esta pesquisa investiga a cobertura da imprensa brasileira sobre a Primeira Conferência Nacional de Comunicação (Confecom). Para tal, parte da teoria de discurso de Michel Foucault e em especial do conceito de procedimentos de controle do discurso, bem como da teoria política do discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. A análise da cobertura sobre a Confecom foi realizada no corpus constituído pelos jornais Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de São Paulo e O Globo, no mês de dezembro de 2009, data da realização da etapa nacional da referida conferência. O resultado da análise revela um discurso jornalístico controlado por uma racionalidade voltada para fins, criando um espaço de invisibilidade em torno das violações de liberdade de expressão denunciadas pela conferência. Além da análise midiática, examinamos também os próprios documentos da Comissão Organizadora da Confecom, acompanhando como os debates se deram na etapa nacional. O resultado mostra um debate efetuado a partir de uma divisão em eixos temáticos e grupos de trabalho e de sua efetividade a partir de procedimentos de votação. O modelo de um debate público capitaneado pela imprensa, em que sujeitos articulados pela técnica jornalística difundem suas expressões por meios de comunicação sobretudo privados, pode ser encontrado nas recomendações do sistema interamericano de liberdade de expressão, da Organização dos Estados Americanos, e é constituído a partir das necessidades da democracia. Nessas recomendações, a democracia opera de forma análoga ao liberalismo utilitário que Foucault discute nas práticas de governo a partir do séc. 18, voltadas para a gestão de interesses entre o público e o privado. Entre as necessidades democráticas, a busca jornalística pelo interesse público se destaca por exigir uma configuração específica na economia política da comunicação para o debate público funcionar adequadamente, caso contrário, lida-se com a ameaça constante da sobredeterminação dessa busca pelo interesse particular. Por outro lado, ao sustentar um discurso produtor de um antagonismo inconciliável, essa posição liberal, embora necessária para a democracia recomendada pelo sistema interamericano, não atende às necessidades da democracia radical defendida por Mouffe em The Democratic Paradox, que busca a inclusão constante daqueles excluídos pelo e do processo político. Ao final, esboça-se uma possibilidade atender às necessidades da democracia radical por meio do controle do discurso jornalístico a partir do enfrentamento de experiências de desrespeito, com os fundamentos da teoria do reconhecimento de Axel Honneth

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Turner, Holly D. "Examining the Concepts, Situation and Inner Contradictions of the Chinese Media Through the News Reporting of Sudden Incidents in 2008." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1237941394.

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Podkowik, Jan. "Journalistic monitoring and privilege in the era of new telecommunications technologies under the Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115856.

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The digital age has reconfigured the security services, especially the forms of mass surveillance aimed at preventing various threats to society. However, this scenario may become problematic from the perspective of protecting the freedom of the media and journalistic privilege. The author of this article offers an overview of the scope of the protection of the journalistic privilege pursuant to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as well as its management in Poland from the developments prepared by its Constitutional Court. La era digital ha reconfigurado los servicios de seguridad, sobre todo las formas de vigilancia masiva que buscan prevenir distintas amenazas para la sociedad. No obstante, este escenario puede convertirse en problemático desde la perspectiva de la protección de la libertad de los medios de comunicación y del privilegio periodístico. El autor del presente artículo nos ofrece un panorama sobre los alcances de la tutela del privilegio periodístico en el Convenio Europeo para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos y de las Libertades Fundamentales, así como sobre su tratamiento en Polonia a partir de los desarrollos realizados por su Tribunal Constitucional.

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Jurumenha, Mary Andréa Alves. "O retrato em movimento das violações de direitos humanos nos jornais de Cascavel: sua inferência sobre a rebelião da Penitenciária Estadual de Cascavel em 24 de agosto 2014." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2017. http://tede.unioeste.br/handle/tede/3714.

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Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2018-05-28T19:37:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mary_Jurumenha_2017.pdf: 2071836 bytes, checksum: d92615b7e73ad3995ba21ee5d6383b27 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-28T19:37:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mary_Jurumenha_2017.pdf: 2071836 bytes, checksum: d92615b7e73ad3995ba21ee5d6383b27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-22 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES The objective of this work was to investigate the possible association between the events of August 24, 2014, at the State Penitentiary of Cascavel-PEC , which is the target of interpretations lacking in scientificity, both by the local press and by the national press and official data from the Penitentiary Department National. Official information has not yet been released, and the only consensus so far is that conditions set by law have not been met. From this perspective, we pass on the importance of this work linked to the prison institution, since it is the State that selects sentences and protects the grieving. To that end, it has a multidisciplinary team in prisons and other welfare agencies, for which the maintenance and guarantee of human rights is a key element in resolving conflicts and verifying the suppression of human dignity. We revere the traditional works that deal with Human Rights, but our study will be focused largely on Brazilian works, written by authors who know our reality and dedicate themselves to discussing the theme. The purpose of this study is to understand, understand and analyze the rebellion that occurred in Cascavel, indicating whether or not there was a violation of the human rights of detainees and those directly associated with them. In order to complete this verification, we use the local press data and the National Report of Penitentiary Information-INFOPEN . These sources allow us to recognize that there is a historical social segregation, which disrupts collective living, having as its last expression the prison system. Objetivou-se com esse trabalho investigar a possível associação entre os acontecimentos de 24 de agosto de 2014, na Penitenciária Estadual de Cascavel-PEC , alvo de interpretações carentes de cientificidade, tanto pela imprensa local, quanto pelo Departamento Penitenciário Nacional. Informações oficiais ainda não foram divulgadas, e o único consenso até agora é que condições estabelecidas por leis não foram cumpridas. Por este prisma, passamos a importância do presente trabalho vinculado à instituição prisional, já que é o Estado quem seleciona, sentencia e tutela os apenados. Para tanto, dispõe de equipe multidisciplinar nos estabelecimentos prisionais e demais órgãos assistenciais, para os quais a manutenção e garantia dos direitos humanos é peça fundamental para dirimir conflitos e verificar a supressão da dignidade humana. Reverenciamos as obras tradicionais que tratam dos direitos humanos e humanização das penas, mas nosso estudo referenciou-se em grande parte nas obras brasileiras, escritas por autores que conhecem a nossa realidade e se dedicam a discutir o tema. O objetivo desse estudo é compreender, apreender e analisar a rebelião ocorrida em Cascavel, apontando se houve ou não violação dos direitos humanos dos detentos e das pessoas diretamente ligadas a eles. Para concluir essa verificação, nos utilizamos dos dados de matérias jornalísticas da imprensa local (Hoje, Gazeta do Paraná e O Paraná), e também do Relatório Nacional de Informações Penitenciárias-INFOPEN . Essas fontes nos permitem reconhecer que existe uma segregação social histórica, que desordena o convívio coletivo, tendo como última expressão o sistema carcerário.

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Danbury, Richard M. "The 'full liberty of public writers' : special treatment of journalism in English law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5299bf69-f793-4280-9525-9f3cc6f50ccc.

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This thesis investigates whether institutional journalism should receive special treatment at the hands of the law. Special treatment encompasses the affording of benefits to and the imposition of liabilities on journalistic institutions and the individuals who work for them. The arguments against special treatment are pragmatic and theoretical: pragmatic arguments emphasise, inter alia, the difficulty of providing a definition of journalism, and theoretical arguments emphasise the difficulty in explaining why special treatment can be coherent. The former can be addressed by describing how special treatment is already afforded to institutional journalism, both liabilities and benefits, to individuals and institutions, and showing that some of the problems foreseen by the pragmatic arguments have not proved as difficult as they appear. The arguments that special treatment is incoherent can be addressed by arguing that the credibility and assessability of institutional journalism still provide a prima facie rationale for special treatment irrespective of the rise of public speech on the Internet, when combined with the integral nature of journalism to democracy. Two basic arguments are advanced why this is so. The first, the free speech values argument, is a consequentialist account that holds that special treatment is appropriate when (or because) institutional journalism contributes to free speech values. It is attractive, but presents difficulties, both when considered in the abstract and when applied to the free speech value of democracy. The second, a rights-based argument, based on the notion that freedoms of speech and of the Press are distinguishable, can be based on either on Dworkin’s theory of rights as trumps or Raz’s theory of rights as interests. Raz’s account is preferable, as it complements the free speech values thesis in explaining the coherence of special treatment.

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Sendra, Mestre Maria Assumpta. "Tractament de la Pau a la premsa escrita. Mediació i accions a favor de la pau davant dels conflictes a través de l’anàlisi de notícies internacionals a La Vanguardia, El País i Avui des del setembre de 2008 al setembre de 2009." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/63200.

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L'objectiu principal de la tesi és la descripció del tractament del concepte de pau a la premsa escrita, a partir de 360 notícies seleccionades de la secció internacional de tres diaris: LA VANGUARDIA, EL PAÍS i AVUI. Cada diari té un estil diferent d'enfocar aquest terna i per això es descriu el perfil deis tres diaris. El tractament de la pau obre un ampli camp d'estudi perquè el concepte "pau" ha existit sempre en el transcurs de la historia de la humanitat; s'han fet i es fan esforços per treballar a favor de la pau i per aconseguir-Ia a partir de diferents agents, des deis estaments polítics i ONG fins a la societat civil. Constatem que les accions de pau, que són moltes, són presents en la societat i en el món, però no són notícia prioritària en els mitjans de comunicació. En I'àmbit del periodisme hi ha periodistes i informadors que fan ressaltar el sentit ètic de la professió i de la informació. El periodisme per la pau és considerat com una actitud que hauria d'afavorir una política d'informació promotora de pau, que contemplés els drets humans, i alhora els deures, i contribuís a resoldre molts deis conflictes reconeguts mundialment. Després d'analitzar les notícies, es constata un concepte de pau més ampli, que fa referència a processos de pacificació com ara acords i negociacions de pau, entre d'altres, que han permès detectar els gestos de mediació i les accions concretes a favor de la pau davant deis conflictes. Atesa I'extraordinària complexitat de les noticies seleccionades hem optat per c1assificar-les en set blocs temàtics: Estats Units, Orient Mitja, Àfrica, Amèrica Llatina, Àsia, Europa i Vaticà. Així es mostra una radiografia de les principals àrees relacionades amb els conflictes. A la premsa escrita el concepte de pau apareix, sovint massa simplificat, per això presentem diferents pautes i criteris que contribueixen afer possible un periodisme per la pau. El objetivo principal de la tesis es la descripción del tratamiento del concepto de paz en la prensa escrita, a partir de 360 noticias seleccionadas de las secciones internacionales de tres periódicos: LA VANGUARDIA, EL PAÍS y AVUI. Cada periódico tiene un estilo diferente de enfocar este tema y por se describe el perfil de los tres periódicos. El tratamiento de la paz abre un amplio campo de estudio porque el concepto "paz" ha existido siempre en el transcurso de la historia de la humanidad; se han hecho y se hacen esfuerzos para trabajar a favor de la paz e intentar conseguirla a partir de diferentes agentes, desde los estamentos políticos y ONG hasta la sociedad civil. Constatamos que las acciones de paz, que son muchas, están presentes en la sociedad y en el mundo, pero no son noticia prioritaria en los medios de comunicación. En el ámbito del periodismo hay periodistas e informadores que hacen resaltar el sentido ético de la profesión y de la información. El periodismo por la paz es considerado como una actitud que debería favorecer una política de información promotora de paz, que contemplara los derechos humanos, y a la vez los deberes, y contribuyera a resolver muchos de los conflictos reconocidos mundialmente. Después de analizar las noticias, se constata un concepto de paz más amplio, que hace referencia a procesos de pacificación como acuerdos y negociaciones de paz, entre otros, que han permitido detectar los gestos de mediación y las acciones concretas a favor de la paz ante los conflictos. Dada la extraordinaria complejidad de las noticias seleccionadas hemos optado clasificarlas en siete bloques temáticos: Estados Unidos, Oriente Medio, África, América Latina, Asia, Europa y Vaticano. Así se muestra una radiografía de las principales áreas relacionadas con los conflictos. En la prensa escrita el concepto de paz aparece, a menudo demasiado simplificado, por eso presentamos diferentes pautas y criterios que contribuyen a hacer posible un periodismo por la paz. The main objective of the present thesis is the description of the concept of peace in the press, out of 360 news selected from the international sections of three newspapers: LA VANGUARDIA, EL PAÍS and AVUI. Each newspaper has a different style of approaching this issue and the way we describe the profile of the three newspapers. The subject of peace opens a wide range of study, since the concept of "peace" has always existed in the course of the history of mankind; in addition, some efforts have been made and are still made to work for peace and to try to reach it outside of different actors, from political estates and ONG to civil society. We find that peace actions, which are many, are well present in our society and in the world, but they don't make big news in the media. In the field of journalism there are journalists and reporters that emphasize the ethical sense of the profession and the responsible information given to the general public. The journalism on peace issues is regarded as an attitude that should favor a policy to promote peace information, which takes into account the human rights as well as the human obligations that would contribute to resolve many well known worldwide conflicts. After analyzing the news, a broader concept of peace emerges; a concept that refers to pacification processes such as peace agreements and negotiations, among others, and which have identified mediation signs and concrete actions for peace in conflict situations. Given the extraordinary complexity of the selected news we have chosen, we classify them into seven thematic sections: USA, Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe and the Vatican, This just shows a first picture of the main areas related to conflict. In the press the concept of peace often appears oversimplified, for that reason we propose different guidelines and criteria that may contribute to make possible the journalism on peace.

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Silva, Rodrigo Rosa da. "Imprimindo a resistencia : a imprensa anarquista e a repressão politica em São Paulo (1930-1945)." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281753.

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Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T19:26:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RodrigoRosada_M.pdf: 2447945 bytes, checksum: b399743e3d50183d6064b0dff535de86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 Resumo: Fruto de pesquisa junto aos acervos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS) e aos jornais anarquistas compilados por militantes e depositados no Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth na UNICAMP, esse trabalho demonstra, para além da sobrevivência do anarquismo nos anos 1930, suas atividades relacionadas à prática sindical, política e cultural. Tendo os periódicos libertários e os prontuários da polícia política como fontes privilegiadas, aponta, por um lado, a vigilância e repressão exercida contra a imprensa anarquista, e por outro a resistência às arbitrariedades policiais em voga durante a ditadura de Getúlio Vargas. Durante a pesquisa ficou evidente a intensa agitação anarquista dos primeiros anos pós-golpe de 1930, passando pelas ondas repressivas de 1935 a 1937, chegando até meados da década de 1940. As ações de apoio aos prisioneiros levadas a cabo pelo Comitê Pró Presos Sociais colocava em prática a solidariedade tão cara aos anarquistas. Discute-se o conceito de crime político e de crime de Estado, para melhor compreender as práticas ilegais vigentes na época Abstract: As a result of researches through the DEOPS (State Department of Political and Social Order) and the anarchist newspapers compiled by militants and deposited in Edgard Leuenroth¿s Archive (AEL) in the UNICAMP, this work demonstrate, beyond the survive of the anarchism in the 1930¿s, its activities related to trade-union, political and cultural practices. Taking libertarians periodics and political police documents as selected source, points the surveilance and the repression against the anarchist press, and on the other hand the resistance to police arbitrariness of the Getúlio Vargas dictatorship. During the research appears the intense anarchist agitation on the first years after the 1930¿s coup d¿etat, pasing throgh the repressives waves of 1935 and 1937, going to middle 1940¿s. Support actions to the prisoners taken by the Pro Social Prisoners Committee put in practice the anarchist solidarity. Discussing the concept of political crime and the state crime, try to understand the ilegal actions in existence on that period Mestrado Historia Social do Trabalho Mestre em História

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Onana, Auguste Charles. "Rwanda, l'Opération Turquoise et la controverse médiatique (1994-2014) : analyse des enquêtes journalistiques, des documents secret-défense et de la stratégie militaire." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3083.

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Le 22 juin 1994, le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU vote la résolution 929 autorisantle déploiement d’une force multinationale humanitaire, neutre et impartiale au Rwandaayant pour mission de mettre fin aux massacres. Concrètement, c’est la France, àl’initiative de ce projet, qui va assurer le commandement de la mission dénomméeOpération Turquoise. Celle-ci se heurte à l’opposition des rebelles tutsis du FrontPatriotique Rwandais, aux réserves des organisations humanitaires mais elle reçoit lesoutien appuyé du gouvernement intérimaire rwandais hutu. L’Opération Turquoisesuscite surtout une vague d’accusations dans la presse française, le président FrançoisMitterrand et les militaires français étant accusés de « complicité de génocide », voire de« participation au génocide ». Ces accusations perdurent et reviennent régulièrementdepuis plus de vingt ans, relayées par des journalistes qui disent avoir découvert puisrévélé « l’inavouable » rôle de la France au Rwanda.Cette étude analyse les enquêtes journalistiques menées de 1994 à 2014 et lesconfronte aux documents confidentiels et secret-défense issus des archives américaines,françaises, rwandaises et onusiennes, ainsi qu’à la stratégie militaire mise en oeuvredurant l’Opération Turquoise. Elle permet ainsi d’identifier les sources sur lesquellesreposent ces accusations et d’en évaluer le bien-fondé. Ce faisant, elle met en évidence lafaçon dont la recherche s’est concentrée sur le génocide au détriment de la lutte arméeinitiée par le FPR de 1990 à juillet 1994, laissant de côté des aspects essentiels à lacompréhension de la tragédie rwandaise On the 22nd June 1994, the UN Security Council passes the resolution 929authorising the deployment of a multinational humanitarian, neutral and impartial force toRwanda having as its mission to put an end to the massacres. In concrete terms, it isFrance, on initiative of this project, who goes to carry out the command of the missionnamed Operation Turquoise. This comes up against the opposition of the Tutsis rebels ofthe Rwandan Patriotic Front, to the reservations of the humanitarian organisations but itreceives the backup support of the acting Rwandan Hutu government. OperationTurquoise incites above all a wave of accusations in the French press, with the PresidentFrançois Mitterand and the French military soldiers being accused of 'complicity ingenocide', even of taking part in the genocide. These accusations have endured and havebeen regularly coming back for more than twenty years, relayed by journalists who claimto have discovered then revealed the shameful role of France in RwandaThis study analyses the journalistic inquiries led from 1994 to 2014 and comparesthem with confidential secret defence documents stemming from American, French,Rwandan and UN records, as well as the military strategy put in place during OperationTurquoise. It also allows identification of the sources on which these accusations lie andevaluation of their validity. In so doing, it brings to the fore the way in which the researchhas focused on the genocide to the detriment of the armed struggle initiated by the RPFfrom 1990 to July 1994, leaving aside essential aspects in the comprehension of theRwandan tragedy

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Macêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus. "Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der Kopten." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16017.

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Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1 The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.

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King, Charles. "Between science, politics and human rights: media coverage of the blood controversies." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/11862.

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M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 South Africa obtained a new constitution in 1994 that enshrined the right to sexual orientation, race and gender equality, as well as – crucially – ensuring the “freedom of the press and other media”. However, consequent national debates appear to indicate that the country is still grappling with issues of sexual orientation and of sexual practices. It is against the complexity of this background that this research examines – through a focus on reported conflict over South Africa’s blood transfusion service – how certain debates and controversies around issues of race and sexual orientation arose and played out in the media. The editorials and opinion pieces of both The Star and The Citizen newspapers were more than mere platforms for debates to unfold upon. While both publications did undoubtedly provide a seemingly neutral platform for the two controversies to play themselves out, which included ample input from their readers, both publications from their editorial position intervened in a wide range of editorials, opinion pieces, commentaries and one cartoon. Thus, in fact, they played a powerful role in the curating manipulation of the debates.

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Castillo, Antonio, University of Western Sydney, College of Arts, and School of Communication Arts. "The media in the Chilean transition to democracy : context, process and evaluation (1990-2000)." 2006. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/26597.

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Since the end of the military dictatorship in 1989, Chile’s prolonged and arduous transition to democracy has continued. It has been more than a decade of political and social processes, full of uncertainties, doubts and compromises. It has been a transition marred by the political and economic remnants of the military dictatorship, by a highly restrictive and authoritarian legal and constitutional system, and by a political class, and, for a long period unable to introduce truly democratic changes. The dynamic of the Chilean transition has had a deep effect on many sections of the Chilean society, especially the media, traditionally one of the key spheres of public debate. The underlying argument of this work is that the Chilean transition to democracy, a political and economic phase achieved by negotiation and compromise, was not accompanied by the establishment of a more democratic, pluralistic media system. This thesis examines, from a multidisciplinary perspective, the context, the process and the development of the media during the first decade of the transition to democracy (1990-2000). Its fundamental objective is to understand the relationship between journalism, the media and the democratic political processes in a post-dictatorship society. Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Castillo, Antonio. "The media in the Chilean transition to democracy : context, process and evaluation (1990-2000)." Thesis, 2006. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/26597.

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Since the end of the military dictatorship in 1989, Chile’s prolonged and arduous transition to democracy has continued. It has been more than a decade of political and social processes, full of uncertainties, doubts and compromises. It has been a transition marred by the political and economic remnants of the military dictatorship, by a highly restrictive and authoritarian legal and constitutional system, and by a political class, and, for a long period unable to introduce truly democratic changes. The dynamic of the Chilean transition has had a deep effect on many sections of the Chilean society, especially the media, traditionally one of the key spheres of public debate. The underlying argument of this work is that the Chilean transition to democracy, a political and economic phase achieved by negotiation and compromise, was not accompanied by the establishment of a more democratic, pluralistic media system. This thesis examines, from a multidisciplinary perspective, the context, the process and the development of the media during the first decade of the transition to democracy (1990-2000). Its fundamental objective is to understand the relationship between journalism, the media and the democratic political processes in a post-dictatorship society.

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周彥妤. "Rethinking Freedom of the Press: Universal Human Rights or Professional Privilege?" Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wt478t.

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Tshoose, Clarence Itumeleng. "Social assistance : legal reforms to improve coverage and quality of life for the poor people in South Africa." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21939.

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The South African Constitution in section 27(1)(c) obligates the state to develop a comprehensive social security system. It affirms the universal right to access to social security, including appropriate social assistance for those unable to support themselves and their dependants. It orders the state to take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of these rights. The underlying normative commitment of social security is the improvement of the quality of life of the population by promoting economic or material equality. Social security ensures that all citizens have a stake in society and that each individual has an incentive to contribute to the development of the commonwealth. It plays a crucial role in the lives of communities and families viewed in the context of social transfers which provide broader development objectives and tackles income poverty transfers. The objectives of this study are threefold. Firstly, it examines the extension of social assistance coverage to the indigents in South Africa. Secondly, it looks at the legal mechanisms employed by courts and government in order to improve the social security rights of the poor in South Africa. Thirdly, the research investigates the possible reform and trends in India and Brazil with the aim of improving South Africa’s system of social security. For the avoidance of doubt, the law evaluated in this work is at 15 September 2015. Jurisprudence LL. D.

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Goga, Khalil. "Should groups in liberal democracies have special rights to limit speech that is offensive to their culture or religion?" Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/285.

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My topic is an analysis of the various theories of multiculturalism and how they would respond to controversial issues concerning freedom of speech with regard to religious sensitivities. While Western nations have often concentrated on 'nation building', or the integration of citizens into public institutions, there has been the emerging trend of minority rights and 'multiculturalism' (Kymlicka, 2001, pp. 2-3). Groups with diverse interests and political agendas are resisting assimilation into wider society and are struggling for acceptence, respect and public affirmation of their differences (Parekh, 2000, p. 1). While the nation state has not become obselete, many of its traditional functions have lost their relevance and value and we therefore need to reconceptualize its nature and role (Parekh, 2000, pp. 193-194). Many nations have a new found interest in multicultural policies and Australia has declared itself multicultural in the early 1970's as did Canada; and the debate around multicultural policies has raged on in Britain, Germany and Israel since the 1960's (Parekh, 2000, p. 5). In Kymlicka's view, public opinion has shifted from seeing minority rights as a pragmatic compromise to a matter of fundamental justice (Kymlicka, 2001, p. 6). One controversy that multiculturalist policies have raised is issues of tolerance of cultural difference, including group rights. This is evident on a daily basis, from the storm around Muslim girls wearing headscarves in France, to the debate surrounding the use of French as a first language in Quebec; multiculturalism has been asked, what should be tolerated? In my dissertation I will look at the controversial topic of freedom of speech within liberal democratic systems. Freedom of speech is an integral part of a democratic system, and in democratic systems discussion is often cited as a means of reaching consensus and compromise. Free speech is also intended to explore new ways of thinking and to criticize ways of thinking and living. The difficulty comes when there are certain topics, such as the lampooning of Islam and the Prophet and denying the Holocaust, which are deemed to be off limits by certain groups. Different liberal philosophies however have differing views on what the limits of free speech are. I will be looking into these philosophies and whether the limits they set apply to the Danish cartoon controversy and to the David Irving case of Holocaust denialism. There are three broad theories of how liberal systems ought to deal with the demands of a plural society. These are 'classical liberalism', 'liberal nationalism' and 'multiculturalism'. In broad terms, classical liberal theory is intolerant of special group rights, liberal-nationalism affirms certain kinds of group rights within a liberal framework, and multiculturalism asserts the equality of cultures, and questions the primacy of liberalism. The question that I will be answering is how these theories deal with group rights when those groups ask for the limiting of speech that is deemed offensive to group culture or religion. In a more global society, different cultural and religious groups have differing levels of tolerance toward certain kinds of speech. Certain groups value freedom of speech with very few constraints, whilst others believe that that some speech is harmful and disrespectful to their culture or religion. Questions about the viability of these different cultural and religious groups co-existing have been highlighted by recent events. The two cases to be explored in my analysis will be, firstly, the outcry following the publication of cartoons of the Prophet Muhammed in Denmark. Many of these cartoons were seen to be derogatory to Muslims and the depiction of the Prophet is also not allowed in many Islamic traditions. Much of Danish society felt that although these cartoons were offensive and in bad taste, they had to protect their right to freedom even though it may be offensive to others. This pits the Islamic culture against that of the Danish 'liberal' culture and asks the question of whether 'liberal' culture or 'multiculturalism' can assure religious tolerance? My second example is the controversial case involving the historian David Irving and his questioning of the Holocaust. This questioning led to his imprisonment in Austria for the crimes of Holocaust denial. This case involves someone expressing his freedom of speech, yet many liberal-democratic countries have laws expressly prohibiting this kind of Holocaust denial. The reasoning behind such laws is to protect the sentiments of Jewish community and the suffering they endured under the Holocaust. In both cases, the interests of religious groups are invoked as being sufficiently harmed, and the liberal right to free speech should therefore be limited. Hence the thesis looks to explore religious tolerance available in classical liberal, liberal-nationalist and multiculturalist systems at a theoretical level. I will also argue that certain kinds and manner of speech, such as speech that lampoons and offends group sensibilities, should be limited in certain cases and that liberal-nationalism provides the most fair way of adjudicating disputes. Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

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Roba, Tesema Fote. "Media and environmental awareness : a geographical study in Kembata Tembaro Zone, southern Ethiopia." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/9236.

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In Ethiopia people are highly dependent on natural resources which often lead to environmental degradation. The perception is that environmental degradation is partly due to lack of environmental awareness. The level of environmental awareness and the role of the media in creating awareness in Kembata Tembaro Administrative zone were investigated. Quantitative and qualitative methodologies were used to identify sources of environmental knowledge, content, spatial extent, volume and priority of media coverage, impact of media, and expectation of audiences and producers. Experience, rather than outside sources, such as provided by the media, is the main source of environmental information, but awareness is key to reduce further environmental degradation. Environmental media programs should be transmitted at suitable times and the experiences of successful farmers in natural resources conservation and development should be shared. Attention should also be given to identification of awareness obstacles and training and sensitizing of journalists on environment issues

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Chen, Chung-Ni, and 陳仲妮. "The Conflict and Reconcilation of Freedom of Press and Public Figures’ Right of Privacy - A Case Study of European Court of Human Rights Case of “VON HANNOVER v. GERMANY”." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/42540923057933879963.

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碩士 東吳大學 法律學系 96 There are disputes between “right of privacy” and “freedom of press”. When Princess Diana died, the paparazzi was accused being responsible to cause the accident. But who urged them to chase the car for taking pictures? When we buy the “tabloid” disclosing the private life of the celebrity, we may all play a role in violating the privacy of others. It is a human nature that people are curious about others’ private life but wishing to keep our own. However, if we demanded the media reporting more about the celebrity, the “right to know” conflicts with their privacy. Thus, this dissertation addresses this issue from the experiences, acts and regulations in different countries to define the boundary between the public figures’ right of privacy and the freedom of press, and then offers a possible resolution for situations in Taiwan. In Chapter one, a few recently news affairs were cited for conficts between right of privacy and freedom of press. In Chapter two, the case “Von Hannover v. Germany” of the European Court of Human Rights was introduced and analyzed. In Chapter three, the author discussed theories of “freedom of press” in Germany and United States, stated the constitutional basis of “freedom of press”, provided the rationale of why “freedom of press” should be protected, defined the area of protection of “freedom of press” and the restrictability of “freedom of press”, and presented ways to test the government’s regulations on “freedom of press”. Based on the cases of Federal Constitutional Court of Germany, a model of categorical tests containing different levels or standards, was built in Germany. Similarly, the “triple standard” from case law was developed in the United States. However, in Taiwan, we still have no test standards yet. The author provides potential standards more suitable for Taiwan after collecting and comparing the theories of other countries. In Chapter four, the author introduced the protection and the restriction of public figures’ “right of privacy”. First, the definition of “public figure” was given and then the author described the theories of “right of privacy” in Germany and United States including its content and constitutional basis. Then, discussion exclusively for situations inTaiwan was given. At last, justification for the restriction of public figures’ right of privacy was stated. Chapter five focused on the models for the balancing and the reconcilation between “freedom of press” and “public figures’ right of privacy”. First of all, the author introduced the theory of the conflicting constitutional rights and the balancing and the reconcilation of the conflicting constitutional rights. Secondarily, few cases of Federal Constitutional Court of Germany and the European Court of Human Rights before and after the case of Von Hannover v. Germany were described and compared for changes in models of both courts for the cases of conflicting constitutional rights. The possible influences from the case of Von Hannover v. Germany on both courts were given. At last, the author collected cases of Taiwan’s Constitutional Court for interpretation No. 509, and also few trials of regional courts to conclude. Chapter six is the final conclusion of this dissertation regarding the boundaries between the public figures’ right of privacy and the freedom of press and the possible solutions in Taiwan.

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Ribeiro, Liliana Sofia Teixeira. "A tutela da Honra no ordenamento jurídico-penal português e a Jurisprudência do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos do Homem sobre a Liberdade de Imprensa: que equilíbrio?" Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/85700.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito: Especialidade em Ciências Juridico-Forenses apresentada à Faculdade de Direito This master thesis aims to analyze the conflict between the protection of honour in the Portuguese criminal system and the right to press freedom in the interpretation given to Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights by the European Court of Human Rights. Both with the same constitutional validity, the question first arises as to how the harmonization of these rights occurs when brought into conflict. Following the solutions presented by the national courts, the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the interpretation of Article 10 has no doubt in its affirmation: condemn! What is the remaining space to continue to include offenses against honour in the catalog of crimes of the special part of the Penal Code is the question that must be answered.This master thesis aims to analyze the conflict between the protection of honour in the Portuguese criminal system and the right to press freedom in the interpretation given to Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights by the European Court of Human Rights. Both with the same constitutional validity, the question first arises as to how the harmonization of these rights occurs when brought into conflict. Following the solutions presented by the national courts, the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the interpretation of Article 10 has no doubt in its affirmation: condemn! What is the remaining space to continue to include offenses against honour in the catalog of crimes of the special part of the Penal Code is the question that must be answered.This master thesis aims to analyze the conflict between the protection of honour in the Portuguese criminal system and the right to press freedom in the interpretation given to Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights by the European Court of Human Rights. Both with the same constitutional validity, the question first arises as to how the harmonization of these rights occurs when brought into conflict. Following the solutions presented by the national courts, the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the interpretation of Article 10 has no doubt in its affirmation: condemn! What is the remaining space to continue to include offenses against honour in the catalog of crimes of the special part of the Penal Code is the question that must be answered.This master thesis aims to analyze the conflict between the protection of honour in the Portuguese criminal system and the right to press freedom in the interpretation given to Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights by the European Court of Human Rights. Both with the same constitutional validity, the question first arises as to how the harmonization of these rights occurs when brought into conflict. Following the solutions presented by the national courts, the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the interpretation of Article 10 has no doubt in its affirmation: condemn! What is the remaining space to continue to include offenses against honour in the catalog of crimes of the special part of the Penal Code is the question that must be answered. Esta dissertação pretende analisar o conflito entre a protecção da honra no ordenamento jurídico-penal português e o direito à liberdade de imprensa na interpretação dada ao art.º 10.º da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem pelo Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Homem. Ambos com idêntica valência constitucional, surge, em primeiro lugar, a questão de saber como se opera a harmonização destes direitos quando colocados em conflito. Na sequência das soluções apresentadas pelas instâncias nacionais, a jurisprudência do TEDH em torno da interpretação do art.º 10.º não tem dúvidas em afirmar: condene-se! Qual o espaço que sobra para continuar a incluir as ofensas contra a honra no catálogo de crimes da parte especial do Código Penal, é a pergunta que urge responder.Esta dissertação pretende analisar o conflito entre a protecção da honra no ordenamento jurídico-penal português e o direito à liberdade de imprensa na interpretação dada ao art.º 10.º da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem pelo Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Homem. Ambos com idêntica valência constitucional, surge, em primeiro lugar, a questão de saber como se opera a harmonização destes direitos quando colocados em conflito. Na sequência das soluções apresentadas pelas instâncias nacionais, a jurisprudência do TEDH em torno da interpretação do art.º 10.º não tem dúvidas em afirmar: condene-se! Qual o espaço que sobra para continuar a incluir as ofensas contra a honra no catálogo de crimes da parte especial do Código Penal, é a pergunta que urge responder.Esta dissertação pretende analisar o conflito entre a protecção da honra no ordenamento jurídico-penal português e o direito à liberdade de imprensa na interpretação dada ao art.º 10.º da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem pelo Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Homem. Ambos com idêntica valência constitucional, surge, em primeiro lugar, a questão de saber como se opera a harmonização destes direitos quando colocados em conflito. Na sequência das soluções apresentadas pelas instâncias nacionais, a jurisprudência do TEDH em torno da interpretação do art.º 10.º não tem dúvidas em afirmar: condene-se! Qual o espaço que sobra para continuar a incluir as ofensas contra a honra no catálogo de crimes da parte especial do Código Penal, é a pergunta que urge responder.Esta dissertação pretende analisar o conflito entre a protecção da honra no ordenamento jurídico-penal português e o direito à liberdade de imprensa na interpretação dada ao art.º 10.º da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem pelo Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Homem. Ambos com idêntica valência constitucional, surge, em primeiro lugar, a questão de saber como se opera a harmonização destes direitos quando colocados em conflito. Na sequência das soluções apresentadas pelas instâncias nacionais, a jurisprudência do TEDH em torno da interpretação do art.º 10.º não tem dúvidas em afirmar: condene-se! Qual o espaço que sobra para continuar a incluir as ofensas contra a honra no catálogo de crimes da parte especial do Código Penal, é a pergunta que urge responder.Esta dissertação pretende analisar o conflito entre a protecção da honra no ordenamento jurídico-penal português e o direito à liberdade de imprensa na interpretação dada ao art.º 10.º da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem pelo Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Homem. Ambos com idêntica valência constitucional, surge, em primeiro lugar, a questão de saber como se opera a harmonização destes direitos quando colocados em conflito. Na sequência das soluções apresentadas pelas instâncias nacionais, a jurisprudência do TEDH em torno da interpretação do art.º 10.º não tem dúvidas em afirmar: condene-se! Qual o espaço que sobra para continuar a incluir as ofensas contra a honra no catálogo de crimes da parte especial do Código Penal, é a pergunta que urge responder.

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Almeida, Débora Alexandra Medeiros. "A situação dos refugiados e os direitos humanos. Representações na imprensa portuguesa : o caso dos jornais Diário de Notícias e Público." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.3/4643.

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Dissertação de Mestrado, Ciências da Comunicação, 8 de janeiro de 2018, Universidade dos Açores. Os meios de comunicação social são um veículo importante na promoção e defesa dos Direitos Humanos. Em muitas partes do mundo são cometidos atentados contra a vida humana. Guerras, fomes, desalojamentos, clima de instabilidade, abuso de poder são apenas alguns exemplos que vão contra o que é defendido pelos Direitos Humanos. Nada disto se saberia se os meios de comunicação social não projetassem estes acontecimentos para o mundo. A presente dissertação versa sobre as representações dos refugiados na imprensa portuguesa, nomeadamente nos jornais Diário de Notícias e Público. Analisam-se peças noticiosas sobre os refugiados publicadas por ambos os periódicos na segunda quinzena de junho de 2015 e na segunda quinzena de novembro do mesmo ano. A partir desta análise, que contempla várias vertentes da notícia pertinentes para a construção da imagem do refugiado (títulos, critérios de noticiabilidade, imagens e fontes), procura-se demonstrar a importância dos meios de comunicação social na construção da imagem do refugiado e na promoção e defesa do direito deste e dos direitos humanos. ABSTRACT: The Media are an important vehicle for the promotion and defence of the Human Rights. In many parts of the world attempts on human life are committed. Wars, famine, homelessness, climate of instability, abuse of power, are only some of the examples that go against what Human Rights defend. None of this would be known if the Media didn’t project these events onto the world. The present dissertation analyses the representations of refugees on the Portuguese Media, namely the Diário de Notícias and Público newspapers. News pieces about refugees are analyse, published by both newspapers, between the second fortnight of June of 2015 and the second fortnight of November of the same year. From this analysis, that examines several perspectives of the news pertinent to the construction of the image of the refugee (headlines, noticeability criteria, images and sources), it is attempted to demonstrate the importance of the Media in the construction of the image of the refugee, and in the promotion and defence of his rights and Human rights.

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Silva, Rita Joana Sousa da. "Modificações genitais femininas: mutilação vs cirurgia." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/34287.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Crime, Diferença e Desigualdade Apesar de ser uma prática já com muitos anos, motivo de vários estudos e de diversas tentativas de a banir, a Mutilação Genital Feminina (MGF), como todos os fenómenos sociais, está em constante mudança. É neste sentido que surge o interesse por este tema. A ideia não é expor, mais uma vez, os problemas associados especificamente a este fenómeno, mas antes focar as diversas práticas que compõem todo o tipo de modificações genitais. Não está em causa apenas aquilo que se convencionou designar por MGF, mas também outras práticas que aos olhos “Ocidentais”, ao contrário da primeira, são legais e aceitáveis socialmente, ou seja, as chamadas Cirurgias Estéticas Genitais Femininas (CEGF). Com isto pretendo percecionar como são encarados estes dois atos que têm como única finalidade a modificação genital não terapêutica. Relativamente à metodologia adotada esta terá várias componentes. Inicialmente será feita uma análise de conteúdo de revistas e jornais que se refiram aos temas em questão, sendo esta parte de cariz essencialmente exploratório. Uma segunda fase será apoiada na metodologia qualitativa aplicando entrevistas, semi-estruturadas, a alguns cirurgiões da estética íntima. Even though this is a many years old practice, reason for several studies and attempts to ban it, the Female Genital Mutilation, like every social phenomenon, is in constant change. It is in this spirit that came the interest for this theme. The idea is not to expose, once again, the problems specifically associated with this phenomenon, but to focus on the different types of genital modification being performed. The common convention that we designate by FGM is not the only subject in question but also the other practice, which the “Occidental” eyes see as legal and socially acceptable, called Female Genital Aesthetic Surgery (FGAS). This work/writing is intended to distinguish how this two acts are perceived since they have the same none therapeutically genital modification. The methodology used will have several stages. A magazine and newspaper content analysis, which refers to the subjects in question, will be initially made having an exploratory nature in mind. As the second stage will be supported by qualitative methodologies, applying semi-structured interviews to some surgeons expert in Female Genital Surgery procedures and if possible some clients.

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Chamrádová, Adéla. "Politická a občanská práva na Kubě ve světle Dohody o politickém dialogu a spolupráci mezi Kubou a Evropskou unií." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398696.

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8. 5. 2019 Abstract Diploma thesis Political and Civic Rights in Cuba in the light of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and the European Union Adéla Chamrádová Institute of Political Science Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University 2018/2019 This diploma thesis is dealing with the compliance of human rights in Cuba related to the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement that Cuba has concluded with the European Union at the end of 2016. Every EU's trade, cooperation or political dialogue agreement with third states has to contain a so-called human rights clause. This clause guarantees that both sides comply with human rights, democracy and the rule of law principles. The objective of my thesis is, therefore, to investigate if Cuba has indeed made a progress in the area of human rights under the influence of this treaty. I focus on political and civic rights, as Cuba continues to be criticized by the international community for their long-term violation. The subject of my research will be freedom of expression and thought and right to peaceful assembly and association.

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Drhlíková, Eva. "Srovnání amerického a mexického pojetí svobody projevu." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338753.

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Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right which is important not only for the intellectual integrity of an individual but also for the healthy development of the whole society. The work represents both general arguments for freedom of expression and codification of freedom in two different legal cultures. In the United States the freedom of expression is protected by the First Amendment of the Constitution, which complements the rich jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of the United States. In Mexico, the right is regulated in Article 6 of the Constitution. The work shows how both countries reached the current legislation on the basis of examination of legal developments and cultural values. The values of the societies are presented on the basis of Hofstede's cultural dimensions. The core of the thesis is to compare the legal limits, which is made primarily on the basis of judicial practice of the Supreme Courts of both countries. Emphasis is placed on four main areas which are related to freedom of speech: (i) fighting words including hate speech, (ii) symbolic speech, (iii) obscenity, and (iv) defamation. In addition to the legal limits the work interprets also the most significant actual limits in both countries. Finally, the author examines the relationship between freedom of expression and...

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