Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Hong Kong.Protest movements"
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Charm, Theodore, e Tse-min Lin. "Post-Materialism and Political Grievances: Implications for Protest Participation in Hong Kong". Journal of Asian and African Studies 58, n.º 1 (15 de janeiro de 2023): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096221124933.
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In recent decades, Hong Kong witnessed a number of protest movements that drew high levels of participation, most of which revolved around political issues. Why did ordinary citizens protest? What were the underlying factors that motivated Hongkongers to protest? We argue that post-materialism and grievances toward the government increase the selective expressive benefits for individuals to participate in protests. We illustrate that the two factors contribute to the protest movements in Hong Kong in general. Using the World Values Survey data, we found that post-materialism interacted with grievances toward the political system to increase Hongkongers’ propensity to protest. Our findings have important implications for the 2019 Anti-Extradition Law Movement in Hong Kong.
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Mok, Bryan K. M. "On the Necessity of Ritual Sensibility in Public Protest: A Hong Kong Perspective". Religions 12, n.º 2 (29 de janeiro de 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020093.
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In Hong Kong, the efficacy of ritualized protest has become an issue of hot debate in recent years. Whereas ritualized protest is a long-term political practice in the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement that has considerable influence, skepticism about it has grown remarkably within the radical faction of the movement. Against this background, this paper aims to offer a theoretical reflection on the role of ritualized protest in the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement. It will take an auto-ethnographic approach to reflect on the material culture of Hong Kong public protests and engage in the recent controversy over ritualized protest. This study shows that although ritualized protest can hardly achieve actual political changes in the short run, ritual sensibility is essential to the promulgation and the passing-on of social and political values. This applies not only to ritualized protests that are largely peaceful, rational, and non-violent but also to militant protests that are open to the use of violence. This emphasis on the underlying importance of ritual sensibility invites both the liberal democratic and the radical factions to introspect whether their own political praxes have portents of formalization and ossification.
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Lejano, Raul, Ernest Chui, Timothy Lam e Jovial Wong. "Collective action as narrativity and praxis: Theory and application to Hong Kong’s urban protest movements". Public Policy and Administration 33, n.º 3 (7 de abril de 2017): 260–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076717699262.
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Policy scholars need to better describe the diversity of actors and interests that forge collective political action through nonformal social networks. The authors find extant theories of collective action to only partially explain such heterogeneity, which is exemplified by the urban protest movements in Hong Kong. A new concept, that of the narrative-network, appears better able to describe movements chiefly characterized by heterogeneity. Instead of simple commonalities among members, a relevant property is the plurivocity of narratives told by members of the coalition. Analyzing ethnographic interviews of members of the movement, the authors illustrate the utility of narrative-network analysis in explaining the complex and multiple motivations behind participation. Narrativity and the shared act of narration, within an inclusive and democratic community, are part of what sustains the movement. The research further develops the theory of the narrative-network, which helps explain the rise of street protest in Hong Kong as an emergent, alternative form of civic engagement.
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Urman, Aleksandra, Justin Chun-ting Ho e Stefan Katz. "Analyzing protest mobilization on Telegram: The case of 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong". PLOS ONE 16, n.º 10 (8 de outubro de 2021): e0256675. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256675.
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Online messaging app Telegram has increased in popularity in recent years surpassing Twitter and Snapchat by the number of active monthly users in late 2020. The messenger has also been crucial to protest movements in several countries in 2019-2020, including Belarus, Russia and Hong Kong. Yet, to date only few studies examined online activities on Telegram and none have analyzed the platform with regard to the protest mobilization. In the present study, we address the existing gap by examining Telegram-based activities related to the 2019 protests in Hong Kong. With this paper we aim to provide an example of methodological tools that can be used to study protest mobilization and coordination on Telegram. We also contribute to the research on computational text analysis in Cantonese—one of the low-resource Asian languages,—as well as to the scholarship on Hong Kong protests and research on social media-based protest mobilization in general. For that, we rely on the data collected through Telegram’s API and a combination of network analysis and computational text analysis. We find that the Telegram-based network was cohesive ensuring efficient spread of protest-related information. Content spread through Telegram predominantly concerned discussions of future actions and protest-related on-site information (i.e., police presence in certain areas). We find that the Telegram network was dominated by different actors each month of the observation suggesting the absence of one single leader. Further, traditional protest leaders—those prominent during the 2014 Umbrella Movement,—such as media and civic organisations were less prominent in the network than local communities. Finally, we observe a cooldown in the level of Telegram activity after the enactment of the harsh National Security Law in July 2020. Further investigation is necessary to assess the persistence of this effect in a long-term perspective.
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Corlin Frederiksen, Mai. "Frontløberne som motiv". K&K - Kultur og Klasse 51, n.º 134-135 (2 de maio de 2023): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v51i134-135.137181.
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The 2019 protests in Hong Kong unfolded with a visual forcefulness that shaped a movement that was at once popular and radical, peaceful and belligerent, orderly and sabotaging. One of the movement’s central instruments was to occupy the territory of Hong Kong with visual protest material. Protest walls spread with lightning speed from early July and from August and September, the contents of the city’s protest walls were updated every single day by independent, self-organized groupings and individuals. As long as the walls were updated with the latest information, the protest movement could prove that it was still ready for battle and that the Hong Kong they were all fighting for was right there on the wall in front of them.
The image of the frontliners as the ones leading the fight against the police came to play a central role in the formation of a political identity for the protest movement. As the protest movement developed and the violent clashes with the police intensified, the images of the frontliners, dressed in black, wearing gas masks and safety goggles and with flag in their hands, emerged as the image of the protest movement.
In this article, I follow the evolution of the image of the frontliners and the attempt to create a visual language that shapes this specific movement. I follow the development of the frontliners as parts of a history of protest and as parts of an ensemble of protest figures and protest-specific events. I explore what the frontliners and their images do as they unfold in the dynamic between the resistance the movement provides and the oppression they encounter.
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Tang, Gary, e Edmund W. Cheng. "Affective solidarity: how guilt enables cross-generational support for political radicalization in Hong Kong". Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, n.º 4 (22 de outubro de 2021): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000220.
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AbstractThe extant social movement literature tends to regard the youth as radical actors and senior citizens as conservative actors. However, the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong exhibited strong solidarity among protesters across generations, despite the radicalization of protest actions over an extended period. These phenomena contradict Hong Kong's traditional political culture, which favors peaceful and orderly protests and the worldwide trend where radicalization often leads to internal division in movements. By analyzing the data collected from onsite protest surveys in December 2019 and January 2020 (N = 1,784), this paper presents the mediating role of guilt in shifting senior citizens from opposing radical actions to supporting them and feeling solidarity with militant protesters. We find that the relationship between age and feelings of guilt is stronger among respondents who experience state repression. The findings shed light on the affective and relational dimensions of protest participation, showing how the traumatic conditions under which different social actors are welded together by shared emotional upheavals facilitate ingroup identification and affective solidarity.
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Bursztyn, Leonardo, Davide Cantoni, David Y. Yang, Noam Yuchtman e Y. Jane Zhang. "Persistent Political Engagement: Social Interactions and the Dynamics of Protest Movements". American Economic Review: Insights 3, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aeri.20200261.
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We study the causes of sustained participation in political movements. To identify the persistent effect of protest participation, we randomly indirectly incentivize Hong Kong university students into participation in an antiauthoritarian protest. To identify the role of social networks, we randomize this treatment’s intensity across major-cohort cells. We find that incentives to attend one protest within a political movement increase subsequent protest attendance but only when a sufficient fraction of an individual’s social network is also incentivized to attend the initial protest. One-time mobilization shocks have dynamic consequences, with mobilization at the social network level important for sustained political engagement. (JEL D72, D74, I23, Z13)
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Yeung, Jessica. "The ‘We’ in two pairs of documentaries about protests by The 70’s Biweekly syndicate and the 2019 Hong Kong Documentary Workers". Asian Cinema 33, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2022): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00053_1.
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In the history of Hong Kong, the two largest and most impactful waves of social movements took place in the 1960s–70s and in the 2010s. The two documentaries-pair, 香港保衛釣魚台示威 (The Protect Diao Yu Islands Protest in Hong Kong) (1971) and 給香港的文藝青年 (To Hong Kong Intellectual Youths) (1978) produced by the anarcho-pacifist 70年代雙週刊 (The 70’s Biweekly) syndicate, and 佔領立法會 (Taking Back the Legislature) (2020) and 理大圍城 (Inside the Red Brick Wall) (2020) produced by Hong Kong Documentary Filmmakers effectively construct a ‘We’ of the protesters in alliance in the Butlerian sense. In the case of the 2020 films, this ‘We’ is unwittingly expanded by the government by imposing censorship on them, thus creating another layer of alliance with some Hong Kongers who might not have even watched the films, but stand in solidarity with the filmmakers in defending freedom of expression.
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Choi, Susanne YP. "When protests and daily life converge: The spaces and people of Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement". Critique of Anthropology 40, n.º 2 (4 de março de 2020): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x20908322.
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Social scientists are prone to define social movements as something extraordinary, existing outside the mundane world of daily routines and lives. However, as the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong has illustrated, protest and daily routines often overlap. This is due in part to the decentralisation of protest events geographically and the mobilisation of conventional life spaces and cultural repertoires as protest tactics. When protests become daily events and daily events become protests, ordinary people can no longer maintain ‘neutrality’ by claiming that they are just ‘distant spectators’. They are turned into witnesses of history, forced to make a moral judgment and take a stand. The situation also creates new roles for those not directly involved in the movement to participate in the movement. At the same time, this ‘invasion’ of the ordinary and the local by the harbingers of political conflict, has bred fear and white terror among neighbours in local communities.
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Vecchio, Francesco, e Julie Ham. "From subsistence to resistance: Asylum-seekers and the other ‘Occupy’ in Hong Kong". Critical Social Policy 38, n.º 2 (9 de março de 2017): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317699162.
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In 2014, the Refugee Union – the only asylum-seeker-led organisation in Hong Kong – organised an eight-month-long protest against assistance policies and practices which they argued dehumanised and jeopardised their dignity and survival. Central to this public protest, termed ‘Refugee Occupy’, was the transformation of a traditional mechanism for asylum-seeker containment – the refugee camp – into a vehicle for asylum-seeker voice, participation and resistance. In this article, we discuss the asylum-seeker assistance policies and practices over the last decade that have resulted in a borderless refugee camp in Hong Kong. We explore the asylum-seekers’ use of the camp concept and its spatial and political transformation into an instrument for asylum-seeker resistance and political engagement. We conclude by situating the Refugee Union’s formation alongside other migrant-led social movements in Hong Kong and globally.
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Jones, Rodney H., e Neville Chi Hang Li. "Evidentiary video and “Professional Vision” in the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement". Journal of Language and Politics 15, n.º 5 (29 de novembro de 2016): 567–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.5.04jon.
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Abstract The video documentation of police violence against citizens, and the circulation of these videos over mainstream and social media, has played an important part in many contemporary social movements, from the Black Lives Matter Movement in the U.S. to the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. Such videos serve as both evidence of police abuses and discursive artefacts around which viewers build bodies of shared knowledge, attitudes and beliefs about events through engaging in exercises of “collective seeing”. This article analyses the way a video of police officers beating a handcuffed protester, which became an important symbol of the excessive use of force by police during the Occupy Hong Kong protests, was interpreted by different communities, including journalists, protesters, anti-protest groups, and law enforcement officials, and how these collective acts of interpretation served as a means for members of these communities to display group membership and reinforce group norms and ideological values.
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Perera, Binendri. "The School Strike for Climate as people’s engagement in the transnational legal process and global constitutionalism". Global Constitutionalism 11, n.º 1 (29 de outubro de 2021): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381721000204.
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AbstractWhat is the significance of the School Strike for Climate from an international constitutional perspective? In this article, I compare the School Strike for Climate with the Hong Kong protests of 2019–20. Both these movements became necessary because of gaps in their countries’ respective domestic and international legal frameworks – what I term constitutionalism gaps. The immediate cause of each protest was how state and non-state actors exploited these constitutionalism gaps in the existing legal framework. Protests in Hong Kong were triggered by the attempt to enact an Extradition Law that threatened people’s autonomy, whereas the School Strike for Climate is a response to the failure of the state to deliver climate justice. Both these movements use similar strategies of advocacy and they have relied extensively on new technology. Based on this comparison, I argue that the School Strike for Climate promotes procedural and substantive values of constitutionalism at the international level, similar to the Hong Kong Protests at the domestic level. Through the School Strike for Climate, people seek to engage directly in the transnational legal process. In attempting to bridge the constitutionalism gap at the international level, the School Strike for Climate promotes values of global constitutionalism.
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Bahri, Aqmal Afiq Shamsul, Geetha Govindasamy e Nur Shahadah Jamil. "The Clash of Pro and Anti-Protest Sentiments during the Pandemic: Youths’ Narratives in Malaysia and Hong Kong as Contrasting Political Communication". Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 39, n.º 4 (21 de dezembro de 2023): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2023-3904-18.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching effects, impacting not only the health and economic sectors but also the global political landscape. In response, certain youth groups have turned to protests as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction with their governments. This study aims to analyse the conflicting narratives between protest groups that support the right to assemble and the anti-protest narratives promoted by governments. While the Malaysian and Hong Kong governments implemented Movement Control Order and a national lockdown respectively, to curb the spread of the coronavirus, young people within these countries perceived these measures as incompatible with their political objectives. This study employs a narrative analysis approach and the theoretical framework of New Social Movement (NSM) in order to examine this issue. The findings of this study indicate the youths in Malaysia and Hong Kong who supported mobilizing protests during the pandemic perceive the government’s presented narratives and response as a defence mechanism to opportunistic suppression of democratic, government-critical actions. Thus, it can be concluded that there is a clear clash of implicit political messages conveyed by both the youths and governments, with the pandemic serving as the instigating factor in motivation for or against the mobilization of protests. Keywords: Protest, political-communication, youth, Malaysia, Hong Kong.
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Li, Yao-Tai, e John Chung-En Liu. "“Hong Kong, Add Oil!”: The Lennon Walls in the 2019 Hong Kong Movement". Contexts 20, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2021): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504221997878.
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In June 2019, millions poured onto the streets of Hong Kong to protest the proposed Extradition Bill. In addition to physical confrontations between the police and protesters on the streets, Lennon Walls were also erected. This essay captures the zeitgeist of the Hong Kong 2019 movement through post-it notes on Lennon Walls across Hong Kong’s major districts.
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Tam, Enoch Yee-Lok. "Hong Kong independent political documentary under the regulating dispositif: Inside the Red Brick Wall and beyond". Asian Cinema 33, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2022): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00054_1.
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Building upon the momentum of protests, Hong Kong independent documentarians have made efforts to record the past decade’s social movements. From the 2014 Umbrella Movement to the 2019–20 Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement, more than a dozen feature-length and short documentaries of different social movements were produced. As political pressure has grown increasingly intense in recent years, the media landscape has been changing rapidly. This article applies the Foucauldian concept of dispositif to analyse these changes. If dispositif can be understood as pertaining to the regulation of power relations, then the dispositif of recent Hong Kong independent political documentaries can illuminate a crucial aspect of the changes: Mainland China and Hong Kong’s closer relationship as a regulating dispositif. Through the case of Inside the Red Brick Wall () and the implementation of the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law, the article shows how this regulating dispositif has recently pushed the deterritorialization of Hong Kong independent political documentary.
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Wetzstein, Irmgard. "The Visual Discourse of Protest Movements on Twitter: The Case of Hong Kong 2014". Media and Communication 5, n.º 4 (21 de dezembro de 2017): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i4.1020.
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The article presents the results of a qualitative documentary image interpretation of the visual discourse of the Hong Kong protests on the Twitter hashtag #hongkongprotests. Visual thematic patterns, the actors depicted, and the relations between actors as well as visual perspectives were analyzed to derive the function of visual images and to give insights into visual protest storytelling. Visuals and image-text relations in Tweets within #hongkongprotests revealed an application of images in clear favor of the protest movement taking an ‘at the scene’/‘on the ground’ perspective, with media workers being active in front of the camera rather than mere observers behind the camera. While the approach used proved to be suitable for the research project, the research design comes with some limitations, for example in terms of the non-generalizability of results.
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Ming, Liu, e Guofeng Wang. "An introduction to the special issue on “Language, Politics and Media: The Hong Kong protests”". Language, Politics and Media 21, n.º 1 (29 de setembro de 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.21056.liu.
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Abstract Protests and social movements have become part of Hong Kong’s local politics since the 1970s. However, protests against the proposed extradition bill in 2019‒20 turned out to be the most violent political mass movement in Hong Kong after its return to the People’s Republic of China in 1997. It not only drew wide international attention but also evoked another round of “news war” over Hong Kong (Lee et al. 2002). This special issue collects six articles which address the representations of the protests in Hong Kong by different parties on different media platforms. Adopting a critical discourse analysis approach, these studies examine discursive strategies employed in media representations of the protests and the ideologies and power struggles at play. It aims to present different perspectives towards the issue and shed light on the complex relations between language, media and politics in the representations of the Hong Kong protests.
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Tyfield, David. "Social Movements in China and Hong Kong: The Expansion of Protest Space". Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 39, n.º 6 (novembro de 2010): 718–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306110386886aa.
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Lee, Francis L. F., e Joseph M. Chan. "Making Sense of Participation: The Political Culture of Pro-democracy Demonstrators in Hong Kong". China Quarterly 193 (março de 2008): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000052.
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AbstractA wave of large-scale demonstrations from 2003 to 2006 has given rise to a new pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong and raised important questions about the political activism of the Hong Kong public. This study aims at achieving a better understanding of the cultural underpinnings of Hong Kong people's protest participation (and non-participation). Following a tradition of constructivist analysis which sees culture as a set of shared and more or less structured ideas, symbols, feelings and common senses, this study examines how participants in the pro-democracy protests make sense of their experiences and the ongoing political and social changes in Hong Kong. It shows that the 1 July 2003 demonstration has indeed empowered many of its participants, but feelings of efficacy became more complicated and mixed as people continued to monitor changes in the political environment and interpret the actions of others. At the same time, beliefs and ideas that can be regarded as part of Hong Kong's culture of de-politicization remain prevalent among the protesters. The findings of the study allow us to understand why many Hong Kong people view protests as important means of public opinion expression and yet participate in them only occasionally.
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Marples, Agathe. "Hybrid War and Colour Revolutions in Hong Kong: A Means to Achieve Regime Change in China?" Bandung 10, n.º 3 (13 de outubro de 2023): 356–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-10030003.
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Abstract Where the limits of today’s international order prevent direct and costly confrontations between great powers, hybrid war allows for the manipulation of situations from afar to achieve desired outcomes, such as through Colour Revolutions. While the concept of hybrid war has been thoroughly researched in the context of foreign interventions in the Middle East and Eastern Europe, there is no substantial literature applied to the case of Hong Kong. This article investigates China’s claims that there was a ‘black hand’ behind Hong Kong’s protests – specifically the 2014 Umbrella Movement, 2019 Anti-elab protests, and 2020 nsl protests – determining the extent and role of foreign forces there. Using a set of theoretical propositions derived from a theoretical framework and a narrative explanation of how factors affect mobilisation in social movements, a macro-causal analysis about the role of external forces in Hong Kong is determined. Ultimately, this article alludes to the fact that the U.S. and other foreign forces are waging a hybrid war against China, utilising the Hong Kong social movements to achieve indirect regime change.
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Kong, Sui Ting, Stevi Jackson e Petula Sik Ying Ho. "Seeking Love and Justice Amid Hong Kong’s Contentious Politics". Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2023): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/13547.
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Hong Kong women activists’ understanding of love and justice has shaped, and been shaped, by their political engagement under changing circumstances through two phases of mass protest: in 2014 and 2019. This article is focused on the sentiments of love and justice and how they evolved over time, from the peaceful protest of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the violent confrontations of 2019 in the context of the rise of ethno-nationalism. This shift reflects a changed understanding of justice – revenge against China – and a specific version of passionate love for Hong Kong and protective love for their comrades. Women activists’ experiences offer insights into how a social movement has engaged women’s emotional energies in particular gendered ways, while persistently marginalising gender issues. In the aftermath of the movement, when protest was effectively banned by both COVID-19 restrictions and the 2020 National Security Law, these women’s emotions have found a new object of their fierce love for Hong Kong: the boy band Mirror<i>,</i> which has come to symbolise Hongkonger pride, belonging and resistance.
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Wong, Hio Tong, e Shih-Diing Liu. "Cultural Activism during the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement". Journal of Creative Communications 13, n.º 2 (22 de março de 2018): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973258618761409.
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Situated in Hong Kong’s post-colonial context of political crisis, this article attempts to investigate the unfolding of cultural activism during the Umbrella Movement occurred in 2014. This 79-day occupy protest, triggered by the government’s restriction on universal suffrage, has released protesters’ creative potentials in performing their struggles through a variety of aesthetic forms and practices. Questioning the traditional way of conceiving protest movement in terms of violent confrontations with government or instrumentalism, this article addresses the performative role of cultural activism which has been largely ignored in the study of Hong Kong protest movement. Rather, we argue that the creative practices enacted during the Umbrella Movement constitute in themselves the message that contains its own politics and grammars. These practices have constructed the meaning of the movement through naming, and have created the collective joy and identity among participants in the formation of movement solidarity. This article suggests that cultural activism is the spirit and soul of the Umbrella Movement, which has opened up a temporary yet crucial political space for democratic struggle.
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KEVIN HO, CHUNG-HIN, e HEI-HANG HAYES TANG. "Building Houses by the Rootless People: Youth, Identities, and Education in Hong Kong". Harvard Educational Review 90, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2020): 282–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-90.2.282.
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In this essay, Chung-Hin Kevin Ho, a history education university student in Hong Kong, narrates his search for civic identity. Composed through a process of critical and reflective dialogue with Hayes Tang, the essay describes the tension between Chung-Hin’s Chinese ethnic and cultural identity and the democratic values held by Hong Kongers. As a student, he and his peers had to navigate these competing conceptions of identity in their coursework and examinations. The youth of Hong Kong, including Chung-Hin, have protested against the Chinese government, and have fought to protect the values of Hong Kong. As a future educator, Chung-Hin has advice for the government administrations of both Hong Kong and China: work with Hong Kongers to help them “build their own house.” Chung-Hin argues that if Hong Kong is to become closer to China, it cannot be done through force or propaganda. Further, Chung-Hin contends that education initiatives that change the history curriculum of Hong Kong schools is not enough to bring the youth of the city to heel. Chung-Hin’s experiences, and his own understanding of history education in Hong Kong, have helped him see that the values of Hong Kongers need to be respected if there is any hope of gaining their trust and acceptance. In this timely essay, Chung-Hin highlights how government policies and historical legacies have shaped his personal experience and educational trajectory in Hong Kong, as well as the other students who are a part of the largest youth protest movement in recent memory.
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LOUIE, KIN YIP. "Theological Controversies in the Anti-Extradition Movement in Hong Kong". Unio Cum Christo 6, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2020): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art11.
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From June to December of 2019, the normally peaceful streets of Hong Kong were filled with demonstrators and on many occasions with violent clashes between protesters and police. Hong Kong society was rocked by the Anti-Extradition Movement. We will give a brief description of the movement. Then we will describe the ways in which churches and Christians have participated in this movement. Thirdly, we will go into various controversies generated within the churches of Hong Kong. We do not intend to provide practical solutions to those controversies. Our main concern is to demonstrate that the social background of Christians often intertwines with theological convictions and these controversies which create a challenge to the unity of the local churches. KEYWORDS: Hong Kong, China, blue and yellow Christians, Anti-Extradition Movement, church and state, civil disobedience, protest, Christians and violence, police
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Kennedy, Kerry J., Jan Christian Gube e Miron Kumar Bhowmik. "Identities in Troubled Times: Minoritized Youth in Hong Kong’s “Summer of Protest”". Societies 13, n.º 10 (2 de outubro de 2023): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13100217.
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Discursive experiences can contribute to shaping lives and their identities. For minoritized youth in Hong Kong, the 2019 protest movement provided many such experiences, although very little has been heard about them. Instead, reporting has focused on the experiences of the dominant Chinese population. This paper aims to highlight the voices of minoritized youth in relation to the social movement that dominated Hong Kong in the second half of 2019. It is well recognized that identity is not fixed and that there are more likely multiple identities that transition from one to the other. Yet little is known about the influences on identity formation and the processes that underlie them. This was the issue addressed here. The paper draws on Lacan’s theory of identity in examining interviews involving minoritized youth and their engagement in Hong Kong’s 2019 protest movement. It shows how individual responses to the movement differed, how the movement challenged identities, and how these challenges were resolved.
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Veg, Sebastian. "The Rise of “Localism” and Civic Identity in Post-handover Hong Kong: Questioning the Chinese Nation-state". China Quarterly 230 (19 de abril de 2017): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741017000571.
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AbstractWhile it was traditionally accepted that Hongkongers shared a form of pan-Chinese cultural identification that did not contradict their local distinctiveness, over the last decade Hong Kong has seen the rise of new types of local identity discourses. Most recently, “localists” have been a vocal presence. Hong Kong has – quite unexpectedly – developed a strong claim for self-determination. But how new is “localism” with respect to the more traditional “Hong Kong identity” that appeared in the 1970s? The present study takes a two-dimensional approach to study these discourses, examining not only their framework of identification (local versus pan-Chinese) but also their mode of identification (ethno-cultural versus civic). Using three case studies, the June Fourth vigil, the 2012 anti-National Education protest and the 2014 Umbrella movement, it distinguishes between groups advocating civic identification with the local community (Scholarism, HKFS) and others highlighting ethnic identification (Chin Wan). It argues that while local and national identification were traditionally not incompatible, the civic-based identification with a local democratic community, as advocated by most participants in recent movements, is becoming increasingly incompatible with the ethnic and cultural definition of the Chinese nation that is now being promoted by the Beijing government.
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Lai, Yan-ho, e Ming Sing. "Solidarity and Implications of a Leaderless Movement in Hong Kong". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.41.
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In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the commonly cherished values in Hong Kong, amid the absence of stable and legitimate leaders in its democracy movement, underpinned the formation of a multitude of decentralized decision-making platforms that orchestrated the protests in 2019. Those platforms involved both well-known movement leaders organizing conventional peaceful protests and anonymous activists crafting a diversity of tactics in ingenious ways, ranging from economic boycotts, human chains around the city, artistic protests via Lennon Walls, to the occupying of the international airport. The decentralized decision-making platforms, while having generated a boon to the movement with their beneficial tactical division of labor, also produced risks to the campaign. The risks include the lack of legitimate representatives for conflict-deescalating negotiations, rise in legitimacy-sapping violence, and susceptibility to underestimating the risks of various tactics stemming from a dearth of thorough political communication among anonymous participants who had different goals and degrees of risk tolerance. In short, Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement in 2019 sheds light on the basis of leaderless movements, and on both the strengths and risks of such movements.
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Marchetti, Gina. "Documentary and democracy: An interview with Evans Chan". Asian Cinema 33, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2022): 257–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00059_7.
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Gina Marchetti’s interview with NewYork-based Hong Kong independent filmmaker Evans Chan took place after Chan had said goodbye to his former home and to nearly three decades of filmmaking in the city, following the introduction of Hong Kong’s National Security Law in 2020. Her interview focuses on Chan’s non-fiction filmmaking, particularly his recent films dealing with Hong Kong’s two protest movements of 2014 and 2019, namely Raise the Umbrellas 撐傘 () and We Have Boots 我們有雨靴 (). While the latter part of the interview concerns Chan’s thoughts on the relationship between documentaries and democracy, it also explores the signature aesthetics of his films and an underlying ‘story of Hong Kong’, which the interviewer sees as a consistent thread running through his fiction and non-fiction filmography. A wide range of cinematic, literary, sociopolitical and philosophical influences in his work emerge in the course of this in-depth interview with the filmmaker.
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Xinyue, Dong. "Social Media as a Tool for Political Mobilization: A Case Study of the 2020 Hong Kong Protests". Journal of Public Representative and Society Provision 3, n.º 1 (3 de maio de 2023): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.55885/jprsp.v3i1.199.
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This research examines the role of social media in political mobilization by analyzing the 2020 Hong Kong protests as a case study. The study utilizes a mixed-methods approach that combines qualitative content analysis of social media posts and interviews with protest participants. The literature review provides a background on the theories of social movements and the use of social media in political activism. The findings show that social media played a critical role in facilitating political mobilization by providing a platform for communication and organization among protesters. The analysis also reveals the limitations and challenges of relying solely on social media for political mobilization. The discussion highlights the implications of these findings for future social movements and political activism.
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Alekseev, A. V. "Cases of Hashtagging as a Facilitator of the Protest Movements". Journal of International Analytics 11, n.º 4 (8 de fevereiro de 2021): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-4-91-103.
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The article is devoted to the study of the protest movement on social networks. The novelty of the study is in its comparative analysis of protests in different regions of the world. Its relevance is determined by the need to identify the main trends of the protest movement that began a few years ago and continues to play a huge role in the life of society today – particularly during this period of integration and digitalization – which is confirmed by the statistics given in this article. Special attention is paid to autopoietic organizations: loyal to the regime, limitrophe and radical communities. We emphasize that activism in social networks is characterized by cyclicality and orientation towards international recognition. The work presents universal patterns of the formation of lexical units, expressed in the form of hashtags. It provides information on specific political techniques for using social media platforms in the United States, highlighting the most effective ways of constructing social media posts and using slogans and text that attract the attention of the audience. The paper also reveals the vital role of social networks in the political agenda of African countries such as Uganda, Kenya, etc. The paper highlights the protest movements that took place in Muslim countries during the Arab Spring and provides a brief description of the Hong Kong Umbrella Revolution. And it is the totality of lexical units, expressed in the form of hashtags, that fully reveal the nature of protest movements, providing an opportunity to analyse a specific protest not by one word, but by a set of lexemes to view a subject in various ways.
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Cheng, Joseph Y. S. "The 2003 District Council Elections in Hong Kong". Asian Survey 44, n.º 5 (setembro de 2004): 734–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.5.734.
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After a massive July 1, 2003, protest rally, Hong Kong people voted in local elections to again express their demand for democratization. The electoral victory and the prospect of winning in the Legislative Council elections in September 2004 symbolize the revival of the pro-democracy movement.1 The expectations also generate considerable pressure on the Beijing authorities, who could not accept a scenario in which China lost control of Hong Kong.
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Wong, Shiau Ching, e Scott Wright. "Hybrid mediation opportunity structure? A case study of Hong Kong’s Anti-National Education Movement". New Media & Society 22, n.º 10 (1 de novembro de 2019): 1741–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819879509.
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This article assesses how social movements make use of media, and how their media practices influence movement outcomes using a case study of the Anti-National Education Movement in Hong Kong. It contributes to the literature on this important protest event and to ongoing debates about changes in the relationship between media and protesters. It is argued that activists adapted to what we call a “hybrid mediation opportunity structure.” The concept of a hybrid mediation opportunity structure is built on a critical engagement with Cammaerts’ mediation opportunity structure and is informed by Chadwick’s hybrid media system theory. We find that old (mainstream) and new (social) media tactics were deployed interdependently in a hybrid, symbiotic process. Old and new media logics fed off each other, in turn producing new logics: hybrid mediation opportunities which enabled activists to simultaneously broaden their connective networks and capture the attention of news media to publicize and legitimize their collective protests.
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Mengdi, Niu. "Features of the Western and Chinese Media Reports about Hong Kong Protests in Terms of Tolerance". Humanitarian Vector 16, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2021): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-1-136-144.
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The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of publications by Western media and Chinese media during the period of the unrest and protests caused by an amendment to the “Fugitive Offenders Ordinance” in Hong Kong in the summer of 2019. The relevance is explained by the fact that in the summer of 2019, Hong Kong immediately became the center of attention of the world community and the press. The innovation lies in comparative analysis of Chinese and Western media texts in the aspect of tolerance. The purpose of the study is to identify the reporting frames on Hong Kong protests in different countries (China, the USA, the UK) and analyze their characteristics. The author’s attention is focused on the problem of tolerance / intolerance in the discussing of events in Hong Kong by Western and Chinese media. Content analysis, frame analysis and the method of comparative studies are used in this article. Content analysis of the news reports from The Washington Post, People’s Daily and the BBC website from July to August 2019 was conducted to clarify their tones and directions, as well as the meaning of the metaphors used by journalists. The frame analysis is to identify differences in event assessments, information sources, theme settings, report objects, main subjects and event definitions in the analyzed media. The language features in texts were also compared.By results of the study, we see clear ideological bias and tendentiousness in reports from the Western media, and also the inability to have a tolerant vision. The Chinese media also strongly show peculiarities of ideology and obvious propagandistic tendency. The dogmatism of propagandistic thoughts interferes with objective perception of the situation. Conclusions: mass medias holding different positions, “choosing” and “constructing” social realities in their news reports, painting different pictures and choosing their own perspectives to reflect attitude of the authority towards participants in the movements. In this way, they take completely irreconcilable positions. Keywords: Hong Kong, protest, assessment, reportage, tolerance/intolerance
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Tung, Hans H., Ming-Jen Lin e Yi-Fan Lin. "Anti-ELAB Movement, National Security Law, and heterogeneous institutional trust in Hong Kong". Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2021): 287–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000293.
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AbstractHow does repression on opposition protests affect citizens' institutional trust under dictatorships? There has been a burgeoning literature investigating empirically both long- and short-term impacts of protests and their repression on citizens' political preferences in both democratic and nondemocratic contexts. Yet, the literature tells us relatively little about how the above question could be answered. This paper tries to answer this question by taking advantage of a recent natural experiment in Hong Kong when Beijing suddenly adopted the National Security Law (NSL) in June 2020 to repress dissidents' protest mobilization. Our findings are twofold. First of all, the NSL drove a wedge in the Hong Kong society by making the pro-establishment camp more satisfied with the post-NSL institutions on the one hand, while alienating the pro-democracy camp who lost tremendous trust in them on the other. Second, our study also reveals that one's trust in institutions is significantly associated with the regimes' ability to curb protesters' contentious mobilization. The Hong Kongers who had higher confidence in the NSL to rein in protests would also have a greater level of trust than those who didn't. The effect, however, is substantially smaller among pro-democracy Hong Kongers except for their trust in monitoring institutions. As Beijing is transforming Hong Kong's current institutions from within hopes of bringing about a new political equilibrium, our study helps provide a timely assessment of Hong Kong's institutional landscape and sheds light on how likely this strategy can work.
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Patsiaouras, Georgios, Anastasia Veneti e William Green. "Marketing, art and voices of dissent". Marketing Theory 18, n.º 1 (14 de agosto de 2017): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470593117724609.
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Limited research exists around the interrelationships between protest camps and marketing practices. In this article, we focus on the 2014 Hong Kong protest camps as a context where artistic work was innovatively developed and imaginatively promoted to draw global attention. Collecting and analysing empirical data from the Umbrella Movement, our findings explore the interrelationships between arts marketing technologies and the creativity and artistic expression of the protest camps so as to inform, update and rethink arts marketing theory itself. We discuss how protesters used public space to employ inventive methods of audience engagement, participation and co-creation of artwork, together with media art projects which aimed not only to promote their collective aims but also to educate and inform citizens. While some studies have already examined the function of arts marketing beyond traditional and established artistic institutions, our findings offer novel insights into the promotional techniques of protest art within the occupied space of a social movement. Finally, we suggest avenues for future research around the artwork of social movements that could highlight creative and political aspects of (arts) marketing theory.
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Leung, Maggie. "The lyricism of revolution: A choreographic analysis of the 2003 and 2014 protests in Hong Kong". IASPM Journal 13, n.º 2 (31 de julho de 2023): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5429/2079-3871(2023)v13i2.4en.
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Through the 2003 and 2014 protests in Hong Kong, this paper proposes using choreographic analysis for the study of social movements in terms of corporal movements. By looking at the organization of actions and creation of postures and gestures and all the movements driven by the mental force lyricism, choreographic analysis seeks to identify and articulate the infinite potential, realized and not, revealed in a revolution, that marks the latter as a singular moment of eternity that produces new thoughts. As the case of Hong Kong shows in the light of this method, the site of radical politics locates in the persisting colonial alienation that separates the people from the authority.
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Ng, Ka Shing. "Rethinking the political participation of Hong Kong Christians". Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 13, n.º 1 (2 de maio de 2017): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-10-2016-0017.
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Purpose Christian-affiliated social groups and leaders have been active and vocal in movements advocating democracy, equality and social justices. Christians are also specular in the “July 1st Protest” in 2003 and “Umbrella Movement” in 2014. Are Christians, in general, more politically active in Hong Kong? This paper aims to examine these questions from a quantitative viewpoint. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines the effects of religion and other socio-demographic factors on both electoral and non-electoral participation based on data from the World Value Survey 2013 Hong Kong data set. Findings Interest in politics and education level are strong predictors of both electoral and non-electoral participation in Hong Kong. Confidence in government is negatively associated with political participation. Religious affiliation is not a predictor of any kinds of political participation. The effects of interest in politics are greater among Protestants and Catholics than people with no religion. Research limitations/implications While previous surveys show that Christians have a strong presence in political participation, the results suggest that being a Christian is not statistically related to a higher level of political participation. On the other hand, affiliating to Christian churches may provide necessary resources (e.g. networks, skills and knowledge) only to those members who are already interested in politics and thereby facilitate their political participation. Originality/value Based on national sample data, this study debunks the public perception that “Christianity is politically active” and suggests the possible role of churches in mobilizing politically interested members into political activities.
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Lou, Jackie Jia, e Adam Jaworski. "Itineraries of protest signage". Journal of Language and Politics 15, n.º 5 (29 de novembro de 2016): 609–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.5.06lou.
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Abstract The pro-democracy occupation of three commercial and retail areas in Hong Kong that lasted over two months in the fall of 2014 – known as the Umbrella Movement – created a myth of Utopia (Barthes 1984 [1954]). In this paper, we track the itineraries (Scollon 2008) and resemiotizations (Iedema 2003) of the protest signage to show how they mythologized the Movement by “branding space”, “regulating and disciplining actions”, and “unifying the voice of protest”. We argue that the semiotic processes and effects involved in the emplacement and widespread distribution of the protest signage were not only key in the mobilization during the Movement but also the emergence and reinforcement of a “new” Hongkonger identity in the long run.
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Tam, Gina Anne. "Colonialism and Nationalism in Hong Kong: Towards True Decolonization". Historical Journal 67, n.º 1 (8 de janeiro de 2024): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x2300033x.
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In June of 2019, millions of Hong Kongers took to the streets. What began as a protest against an extradition bill quickly evolved into a broader movement to safeguard Hong Kong’s autonomy from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Protesters pointed with increasing alarm to the fast disappearance of Hong Kong’s distinct legal system, political system, and civic culture as well as the erosion of the borders, both physical and abstract, that separated the territory from the mainland. The 1997 handover was designed to safeguard Hong Kong’s local autonomy after the end of British colonialism, these demonstrators claimed, and Beijing’s government was threatening that promise.
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Lee, Francis LF. "Social media and the spread of fake news during a social movement: The 2019 Anti-ELAB protests in Hong Kong". Communication and the Public 5, n.º 3-4 (setembro de 2020): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047320969437.
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This article summarizes the author’s observations and preliminary research findings about the politics of fake news and rumors during the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong. The fake news phenomenon is understood as grounded in the social-psychological needs of people in times of uncertainty, a political culture marked by polarization and normative disinhibition, and a mediascape that facilitates the fragmentation and privatization of public communication. The 2019 Hong Kong movement shows that, in the context of contentious politics, fake news and rumors can be used by political power to delegitimize a protest movement, but they can also be used by a protest movement to pressurize the political power and to sustain itself. It is argued that the roles, consequences, and normative desirability of fake news and rumors need to be examined in terms of how they are embedded in the power relationships and interactional dynamics of the movement concerned.
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Ho, Christopher J. H. "Civil Disobedience in the Era of Videogames: Digital Ethnographic Evidence of the Gamification of the 2019-20 Extradition Protests in Hong Kong". British Journal of Chinese Studies 12, n.º 2 (6 de agosto de 2022): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v12i2.187.
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This paper demonstrates that the ‘gamification’ of the 2019-220 Hong Kong extradition protests was instrumental to the longevity of the protests and their success in repealing the Extradition Bill. Two elements of the protests are identified to be both crucial and game-like: the ‘play’ and the ‘meta-game’ elements of the protest. The play element is best exemplified by the mobile application colloquially known as ‘Popomon Go’, where ‘players’ are incentivized to go on ‘missions’ to seek and geotag police officers to form a heat-map of police officers throughout Hong Kong, as well as gather their personal data. The meta-game element, on the other hand, looks at every other aspect of those games except the gameplay. The combination of these two elements helped an apparently leaderless civil disobedience movement evade mass arrest, reduce anxiety, and increase efficiency, but also led to a long period of civil disobedience, thus placing more pressure on policy decision makers.
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Chan, Steve Kwok-Leung, Woon-Taek LIM, Gyun-Ho LEE e Ngai-Chiu WONG. "The Eye4HK Meme and the Construction of an Injustice Frame". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 15, n.º 2 (28 de julho de 2023): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8556.
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The territory-wide protest in Hong Kong in 2019, originated from a proposed amendment bill on the extradition of fugitives to China which triggered massive protests. In an incident, the police shot a female medic in the eye which outraged the public. A Korean celebrity initiated an online movement by uploading a selfie covering his right eye to Twitter showing solidarity with the victim. The eye-covered image signifies the girl who lost her eye as a political victim, gaining wide sympathy. The sub-campaign constructed an image of resistance against police brutality which strengthened the wider movement in Hong Kong and helped to win support in other parts of the world. The campaign also linked the emotions of the two places by recalling Koreans’ memory of their historical struggle for democracy. The sub-campaign generated symbolic resources accumulating through the production and reproduction process online and subsequently benefited the wider social movement for political change.
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Pepper, Suzanne. "Elections, Political Change and Basic Law Government: The Hong Kong System in Search of a Political Form". China Quarterly 162 (junho de 2000): 410–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000008195.
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During the two decades preceding its 1997 reunification with China, imaginations in Hong Kong ran the gamut from fear to euphoria. Preparations for transfer from British to Chinese rule continued accordingly and Hong Kong's political development has been shaped by the conflicting imperatives responsible for those extremes. Most simply put, the imperatives grew from Hong Kong's fear of Chinese communism and China's fear of an anti-communist Hong Kong. Anxieties were greatest in the colony during 1982 and 1983, when Chinese leaders made known their determination to resume full sovereignty after the 1997 expiration of Britain's leasehold on 90 per cent of Hong Kong's territory. Apprehensions peaked again in 1989, following the military suppression of Beijing's student protest movement in Tiananmen Square. Yet fear also alternated with expressions of great bravado, when the dangers of latterday Chinese communism seemed to pale before the prospect of China's inevitable “Hong Kong-ization.” Between these two extremes, confidence levels waxed and waned as Chinese and British leaders responded, first by negotiating safeguards and then by writing them into law.
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Lo, Kwai-Cheung. "Crowd Control and Mobilization with Nature in the China–Hong Kong Context". Cultural Politics 19, n.º 3 (1 de novembro de 2023): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-10819423.
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Abstract This essay examines how crowd empowerment and its control inscribe the agency of nonhuman nature in the social movement and the governmental strategy within the context of China–Hong Kong connections. Concerning the 2019 Hong Kong protest movement, it examines how the agency is dispersed among the interactions of human crowds and nonhuman forces in particular environments. Humans look to nature as a source of inspiration for their conduct, even if nature is never one thing. As the notions of nature are mediated by culturally specific prejudices, people only talk about their society's ideas about nature when they talk about “nature” and any appeals to nature are highly ideological. In the first part, the essay discusses the excessive use of tear gas to weaponize the atmosphere functions as a medium and message that articulates a communicative politics connecting the protesters and the larger community for interaffective attunement. The atmospheric change unravels an attunement to possibilities opening to some people who throw themselves to be affected and push a situation into an event. In the second part, the essay analyzes how the collective climbing of Lion Rock, a mountain symbolizing the ethos and values of the Hong Kong community, during the protest movement transcends the physical limitation of the protesters’ perception to an expanded view and a higher status beyond human to confront a changing and incommensurable world below.
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Wong, Lucas L. H. "Lost in the Fumes: Affective resistance in relation to the 2019 Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement". Asian Cinema 33, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2022): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00057_1.
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Recent years have demonstrated the rise of localism worldwide. In an Asian context, we are witnessing an increasing number of protest events and numerous social movement documentaries being produced. In Hong Kong, Edward Tin-kei Leung 梁天琦 was the first self-proclaimed localist to participate in a democratic election and the first to be charged for riot since the Handover. The documentary film of Leung’s story, Lost in the Fumes, achieved an impressive degree of popularity among local people during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (ELAB) movement. Analysing its storylines and plots, as well as filming techniques, from the perspectives of film studies and cultural studies, together with several interviews as a supplement, this article examines the emotional connections of films and protesting bodies in social movements. It explores the cinematic representation of Leung and how this representation was received by viewers to facilitate self-mobilization in the Anti-ELAB Movement. Hence, I will analyse the functions of films as a cultural or emotional foundation in social movements that facilitate the creation of a shared emotional engagement.
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Ni, Michael Y., Tom K. Li, Herbert Pang, Brandford H. Y. Chan, Betty Y. Yuan, Ichiro Kawachi, C. Mary Schooling e Gabriel M. Leung. "Direct Participation in and Indirect Exposure to the Occupy Central Movement and Depressive Symptoms: A Longitudinal Study of Hong Kong Adults". American Journal of Epidemiology 184, n.º 9 (1 de novembro de 2016): 636–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/kww103.
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Abstract Despite the extensive history of social movements around the world, the evolution of population mental health before, during, and after a social movement remains sparsely documented. We sought to assess over time the prevalence of depressive symptoms during and after the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong and to examine the associations of direct and indirect exposures to Occupy Central with depressive symptoms. We longitudinally administered interviews to 909 adults who were randomly sampled from the population-representative FAMILY Cohort at 6 time points from March 2009 to March 2015: twice each before, during, and after the Occupy Central protests. The Patient Health Questionnaire-9 was used to assess depressive symptoms and probable major depression (defined as Patient Health Questionnaire-9 score ≥10). The absolute prevalence of probable major depression increased by 7% after Occupy Central, regardless of personal involvement in the protests. Higher levels of depressive symptoms were associated with online and social media exposure to protest-related news (incidence rate ratio (IRR) = 1.28, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.06, 1.55) and more frequent Facebook use (IRR = 1.38, 95% CI: 1.12, 1.71). Higher levels of intrafamilial sociopolitical conflict was associated with more depressive symptoms (IRR = 1.05, 95% CI: 1.01, 1.09). The Occupy Central protests resulted in substantial and sustained psychological distress in the community.
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Wang, Xu, Yu Ye e Chris King-chi Chan. "Space in a Social Movement: A Case Study of Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014". Space and Culture 22, n.º 4 (10 de janeiro de 2018): 434–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217751805.
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Few studies have examined the role of space in social movements. The existing studies have primarily emphasized the physical nature of space (e.g., space as distance) and overlooked other attributes of space, such as space as the materialization of power relations and space as lived experience. In this article, we explore the role of space in social movements based on a case study of the Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. During the protest, the organizers occupied and reconfigured the campuses and mobilized the participants both through and in space. We find that the campus space helped stimulate the feelings and emotions of the students and increased their enthusiasm to participate in the demonstration. The participants were then sent from the campuses (mobilization spaces) to the demonstration spaces where they occupied and transformed the urban public spaces into private spaces, thus leading to contention over and of space with the state powers. Our findings reveal that the campus space is an important resource that organizers can use for mobilization. We also find that the special features of a campus, including aggregation, networks, isolation, and homogeneity, can facilitate the formation of social movements. We argue that the three attributes of space interact with one another in facilitating the social movement. Thus, our findings suggest that space acts as not only the vessel of struggle but also a useful tool and a target of struggle.
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Chu, Donna SC. "Media Use and Protest Mobilization: A Case Study of Umbrella Movement Within Hong Kong Schools". Social Media + Society 4, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2018): 205630511876335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118763350.
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This study aims to examine the roles of social media in protest mobilization through the case of Umbrella Movement. Instead of focusing in the occupied sites, the study chose to look at mobilization efforts and confrontations within Hong Kong secondary schools. In-depth interviews were conducted with 14 students, teachers and principals from four schools, with an aim to identify how members in schools used different media for information sharing, opinion expression and mobilization. It also reconstructed what actually occurred in the tactful negotiations between school authorities and student leaders during the movement. The findings of this study suggest that how different communication practices are mediated in particular social and cultural contexts remain to be relevant and important, as the stress on “harmony” in local education settings illustrate in this case study. The strong adherence to political neutrality and professionalism suggest that schools could hardly provide the kind of idealistic civic education stated in curriculum documents. The findings prompted for a critical reading of how apolitical civic education in Hong Kong schools constrained a social movement that was supposedly led by the youth.
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Chan, Kelly Ka-lai, Jaz Hee-jeong Choi e Daniel Harris. "Urban Pedagogies of Resistance in Apocalyptic Hong Kong". Journal of Public Pedagogies, n.º 6 (8 de fevereiro de 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15209/jpp.1248.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified existing inequalities and highlighted multiple apocalyptic conditions affecting many different people and other-than-humans. At the same time, the pandemic has made it difficult to mobilise and make visible collective action in public, which has required artist-activists to devise new and diverse strategies to identify, occupy, and refuse spaces of publicness. Hong Kong’s unique urban and socio-political conditions continue to coevolve rapidly with the pandemic and intensifying political oppression. Following the Umbrella Movement (2014) and the ‘Be Water’ Movement (2019-2020), the current COVID-19 era forms the third key turn in the development of public pedagogy at the intersection of art and protest practices in Hong Kong. This paper examines the emerging artistic tactics of creating spaces of publicness as ‘the wild place’ or ‘cracks’ in apocalyptic Hong Kong, through two cases of artistic interventions and interruptions—the Hong Kong Way (August 2019) and #Hijack Art Basel HK (May 2021)—which in Biesta’s (2012) words can act both as a test of and a reminder of publicness. To contest the notion of publicness and Savage’s (2010) multiplicity of publics, we incorporate Harney and Moten’s (2013) conceptualisation of ‘study’ in the undercommons as urban public pedagogies.
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Poon, Wai Ching, e Kian Yeik Koay. "Hong Kong protests and tourism: Modelling tourist trust on revisit intention". Journal of Vacation Marketing 27, n.º 2 (21 de janeiro de 2021): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356766720987881.
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Drawing on prospect theory (the subgroup of behavioural economics) and information integration theory, this study proposes and empirically tests a research model exploring the influence of tourist trust on tourists’ revisit intention through the mediating effect of attitudes in the Hong Kong (HK) protest context. A series of protests commenced on 3 April 2019 against the Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement have severely impacted the HK tourism industry as the destination may deem to be unsafe by tourists to revisit. This study is important because HK protests happened at least 10 protests per month from April to December 2019, which have brought an adverse impact on the tourism industry. Using a survey method, we collected 176 data from those who had prior experience visiting HK, and data were analysed using partial least squares structural equation modelling. Overall, the findings demonstrate that attitudes mediate the effect of tourists’ trust on revisit intention, but no direct effect of trust on revisit intention ascribe to hazard protests. Recognizing greater uncertainty arises following reports from media that prominently inform tourists’ decision-making, and how self-perceived trust influences attitudes on hazards offers intriguing managerial and practical implications for managers and policymakers. Besides, theoretical implications and directions for future research are presented.