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Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Hong Kong.Protest movements"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 26 de julho de 2024

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1

Fong, Yik-lam Andy, e 方奕霖. "State and urban protest: towards a theoretical model of state-urban protest interaction in the sphere ofconsumption in contemporary capitalist societies". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975793.

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2

Cheung, Hui-kwan, e 張照群. "Participation in protest: a comparative studyof two protestant workers' organizations in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31208137.

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3

Fung, Chi-ming, e 馮志明. "History at the grassroots: rickshaw pullers in the pearl river deltaof South China, 1874-1992". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B17537058.

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4

Lam-Knott, Sonia Yue Chuen. "The protesting youths of Hong Kong : post-80s reimaginings of politics through self, body, and space". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ae079ba9-2025-40a0-bf3f-54d9197eb6b0.

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This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

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5

Bernö, Linnea. "“You have to fight for it” The Hong Kong Protests 2019 – 2020 and the Power of Social Movements on Democratization". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412221.

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In the last decade, social movements have demonstrated their power of bringing change to societies, often in terms of democratization. At the same time, the level of democracy in the world has been established as decreasing. It is therefore interesting to study whether the increase of social movements is related to the decline of democracy. The aim of this thesis was thus to explore the perception of democracy amongst activists in a social movement calling for democratization. This was done by conducting semi-structured interviews with activists of varying degrees of participation in the Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020. The results of the study indicated that a majority of the activists regarded democracy from the perspective of liberal democracy, stressing the importance of elections and protection of human rights through a well-grounded constitution. Nevertheless, some of the respondents sought more than a fundamental description of democracy, incorporating elements of deliberation and participation as well. The Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020 have not seen the end yet. Likewise, the existence of social movements will forever remain through variations of repertoires. The significance of what conception of democracy motivates activists to organise themselves through civil society movements remains to be academically covered in full. Thus, future studies of democratization should continue to shed light on the role of the civil society in democratization processes.

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6

Siu, Long, Michael Adorjan, Yat-kai Hui, Shuk-yi Maggy Lee, Kin-fung Wong, 蕭朗, 許逸佳 e 黃建鋒. "Protest policing in contemporary Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/205833.

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7

Larsson, Jessika. "Hong Kong in Transition : The Hong Kong identity and value change in relation to the pro-democracy protests of 2003-2020". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432441.

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The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.

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8

Ho, Kwok-leung Denny. "Polite politics : a sociological analysis of urban protest in Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Kent, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308759.

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9

CHAN, Kwun Hong. "The emergence of civil disobedience movements in Hong Kong". Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2014. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/12.

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Civil disobedience, as a specific means of protest, has drawn intellectual attention worldwide, but few scholars in Hong Kong have studied this means of protest in depth. Focusing on the reasons why civil disobedience movements have emerged in Hong Kong, this research has used a case study methodology. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted with people that participated in many of Hong Kong’s previous civil disobedience movements, from the Yau Ma Tei Boat People Incident of the 1970s, to the Anti-Public Order Ordinance demonstrations and Citizens’ Radio Incident of the early 2000s. In addition to describing how the emergence of specific civil disobedience movements happened, this research also explores the sociopolitical conditions from which civil disobedience movements have emerged in the Hong Kong context. By interviewing key informants in each case (9 in total), a general pattern of the emergence of civil disobedience in Hong Kong has been found. Departing from the well-established studies on civil disobedience that have focused on the particular ideologies of participants or specific characteristics of movement leaders, this study contributes to the study of the sociopolitical conditions that led to emergence. All the cases studied point to the fact that the employment of civil disobedience as a protest means is a calculated response to delegitimizing effect, with the existence of civil society.

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10

Yeung, Sin, e 楊倩. "Social movements in Hong Kong since the 1970s: the prelude of democratization". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31677459.

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11

Ma, Fook-tong Stephen, e 馬福棠. "Urban neighbourhood mobilizations in the changing political scenes of Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31974843.

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12

Ma, Fook-tong Stephen. "Urban neighbourhood mobilizations in the changing political scenes of Hong Kong". [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12324383.

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13

Wong, Hoi-chung. "Public housing movements in Hong Kong since the seventies : a sociological study /". Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574420.

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14

Yeung, Sin. "Social movements in Hong Kong since the 1970s the prelude of democratization /". Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31677459.

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15

Lee, Kar-mut Carmel. "Characteristics of elderly people participating in aged-based social movements in Hong Kong". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1994. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13992235.

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16

Cheung, Tak-piu, e 張德標. "The role of housing managers in housing estate-based social movements in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45009235.

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17

Wong, Hoi-chung, e 王海聰. "Public housing movements in Hong Kong since the seventies: a sociological study". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574420.

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18

Wang, Jieying. "Mobilizing resources in networked social movements: cases in Hong Kong and Taiwan". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/175.

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The study examines social movement resource mobilization in the age of the network society. In the traditional model of Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT), material and human resources, as well as the legitimacy gained for a movement from the mass media, play crucial roles in mobilization. In the contemporary epoch of informationalism and network society, a large variety of instant communication technologies penetrate everyday life, bringing a lifestyle characterized by the intensive integration between technologies and social life. By studying the cases of two recent social movements, which witnessed the networking of different organizations/individuals and their wide use of new technologies, this research tries to identify what sorts of movement resources are employed in the mobilization process, and what the resource mobilization process is like in the paradigm of informationalism and network society. Regarding the traditional RMT, scholars identified the missing link between the movement side and the general public in terms of empathy arousal. Despite that political opportunity process theorists largely added contextual elements, they concentrated on mainstream political institutional change, but still neglecting the role of historical and social culture, and people’s role as active agency. In this study, the author also integrates the cultural aspects as a type of immaterial resource to produce a broader look into movement resources. The two cases investigated are: the anti-moral-and-national-education movement (anti-M&N) in Hong Kong and the anti-media-monopoly movement (anti-monopoly) in Taiwan. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach, employing in-depth interviews and archive study as the major methods. Results show that the traditional resources, such as resource-rich movement organizations, professionals and those possessing fruitful movement experiences are still indispensable. However, it is noteworthy that technologically adept activists have gained an increasingly important position. Their tech-savvy capabilities make them at once information archivist, movement message translator and disseminator. In addition, their heavy use of online platforms has facilitated groups which lack resources to “out-source the provision of resources to a rhizomatic movement network. In this sense, with networking taking place between those who possess resources and the tech-savvy activists, between the core and the rhizomatic participants, a networked alliance has been formed as an important resource to today’s social movements. In traditional resource mobilization theory, the mass media was regarded as an important source to legitimize the movement. In these cases, besides the legitimacy gained from certain types of mass media, the activists also presented the movement’s messages strategically, by bridging the movements with social expectation and embedding in the historical context. By this means, the activists drew wider attention to anxieties about identity. In the light of the fact that Hong Kong and Taiwan are in the eye of the storm against the backdrop of China’s rising power, the issue of identity anxiety in these two societies may provide a direction for further research. Keywords: resource mobilization, network society, Hong Kong, Taiwan

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19

Chan, Shu-ching. "Social conflicts and the housing question in Hong Kong". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12318371.

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20

Koon, Sun-fai, e 官晨暉. "Urban governance and social movements in the context of urban regeneration in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4673708X.

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21

Tsui, Heung-ling. "Media for cultural praxis a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media /". Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42664421.

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22

Lee, Kar-mut Carmel, e 李迦密. "Characteristics of elderly people participating in aged-based social movements in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977704.

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23

Chan, Man-lok, e 陳民洛. "Between red and white: Chinese communist and nationalist movements in Hong Kong, 1945-1958". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46088908.

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24

Lam, Sau-yin, e 林守賢. "Social movement, net activism and urban governance : a case of Choi Yuen Village incident". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/195112.

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Urban social movements become one of the major forms of participation of urban governance of the public in recent years. Social values changed dramatically after the handover that people started to concern their right to the city. They demand for more power and influence in the formulation of urban policies and development strategy. However, urban governance in Hong Kong did not change with the time and resisted changes. This thus widened the gap of urban meaning between the formal government and the public. The conflict of their urban meanings thus led to urban social movement which aim to transform the urban governance. This also reinforce by the presence of new media in the mobilization of the movement. This dissertation aims to investigate how the changes of social values affect the conflict of urban meaning between urban actors and the impact on the urban governance in Hong Kong through analysing the framing of activists and urban managers. Choi Yuen Village Incident is chosen as case study to examine how different urban actors frame the issue and the implied urban meaning in the framing. This would reveal the conflict of urban meaning and the root of the occurrence of urban social movements in Hong Kong.
published_or_final_version
Urban Planning and Design
Master
Master of Science in Urban Planning

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25

Huang, Wenting, e 黄文婷. "Price movements of large and small housing units in Hong Kong : an empirical investigation". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/193466.

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Housing is a dual commodity, which means it is not only a consumption, but an investment, good as well. Investors prefer larger units to smaller ones because larger units with higher ratios of the land-to-property-value will experience higher appreciation rates during a boom and enjoy higher liquidity. Therefore, changes in investment demand have a greater impact on the prices of larger units than on smaller units. Meanwhile, observations have revealed that buyers of smaller units are mostly prospective owner-occupiers driven by consumption demand. Thus, changes in consumption demand have a greater impact on the prices of smaller units than on larger ones. The aim of this study is to investigate the reasons for variations in the price movements of larger and smaller units. If the theory of the investment and consumption submarket holds true, the price differentials between larger and smaller units should capture the changes in investment and consumption demand. The changes in investment demand are measured by capital flows (the proxy of which is the LIBOR-to-HIBOR ratio) and the investment sentiment of the stock market (proxy: Hang Seng Index), whereas changes in consumption demand are measured by unemployment (proxy: unemployment rates). Three hypotheses are derived from the theory of the investment and consumption submarket: 1) The influx of large venture capital into Hong Kong should enlarge the price differentials, while the outflow of large venture capital should narrow them; 2) there is a positive relationship between investment market sentiment and the price differentials; and 3) the unemployment rate should positively affect the price differentials. In the empirical analysis, the price differentials between larger and smaller units are regressed on the variables of the LIBOR-to-HIBOR ratio, the Hang Seng Index, the unemployment rates, and other control variables. Quarterly data from 1985 to 2009 in Hong Kong is employed. The results of the ordinary least squares (OLS) method confirm the three hypotheses of capital flows, investment market sentiment, and unemployment. The empirical results of this study have potentially important practical and policy implications. The findings on the different effects of investment and consumption demand on the prices of larger units versus those on smaller units will offer homebuyers guidance on what to buy and when to buy it. Besides, studies on housing price should distinguish the price movements of larger and smaller units when different investment and consumption demands are concerned. Meanwhile, this study should shed light on investment activities. Other than conventional investment indicators, investors can predict price changes in larger units by tracking the influx or outflow of large amounts of capital to and from Hong Kong, respectively. The findings of this study should also help the government take action to influence the prices of larger units without affecting the smaller unit market, and vice versa.
published_or_final_version
Real Estate and Construction
Master
Master of Philosophy

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26

Chan, Shu-ching, e 陳樹淸. "Social conflicts and the housing question in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31974326.

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27

Chu, Cheuk-hung Sid, e 朱卓雄. "The implications of spatial and social structures for time patterns ofpedestrian movements in urban streets". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37920844.

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28

Cheung, Tak-piu. "The role of housing managers in housing estate-based social movements in Hong Kong /". View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B40988405.

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29

Lam, Hoi-yan Hester, e 林愷欣. "Student movement and social reform". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29532887.

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30

Rohlsson, Cornelia. "Politiska aktivisters användande av sociala medier : En fallstudie på demonstrationerna i Hong Kong 2019-2020". Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-42508.

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The study examines the influence of social media during the demonstrations in Hong Kong 2019-2020, focusing on how young political activists make use of social media, what their attitudes are towards the forums and whether the increased use shows some positive and/or negative effects. The study uses a qualitative method where the empirical material is obtained through semi-structured interviews. An interview guide was created and then nine interviews were conducted, eight of which were used in the study. The results are analyzed on the basis of an analytical framework developed from previous research and theories on how media is used. The study uses Jay G. Blumler, Michael Gurevitch and Elihu Katz’s theory Uses and Gratification, as well as Jan Van Dijk’s theory of network and information societies. The results show that the political activists mainly use social media for the sake of information, as a means of communicating mobilization strategies, updating each other on events, and for encouragement and motivation around the importance of the movement. They all have great respect for what they share on social media, but the attitude is partly that they must spread political messages in order to reach a global audience. The study also shows that the increased use of social media brings both negative and positive effects.

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31

Chiu, Yu-Bin. "Haunted by the past, organising the future : Independent labour movements in Hong kong and Taiwan". Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531560.

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32

Lou, Loretta Ieng Tak. "Healing nature : green living and the politics of hope in Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab6671e4-f656-4729-aae6-51f21485e712.

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In Hong Kong, 'green living' (luksik saangwut) is promoted as a way of living that is kind to the Earth and good to the people. It is a grassroots movement that encourages people to take personal responsibility for the environment and the society at large. While most studies of Asia's environmental movements focus on green groups' lobbying tactics and mobilisation strategies, this thesis pays serious attention to individuals' experience of living a green life. Although Hong Kong's green culture is highly influenced by the global appeal to sustainability and environmental protection, its specificities are shaped by the city's social and political climate in a unique historical conjuncture. By focusing on individual experience and their practices of green living in the everyday, I argue that green living in Hong Kong is best understood as 'technologies of the self' wherein new environmental, social, and political subjectivities are formed among the ordinary people. The perceived reciprocity between the act of healing nature and the healing power of nature is an essential element in the formation of green subjectivity in Hong Kong. Not only does green living help people heal and transform themselves, it has also given rise to an embodied politics (santai likhang) that enables people to reimagine a social and political 'otherwise'. Such embodied politics has come to represent a politics of hope that empowers people to confront with the politics of fear that has been looming over Hong Kong since the former British colony was returned to China in 1997. In light of this background, I argue that what the Hong Kong people want to sustain is not just the natural environment, but also the social norms and the ways of living that are thought to distinguish themselves from their counterparts in mainland China.

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Lam, Lai Ling. "Perceiving and practicing citizenship : a study on youth activists' experience in social movement in Hong Kong". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/762.

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This study investigates how youth activists in Hong Kong make sense of citizenship and practice citizenship by participating in different kinds of social movements. Informed by the work of Faulk (2000) and Isin (2009), citizenship is conceptualised as a framework as well as a practice where the definitions are developed and constructed accordingly. A qualitative method is adopted in this research in which in-depth interviews are conducted with 16 youth activists between 18-29 years old and a thematic analysis is carried out for analysis purposes. The major findings suggest that youth activists, even though they are at the forefront of the citizenship movement, find citizenship to be both a familiar and an alien concept. Nevertheless, participation in social movements raise their concerns about citizenship and has compelled some of them to explore a local identity and strive to develop a Hong Kong citizenship from the bottom up. By taking part in social movements, the youth activists build and accumulate experience in citizenship movements, and create diverse and multiple meanings of citizenship. Three types of citizenship acts are found in this study: responsive acts which are emotionally-driven, confrontational and adversarial. The related practices reproduce a market-oriented and exclusionary type of citizenship. Then there are resilient acts of citizenship which are driven by ideology, and emphasise the importance of connecting citizens in the community to collectively advocate for the realisation of citizenship. These citizenship practices tend to produce an open and inclusive type of citizenship. Finally, there are reinvented acts of citizenship, which emphasise autonomous everyday life practices in the community. These are driven by the reflexive practices that are applied in daily life, which tend to inspire a communitarian type of citizenship. The findings of this study also suggest that the authoritarian-neoliberal regime in Hong Kong has a dominant influence over the construction of citizenship. This has been a major force that dictates the direction of youth activism towards exclusionary practices, downplays equal citizenship and causes solo actions in social movements. This citizenship practice reduces the capacity of youth activism from advancing towards activist citizenship, and leads to speculative citizenship characterised by uncertainty and precarity. Notwithstanding the structural constraints, it is found that alternative practices still exist, and the reflexive capacity of youth activism should not be underestimated. It is argued that different acts of citizenship practiced by different groups of activists are not mutually destructive but rather, feed each another in their controversies and debates, and through communication, thus inspiring alternative acts that erode the dominant conception of citizenship, answer to justice as well as inspire activist citizenship.

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Choi, Siu-tong, e 蔡兆堂. "Correlation of anteroposterior sagittal laxity with clinical outcomes in prosthetic knee among Hong Kong Chinese". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45009880.

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35

Tsui, Heung-ling, e 徐香玲. "Media for cultural praxis: a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42664421.

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Law, Nga Wing. "Performing identities: performative practices in post-handover Hong Kong art & activism". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/518.

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This is an autoethnographic account of the performative practices in the Umbrella Movement (2014, Hong Kong), a struggle that I myself and some fellow artists participated in. Instead of making a discursive analysis of postcolonial identity, this thesis focuses on performative practices and the performativity of artists and their activist counterparts in the Umbrella Movement. This thesis starts with an overview of the political situation in Hong Kong before relating it to the social turn in contemporary art practice and the performative turn in art and research practices. Instead of using performance as a metaphor for understanding cultural phenomena, I persevere with the notion of performance per se, of artists taking part in activism and examining the performativity involved in the process. As an artist/researcher, I have been seeking a research methodology that is compatible with the means and ends of activism being studied and can nourish a reflexive account on the performative practices of resistance in postcolonial Hong Kong. I propose a methodology of 'performative autoethnography' which accentuates the co-performative and intersubjective process as well as the non-textual aspects of embodied experience and of performing struggle in activism. Reviewing the performative practices on macro- and micro-levels, I borrow the term 'microutopia' to depict the imaginary space created by micro-performances used to cope with the discrepancies between utopian ideals and reality. Specifically, I examine the transformative power of some performative tactics employed in the Umbrella Movement: parodic performance of 'over-identification,' improvisation accomplished by collective connectivity and kinetic responsiveness of the performers, and the artist as an intersubjective mediator. Among these tactics, there are recurring claims and recurring forms that add up to a repertoire of protest. Through microutopian interventions staged at the site of protest, the identities of the multitude are constructed through critical engagement. I suggest that we use the concept of 'critical identities' to study how identities are constructed within an open-ended network of social relations, using a critical reflexive lens of performance studies at a precarious moment in which Hong Kong finds itself at a crossroads.

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37

Wong, Chi-kong. "The role of pressure groups in the politics of urban development of Hong Kong". [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12318310.

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Lau, Sze-man, e 劉詩敏. "A cross-sectional comparison study of the plantar pressure and gait characteristic of patient with rheumatoid arthritis". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45160454.

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Wong, Sau-shing Pierre, e 黃守誠. "A study of the correlation of share price movements of Taiwan listed companies with cross holdings". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31268390.

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黃盈盈. "董建華時期的學生運動 : 權力修辭分析 = Student movements in Tung Chee-hwa's period : a power-rhetoric approach". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/803.

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Tse, Nok Kiu. ""The Harbour of Incense": An Original Composition in Three Movements". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707330/.

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This paper presents an overview of the concepts and strategies in the original composition, The Harbour of Incense, a cycle of three movements for different groups of instruments. Each movement addresses an aspect of the musical cultures of Hong Kong. The first movement Taan Go for Harp Solo explores the sound world of the folk genre saltwater song; the second movement Jat1 Wun2 Sai3 Ngau4 Naam5 Min6 for Flute and Piano highlights the musicality of Cantonese language; the third movement Daa Zaai for Oboe, Clarinet in B-flat, Bassoon, and Percussion, is inspired by the keyi music used in the Taoist funeral. The paper discusses how to bring together Southeast Asian aesthetics and contemporary Western compositional techniques, as well as how to communicate this unique cultural experience to performers and audiences from other backgrounds. It provides the transcriptions of two saltwater songs and an excerpt of keyi music, and illustrate how they inform the structures, textures, and melodic gestures of the composition. The nine tones of Cantonese language are also explored for generating melodic materials, metric plans, and articulation writing.

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Wong, Chi-kong, e 黃志光. "The role of pressure groups in the politics of urban development of Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31974612.

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Chong, Hiuhung. "Pushing the pro-democracy agenda after the 1997 handover : protest politics, political advocacy and the media in the semi-democratic Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30568.

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The research investigates political communication in a semi-democratic Hong Kong post 1997. It is particularly interested why and how pro-democracy agendas enter the public-media arena. The research hypothesises that the ability to set and control the public-media agenda (what the public read and view) is not concentrated solely in the hands of the state (government and governor) but is dispersed amongst various groups in Hong Kong civil society. It argues that despite their relative lack of resources, various political parties and pressure groups are able to bring the certain issues to public prominence. While this is a competitive struggle, such groups are aided by a largely independent media. The research challenges those who argue that Hong Kong, since 1997, is witnessing a strengthening of state power at the expense of civil society and the growth of media censorship. On the contrary, this research suggests that political communication in civil society is alive and well and is often critical of the powers that be. This research examines the formation of pro-democracy agendas in the Hong Kong media. It highlights the main political communication actors; their media centred dispositions, use of public relations strategies, and interrelationships. The study looks into the way parties, pressure groups and the government try to shape the flow nature of information in the media and how they try to influence debates in civil society. It develops two case studies; in particular it focuses on the discussion of ideas and politics during the legislation of Article 23. In this setting it shows how the different political actors mentioned seek to control the public agenda and through this shape public opinion. Finally, it tries to assess what implications the findings have for fledgling democracy in Hong Kong.

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Wang, Jieying. "An identity formation through collective action in a new social movement in Hong Kong : a case study of the post-80s anti-express rail link youth". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1262.

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Yu, Lanlan. "Cross-movement coalition maintenance : resource and legitimacy management : the case of Civil Human Rights Front". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1534.

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Zhu, Lin. "Three essays on asset bubbles and economic growth in a small open economy". Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3959330.

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Mäki, Isella, e Karin Lehtonen. ""Gummikulor mot demonstranter i Hongkong" : En kvalitativ textanalys om hur demonstrationerna i Hongkong 2019 gestaltades i två svenska morgontidningar". Thesis, Jönköping University, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51846.

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Tidigare forskning visar att nyhetsmedia ofta gestaltar demonstrationer enligt våld och konflikt. Nyhetsrapporteringen om protester är övervägande negativ och utformas många gånger på ett sätt som hindrar demonstrationers bakgrund och budskap från att ta plats. Demonstranter söker sig ofta till nyhetsmedia för att kunna sprida sitt budskap till en större publik. Vad medierna väljer att framföra kan ha en stor påverkan på hur en demonstration uppfattas och även utfallet av den. En negativ nyhetsrapportering kan få en demonstration att framstå som onödig, vilket i sin tur kan leda till att demonstranterna i fråga inte får ta plats på den politiska scenen. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur demonstrationerna i Hongkong 2019 gestaltades i svensk nyhetsjournalistik och om den svenska medierapporteringen följer protestparadigmet. Studien utgår från gestaltningsteorin, the protest paradigm och nyhetsvärderingsteorin. En artikel från Dagens Nyheter och en artikel från Göteborgs-Posten har analyserats med en kvalitativ textanalys som metod. Resultatet visar att artiklarna på vissa sätt korrelerar med protestparadigmet. Våld och konflikt är frekvent förekommande i både Dagens Nyheter och Göteborgs-Postens rapportering om demonstrationerna i Hongkong, speciellt i början av artiklarna. Däremot går resultatet emot protestparadigmet på flera punkter, då tidningarna skriver om demonstranternas syfte, mål och bakgrund samt fokuserar på polisens våld mot demonstranterna.
Earlier research shows that news media use violence and conflict to frame demonstrations. A protests news coverage is often negative and portrayed in such a way that impedes the background and message of a demonstration. Demonstrations usually seek media attention to spread their message to a bigger audience. What the media choose to present can have a big impact on how a demonstration is perceived and the outcome of it. Negative news coverage can make a demonstration appear unnecessary and can lead to a loss of power and status in the society. The purpose of this study is to examine how the protests in Hong Kong 2019 were framed in Swedish news media and if the news coverage follows the protest paradigm. The framing theory, the protest paradigm and news value theory are the theories applied in this study. The method used was a qualitative textual analysis and one article from Dagens Nyheter and one article from Göteborgs-Posten were analyzed. The results in our study show that the articles, in some way, correlate with the protest paradigm. Violence and conflict occur frequently in both Dagens Nyheter and Göteborgs-Posten’s news coverage of the protests in Hongkong, especially in the beginning of the articles. However, the results also go against the protest paradigm in multiple ways. The newspapers do write about the protesters purpose, goals and background, as well as the police violence.

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Tam, Man Kei. "Action repertoire of the 'Big Noise in the Street' : bodily practice and spatial dissemination as social movement". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2000. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/233.

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Lin, Ching-Yao, e 林敬堯. "The Hong Kong Chief Executive Election Protest: A Test Case for the Chinese Party-State’s Response to Social Movements Under the “One Country, Two Systems” Framework". Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/umm6pu.

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博士
國立臺灣師範大學
政治學研究所
104
As the British were preparing their imminent withdrawal from Hong Kong on the eve of the 1997 Handover, the city officials begin enacting a series of reforms related democratization and representational governance. Beijing’s newly established office of Chief Executive was mandated to report directly to the central government. Granted a wide range of powers, the Chief Executive became Hong Kong’s primary administrative entity. The purpose of this arrangement was to allow Hong Kong to retain the essential features of its original administrative structure while simultaneously enabling the central government to fully lead and supervise the governance of the city. To put it succinctly, since the Handover, the growth and development of Hong Kong’s system of governance, especially in regards to democratization, has been curtailed by Beijing at every turn. In this flashpoint of contradiction between new and old systems of administration, the social ideals held by powerful political communities and those of ordinary citizens have come into sharp conflict. Both sides hold incompatible understandings regarding the relationship between community and citizen as well as on the nature of citizenship itself. The political communities undertake a top-down approach promoting the liberal citizenship tradition. Regular citizens, on the other hand, take a bottom-up approach when putting their ideals into practice. This type anti-traditional liberal methodology seeks to redefine the concepts of and relationship between political community and citizenship, consummating in the gradual creation of a corporate citizenship. What are the causes and cures of Hong Kong’s incessant social conflicts? In this paper it is argued that “ripping apart” is actually the beginning stage of “communication.” Although Beijing has not formally disassembled its “one country, two systems” framework, the central government is nonetheless in direct control of policy in Hong Kong. This fact was evidenced in both the quantitative and qualitative changes of the Umbrella Movement. The people currently have no means of expanding their influence in the government, despite the use of elections and various other measures—authoritarian governments do not make reforms on their own accord. This paper takes the relationship between state and society as its starting point and examines research on the production of social movements and development mechanisms from the three-fold perspective of change, structure and discourse. This paper studies the scale of Hong Kong’s reoccurring social movements utilizing a concrete analysis of events set against the backdrop of a society in transition. Entailed in this analysis is an observation the structural elements associated with Hong Kong’s social, economic and political transformation. An attempt will be made to construct a structural analysis of the current discourse (e.g., social norms and arrangements, self-identity, legality) as well as to present an explanation model that combines the three elements of change, structure and discourse. This research indicates that problem resolution should involve rationalizing the relationship between nation and society, which would result in Hong Kong and the central government becoming equal participants in the discourse of self-identity along with an increased consensus regarding the legality of the Hong Kong government’s policy initiatives. Future social movements could be promoted with a greater degree of efficiency, resting as they would on the basis of more robust social institutions. The continual fomenting of frustration among the lower strata of society is a reflection of the Hong Kong citizenry’s unwillingness to submit to the conditions imposed on them by Beijing in order to survive. This discontent has already spread to sections of the middle class. Unresolved political issues such as this can only lead to continued civic unrest. How could dissenters, confronting the powerful Chinese Communist Party, hope to gain universal suffrage without the use of protests? Would no universal suffrage and no democracy change this situation for the better? Hong Kong’s democratic movement thus faces a three-pronged predicament: (1) the central government, applying pressure on all sides, has shattered city’s hopes of democracy; (2) the failure of democratic reforms has left the problem of governance unresolved; (3) the deep social rift that emerged in the aftermath of the Umbrella Movement.

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"Rural protest in Hong Kong: a historical and sociological analysis". 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889745.

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by Hung Ho Fung.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-147).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Summary --- p.3
Acknowledgements --- p.5
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Thearadox of Rural Stability --- p.8
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature on Collective Action --- p.20
Chapter Chapter 3 --- Elite Intervention and Organization: Independent Variables in the Analysis of Ruralrotest Intensity --- p.36
Chapter Chapter 4 --- Conceptual Framework for Case Analysis --- p.69
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Extreme Cases --- p.73
Chapter Chapter 6 --- intermediate Cases --- p.99
Chapter Chapter 7 --- Discussion and Conclusion --- p.135
References --- p.142

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