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Bridges, Brian. "Hong Kong and Japan: Commerce, Culture and Contention". China Quarterly 176 (dezembro de 2003): 1052–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003000614.
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This article analyses the nature of contemporary Hong Kong–Japan relations in their economic, political and cultural dimensions, setting the relationship within the broader context of Sino-Japanese relations, concerns about identity and nationalism within Hong Kong, and changing Japanese commercial priorities. While the commercial and popular cultural ties between Japan and Hong Kong remain dominant, since the mid-1990s political issues have become more visible in Hong Kong–Japan relations. Changing moods within Hong Kong about the handover and, after 1997, about the nature of the redefined relationship with China have had an important influence on the political economy of Hong Kong–Japan relations.
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Chao, Long. "Hong Kong as Alternative Sinophone Articulation: Translation and Literary Cartography in Dung Kai-Cheung’S Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City". Open Cultural Studies 2, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 771–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0069.
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Abstract Following the 2014 Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong society has witnessed a series of fights between social (youth) activists and its Special Administrative Government (SAR). What was at stake really boils down to the issue of Hong Kong’s self-positioning vis-a-vis the rising economic and political strength of Mainland China. This issue is certainly nothing new, given that most cultural discourses in the 1990s, both within and outside Hong Kong, have focused on the city’s postcolonial status after the handover. This article therefore proposes to approach such an issue from the perspective of the Sinophone to bring to light how cultural production in Hong Kong can generate alternative thinking. It considers specifically a literary work by a native Hong Kong writer, namely, Dung Kai-cheung’s Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City (Atlas), through the lens of translation. By analysing how Dung Kai-cheung engages in three levels of translation to paint a kaleidoscopic image of Hong Kong, this article shows how the concept of Sinophone can inspire, enlighten and even question existing knowledge about Hong Kong’s history and culture. Eventually, Atlas, shown as deprived of a nativist or nationalistic discourse, creates new epistemic possibilities for understanding Hong Kong. As part of the ongoing global Sinophone cultures, Atlas also exemplifies how Hong Kong can be imagined to hold an equally important position vis-a-vis Mainland China.
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Luk, Y. T. "Postcolonial Culture Policy in Hong Kong". Media International Australia 94, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2000): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009400114.
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This paper is concerned with the arts and culture policy in Hong Kong in the postcolonial context, after the 1997 reversion to Chinese sovereignty. It addresses itself to the main concerns of arts policy with a view not only to making cultural activities flourish, but also to shaping— if possible — a Hong Kong identity as a special administrative region of China, taking into account Hong Kong and its people as a cultural, political, economic and social location.
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Hung-Kay, Luk. "Hong Kong History and Culture". Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 30, n.º 3 (abril de 1998): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csa0009-4625300313.
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Lee, Francis L. F., e Joseph M. Chan. "Making Sense of Participation: The Political Culture of Pro-democracy Demonstrators in Hong Kong". China Quarterly 193 (março de 2008): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000052.
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AbstractA wave of large-scale demonstrations from 2003 to 2006 has given rise to a new pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong and raised important questions about the political activism of the Hong Kong public. This study aims at achieving a better understanding of the cultural underpinnings of Hong Kong people's protest participation (and non-participation). Following a tradition of constructivist analysis which sees culture as a set of shared and more or less structured ideas, symbols, feelings and common senses, this study examines how participants in the pro-democracy protests make sense of their experiences and the ongoing political and social changes in Hong Kong. It shows that the 1 July 2003 demonstration has indeed empowered many of its participants, but feelings of efficacy became more complicated and mixed as people continued to monitor changes in the political environment and interpret the actions of others. At the same time, beliefs and ideas that can be regarded as part of Hong Kong's culture of de-politicization remain prevalent among the protesters. The findings of the study allow us to understand why many Hong Kong people view protests as important means of public opinion expression and yet participate in them only occasionally.
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Chu, Yiu-Wai. "Introduction: Mediating borders: New boundaries for Hong Kong studies". Global Media and China 5, n.º 2 (junho de 2020): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436420927647.
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There are myriad methods and tactics to study and examine Hong Kong as a former crown colony and a current Chinese special administrative region. Using the idea of border as a critical tool as well as the subject of critique, this special issue highlights and addresses a political and historical fact that the bordering, debordering and transbordering of Hong Kong, as long taken-for-granted through the media, has never been a fixed and stable boundary. If political binarism and cultural parochialism have walled up Hong Kong cultures from national or transnational transformations, the essays in this special issue seek to initiate new discussions and revisit old discovery of Hong Kong amid the ebb and flow of nationality, transnationality and globality. They respond to cross-border ventures in various ways, offering different views and engaging with one another as to shed light on how the changing borderscape might have impacts on the future development of Hong Kong culture.
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Chan, Selina Ching. "Tea cafés and the Hong Kong identity: Food culture and hybridity". China Information 33, n.º 3 (11 de maio de 2018): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18773409.
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This article examines the meanings of caa caan teng (茶餐廳, local cafés) in Hong Kong and the implications of such cafés on the Hong Kong identity. It argues that the local café is a representation of Hong Kong culture because it reflects Hong Kong’s political, economic, and social developmental paths and mirrors the everyday life of its people. I investigate how the interaction of different immigrant cultures in Hong Kong has resulted in the invention of hybrid foods at the local café. These foods demonstrate hybridity as the transgression of boundaries through the negotiation of cultural differences among migrants, as well as those between migrants and colonialists. I argue that hybridity in local cafés reflects the power relations among the locals in Hong Kong, between locals and colonialists, and between locals and the new authorities in Beijing. Hybridity found in local cafés symbolizes the Hong Kong identity, as an entanglement between the multiplicity of Chinese ethnicities and the colonial modernity as characterized by flexibility, efficiency, choice, and diversity. These features differentiate the Hong Kong people from the colonialists and the mainlanders, thus constructing their identity and subjectivity, as former colonial subjects now living in the ‘periphery’ of the motherland.
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Kin, Au Chi. "The Academic Role of Hong Kong in the Development of Chinese Culture, 1950s–70s". China Report 54, n.º 1 (28 de dezembro de 2017): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744408.
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For many people, ‘Hong Kong is a cultural desert’. However, we find that Hong Kong plays an important academic role and acts as a cultural bridge between China and Western countries, especially when China experiences unstable political, economic, social and cultural situations. The People’s Republic of China was established in 1949. During this time, numerous scholars fled China and selected Hong Kong as a ‘shelter’. Some decided to stay for good, whereas others viewed the territory as a stepping stone. Regardless of their reasons, their academic performance has significantly influenced Hong Kong. Two of the most famous scholars in this period were Luo Xianglin (羅香林 Lo Shan Lin) and Qian Mu (錢穆). Luo taught at the Department of Chinese of the University of Hong Kong. Qian was a faculty member at the New Asia College, which was one of the founding members of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. This study will examine the following issues: (i) why these two scholars selected Hong Kong, (ii) what role they played in the development of tertiary education with regard to Chinese studies in Hong Kong, (iii) how they developed the role of Hong Kong as a haven for the protection of Chinese culture and (iv) how Qian Mu developed New Asia College as a vehicle for spreading the ‘New’ Asian culture in the 1960s.
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Mao, Bingxi. "Cultural, Business, and Political Characteristics of Hong Kong Street Art: A Mini Review". Frontiers in Business, Economics and Management 2, n.º 2 (25 de outubro de 2021): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/fbem.v2i2.171.
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With its towering skyscrapers and busy streets, many people think that Hong Kong is all that it appears to be. But look closely and you'll see that behind all this glitz and glamour, Hong Kong has a wealth of fascinating things to offer. As Asia's most vibrant centre for art and culture, Hong Kong has demonstrated its creative spirit in everything from world-class galleries and exhibitions to international art events, especially in street art. Over the past few years, street art has given Hong Kong's cityscape a bold and innovative look - the East meets West murals in Central, the graffiti art in Wong Chuk Hang Industrial Estate, the colourful and creative works in Sham Shui Po. The paper explains and demonstrates cultural and business aspects of Hong Kong Street Art based on its characteristics. Further recommendation of the continuing transformation of Hong Kong Street Art is proposed in the last section of this paper as well.
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Tsoi, Ling Yu Debbie, e Fung Ming Christy Liu. "Translation, culture and politics". Translation Spaces 8, n.º 2 (5 de novembro de 2019): 280–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.18009.tso.
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Abstract This article analyzes the election slogans of Hong Kong chief executives and the titles of their policy addresses since Hong Kong’s handover to mainland China in 1997, from the point of view of translation methods, cultural implications and reader responses. It finds that literal translation dominates in the translation of election slogans and policy address titles, that translated slogans and titles portray Hong Kong as a collectivist society with low power distance, and that choices between domestication and foreignization are dependent upon individual chief executives (or nominees). The article discusses the growing importance of the role of readers and proposes an inductive framework of interactive responses to represent the reality of political translation in the new era brought about by digitalization.
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Ho, Wai-Chung, e Wing-Wah Law. "Sociopolitical culture and school music education in Hong Kong". British Journal of Music Education 26, n.º 1 (março de 2009): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051708008292.
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In the last two decades, educational and curricular reforms in Hong Kong have been designed to prepare students for the challenges of the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty from the UK to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1997. This paper focuses on students' and teachers' attitudes towards a multicultural music education, which includes Chinese music, in response to this socio-political change. A mixed method design, involving a content analysis of relevant official educational and music documents, a questionnaire survey to 3,243 school students, and semi-structured interviews with 20 music teachers have been employed to further understanding of the development of politics and culture in Hong Kong society, which was investigated between winter 2006 and spring 2007. This paper argues that access to various musical cultures is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the development of music education in Hong Kong. Questions of how to integrate both Chinese music and other musical cultures in music education will remain a challenge for the future.
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Hampton, Mark. "British Legal Culture and Colonial Governance: The Attack on Corruption in Hong Kong, 1968–1974". Britain and the World 5, n.º 2 (setembro de 2012): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2012.0055.
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This article examines the Hong Kong Government's vigorous attack on corruption in the late 1960s and early 1970s as an example of the transmission of British legal and political culture abroad. Previous studies of Hong Kong's anti-corruption efforts have understandably situated them in the context of local history, including both Chinese folk culture and the Hong Kong Government's need to rebuild legitimacy following major civil disturbances between 1966 and 1968. This article does not disagree with these emphases, but argues that the attack on corruption is equally a part of British cultural history. Drawing on newly-available archival material, this article shows that longstanding British antipathy to corruption provided political and legal values on which Hong Kong's Colonial officials drew when the local context made the tackling of corruption politically advantageous. At the same time, though, British legal culture was as much an obstacle as an inspiration to anti-corruption efforts. In particular, the Hong Kong Government's Prevention of Bribery Ordinance conflicted with British legal values concerning the rights of the accused, and the British Fugitive Offenders Act hindered London's ability to support the extradition of a notoriously corrupt police official, Peter Godber. This article thus underscores the clash between British legal values and the practical necessities of governing in Britain's last major colony.
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Yeung, Jessica Siu-yin. "Hong Kong Literature and the Taiwanese Encounter: Literary Magazines, Popular Literature and Shih Shu-Ching's Hong Kong Stories". Cultural History 12, n.º 2 (outubro de 2023): 224–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2023.0288.
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This article examines the ways literary adaptations between Hong Kong and Taiwanese writers shape literary cultures in both places during the Cold War period. The 1950s and 1960s were the time when Hong Kong and Taiwan literary cultures were starting to thrive. An influx of literati into both places collaborated with each other and the locals to experiment with literary forms in literary magazines. The 1950s and 1960s were also the time when Hong Kong and Taiwan cinema experienced the first waves of adapting literary works into film in the postwar period. After the literary magazine culture dwindled in the 1970s, a new generation of writers in both places emerged. In Hong Kong, these new writers may not be native, but they take Hong Kong as their main subject in their writings. The Taiwanese writer Shih Shu-ching is one of them. In studying Hong Kong-Taiwan literary adaptation histories, one may easily overlook the adaptation from fiction to screenplay, as in Shih and the Taiwanese playwright Wang Chi-mei's case. By understanding the literary relationship between Hong Kong and Taiwan in the Cold War, together with their adaptation histories, we can acquire a clearer sense of how these literary cultures developed.
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Yin, Chan Hok. "The Experiences and Participation of Immigrant Intellectuals in the Cultural Development of Hong Kong". China Report 54, n.º 1 (28 de dezembro de 2017): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744407.
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This study examines the experiences of two generations of intellectuals that migrated to Hong Kong in 1919 and 1949. * The earlier generation included the former Qing remnants Lai Jixi (賴際熙) and Chen Botao (陳伯陶), and the latter included Tang Junyi (唐君毅), a prominent advocate of Neo-Confucianism. Although they shared a similar ethnic pride, they developed divergent attitudes about the colony of Hong Kong. The former Qing remnants all harmoniously related with the local Chinese elites and businessmen in Hong Kong and, thus, successfully integrated with the mainstream Chinese community. They maintained their traditional Chinese culture while working together with the colonial government even as the cultural gap between Hong Kong and Mainland China expanded. In 1949, significant political changes caused by the creation of the People’s Republic of China created a second generation of immigrants, including Neo-Confucianist Tang Junyi, who shared similar attitudes about traditional culture with the earlier immigrants. However, they developed totally different ideas about Hong Kong with respect to nationalism and colonialism. Although Tang and other immigrants like him all claimed to be proponents of traditional Chinese culture and to promote orthodox traditions, they also held different ideas about culture. This study investigates how Tang Junyi’s nationalism and critical attitudes towards coloniality developed, while also explaining the limitations of his efforts to re-establish China’s national culture without participating in the local culture. This examination not only facilitates our understanding of how elites and intellectuals in Hong Kong saw Chinese culture through different periods but also helps us reflect on the roles and functions of Hong Kong during the historical and cultural development process.
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Zhu, Xuehan, e Sooyeoun Sohn. "A Study of Hong Kong Movies Cultural Identity: Focus on Movies The Actress and The Golden Era". Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, n.º 11 (30 de novembro de 2022): 639–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.11.44.11.639.
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2022 is the 25th year of Hong Kong's return to China; the return implies that Hong Kong has transferred from colonial history to the new political environment of “one country, two systems.” Meanwhile, Hong Kong's cultural identity would be sharply reconstructed after the return. This study is based on movies and aims to understand whether the change in cultural identity is reflected in the culture and arts areas. Specifically, this paper compares two Hong Kong movies, “The Actress” and “The Golden Era.” The reason is that those two movies have similar background contexts, but they are produced in different periods (i.e., before and after Hong Kong’s return). This paper has the following findings: there have been great changes in the film industry, cultural identity and movie style. Overall, this study shed light on how the political environment changes affect the culture and arts field; moreover, our findings broaden the understanding of the Chinese and Hong Kong movie industries.
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Ho, Louis. "From ‘no cultural policy’ to ‘centralised market orientation’: The political economy of Hong Kong cultural policy (1997–2015)". Global Media and China 2, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2017): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436417693007.
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This study examines changes in the cultural policy in Hong Kong amid the transformations of political economy in the 1990s, following the handover in 1997, and under the administration of three Chief Executives (and their teams) up to 2015. When reviewing the literature on cultural policies in Hong Kong, this study examines the interaction the policies have with the political-economic development in Hong Kong (within the scope of this study) and subsequently explores changes in the principles of the policies. In other words, this study attempts to understand the conditions under which cultural policies were formulated in Hong Kong (the conditions of the production of local culture). The analytical framework of this study is based on two observations of the political and social changes occurring in Hong Kong (1997–2015): (1) changes in the government’s governance attitude since the handover in 1997, and (2) a series of economic blows Hong Kong has endured since 1998. Differing from the ‘descriptive literature’ defined by Schuster, this study understands that these changes are a result of the influence of a postcolonial state and neo-liberalism on public policy formulation. It is argued that the Hong Kong cultural policy framework has shifted from checks-and-balances towards centralised market orientation.
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Barmé, Geremie R. "Hong Kong the floating city". Index on Censorship 26, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1997): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600131.
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Hong Kong has not only shaped much of China's popular culture, it has also been a key port for the packaging and re-export of Chinese dissident culture for over a decade. With its return to China in 1997, all that will come to an end. So, too, will its unique role in contemporary Chinese history as the mediator, mirror and filter for mainland and Taiwan exchanges
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Yip, Paul S. F. "Suicides in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Beijing". British Journal of Psychiatry 169, n.º 4 (outubro de 1996): 495–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.169.4.495.
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BackgroundDifferences and similarities were examined of suicide in Hong Kong, Beijing and Taiwan, the populations of which are all ethnically Chinese and share some characteristics of culture but which have very different social and political environments.MethodsThe official death statistics were used for the periods 1981–94 (Hong Kong and Taiwan) and 1987–94 (Beijing).ResultsHong Kong has experienced a slight increase in suicide rate, whereas a significant decline was observed in Taiwan and Beijing. The suicide rates in all three increased with age, the rate among the elderly being four to five times the average. A relatively low male:female ratio (1.0–1.9) was also observed. Jumping and hanging were the most common methods of suicide in Hong Kong and Taiwan, respectively. Hong Kong had the most years of potential life lost.ConclusionsDespite the remarkable economic growth in all three places during the study period, the differences in suicide trends suggest that the social and political environments may be more important than the economic environment in suicide. In Hong Kong the suicide rate is likely to remain high or even to increase.
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Ku, Agnes S. "Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong: The Paradox of Activism and Depoliticization. By Lamwai-Man. [Armonk, NY and London: M.E. Sharpe, 2004. xi +291 pp. $72.95. ISBN: 0-7656-1313-1.]". China Quarterly 180 (dezembro de 2004): 1108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004300767.
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Buttressed by local scholarship, the conventional understanding of Hong Kong's political culture has long dwelt on the notions of apathy and indifference. Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong advances an interesting and provocative thesis to refute the conventional claim by taking readers through a historical journey of Hong Kong's major conflict events between 1949 and 1979. The author ambitiously seeks to engage in a critical evaluation of the conventional theses, especially that by Siu-kai Lau in the 1980s. Lau's idea of utilitarian familism, which is much cited in Hong Kong studies, provides an explanation of political apathy that locates the causes in the wider culture as well as in weak state-society relations. Questioning Lau's thesis on strong methodological, conceptual and empirical grounds, the author aims to present an alternative reading of Hong Kong politics, which she captures well in the subtitle: the paradox of activism and depoliticization.Contrary to Lau, the author argues that political participation was neither minimal nor simply utilitarian. She broadens the conception of political participation to include political acts targeted at the local government, the Chinese government and private institutions; discursive activities through the press; and politically relevant activities via social organizations and social movements. Using a multiple-case interpretive approach, she draws on 13 events as case studies and analyses them in terms of their scale, intensity, publicity, significance and ideological claims. The author maintains that all of the events were “impressive” and were “part of larger movements that persisted over a number of decades and that were sustained by the particular nature of society and politics at that time” (p. 229). These testify to the existence of significant levels of political activism. Adding a twist to her argument, the author further maintains that a culture of depoliticization existed side by side with political activism, which functioned to check left-wing activism in the context of Cold War and Chinese politics.
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Lau, Stella Sai-Chun. "Popular music in the youth culture of Hong Kong: the social functions of indie music". Asian Education and Development Studies 10, n.º 4 (6 de agosto de 2021): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2020-0172.
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PurposeThe key concepts to be explored in this article include the blurring boundary between “indie” and “pop”; the significance of digital media in contemporary music industry and the distinctive socio-political nature of indie music in Hong Kong. To a large extent, it discusses the social functions of music – a subject discussed by Simon Frith (2007), a leading scholar in popular music studies.Design/methodology/approachIn order to expound on some observations of the connections between music cultures and socio-political development in Hong Kong, a selection of musical works by indie musicians will be looked into closely.FindingsA focus of discussion will be given to the difference between mainstream Cantopop and indie music in a way that the latter mentions socio-political matters overtly while the former downplays sensitive political issues, particularly in the post-colonial era after the handover of Hong Kong to mainland China in 1997.Originality/valueOriginality of research can be evidenced by the author's textual analysis of the musical styles and lyrics produced by various local indie artists' musical works through primary sources.
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Veg, Sebastian. "Creating a Textual Public Space: Slogans and Texts from Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement". Journal of Asian Studies 75, n.º 3 (agosto de 2016): 673–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816000565.
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Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement (September–December 2014) represented a watershed in Hong Kong's political culture and self-understanding. Based on over 1,000 slogans and other textual and visual material documented during the movement, this study provides an overview of claims, which are oriented towards an assertion of agency, articulated at different levels: in a universalistic mode (“democracy”), in relation with a political community (Hong Kong autonomy and decolonization), and through concrete policy aims. At the same time, slogans mobilize diverse cultural and historical repertoires that attest the hybrid quality of Hong Kong identity and underscore the diversity of sources of political legitimacy. Finally, it will be argued that by establishing a system of contending discourses within the occupied public spaces, the movement strived to act out a type of discursive democracy. Despite the challenges that this discursive space encountered in interacting with the authorities and the public at large, it represented an unfinished attempt to build a new civic culture among Hong Kong's younger generation.
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Fu, Poshek. "Japanese Occupation, Shanghai Exiles, and Postwar Hong Kong Cinema". China Quarterly 194 (junho de 2008): 380–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100800043x.
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AbstractThis article explores a little-explored subject in a critical period of the history of Hong Kong and China. Shortly after the surrender of Japan in 1945, China was in the throes of civil war between the Nationalists and Communists while British colonial rule was restored in Hong Kong, The communist victory in 1949 deepened the Cold War in Asia. In this chaotic and highly volatile context, the flows and linkages between Shanghai and Hong Kong intensified as many Chinese sought refuge in the British colony. This Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus played a significant role in the rebuilding of the post-war Hong Kong film industry and paved the way for its transformation into the capital of a global pan-Chinese cinema in the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on a study of the cultural, political and business history of post-war Hong Kong cinema, this article aims to open up new avenues to understand 20th-century Chinese history and culture through the translocal and regional perspective of the Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus.
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Wu, Hang. "The Translocalized McDull Series: National Identity and the Politics of Powerlessness". Animation 12, n.º 1 (março de 2017): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746847716686550.
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The animated film Me & My Mum was released in mainland China and Hong Kong in 2014 and proved to be a huge box office hit, cashing in on the existing McDull animated films that are hailed as the best animations in Hong Kong. Previous scholarship suggests that the McDull animated film series is a symbol of Hong Kong local culture; it serves as a repository of the changing landscapes of Hong Kong and demonstrates hybrid identities. However, this article argues that the McDull animated film series is more translocal than local, a fact which reveals the dynamics of the Hong Kong–mainland China relationship after Hong Kong’s return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. The translocalized McDull series demonstrates an obsession with Chineseness which helps to evoke the national identity. By aestheticizing powerlessness as cuteness through anthropomorphic animals, the McDull series used to be highly political; they grappled with the wounds of society in Hong Kong. However, the articulation of a well-rounded McDull in the translocalized film Me & My Mum indicates that it is conforming to the Chinese Communist Party’s ideology of ideal children while the political power of aestheticizing powerlessness is repressed, revealing the dominant power of the Chinese film market.
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Siu-lun, Wong. "Modernization and Chinese Culture in Hong Kong". China Quarterly 106 (junho de 1986): 306–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000038595.
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Hong Kong, by now, is quite modern. At the same time, it remains essentially Chinese. Measured by most accepted indicators, Hong Kong qualifies as a newly industrialized region. It is using so much inanimate power to drive machines that the increase in fuel consumption is no longer proportionate to the increase in population size. It has joined the ranks of the “ecological phase 4 societies” in which the livelihood of the inhabitants is dependent on “extrasomatic energy”. As it began its transition in the pattern of energy usage much later, Hong Kong is still well behind western industrial nations in per capita energy consumption. But in Asia, in 1981, it had the third highest per capita use of commercial energy after Japan and Singapore, which stood at 1,487 kilograms of coal equivalent. Between 1960 and 1979 its average annual growth rate in energy consumption was about 10 per cent, a rate higher than those of all the industrial economies and most Asian countries except Singapore and the Republic of Korea. Hong Kong's productivity is high, ranking third in Asia after Japan and Singapore with a Gross National Product (GNP) per capita that grew at the annual rate of 6 8 per cent. By 1980 its GNP per capita reached US$4,240.5 In terms of employment, in 1981, 49 per cent of its labour force was engaged in manufacturing and construction, 47 per cent in commerce and various lines of services, and just 2 per cent in agriculture. The inhabitants of Hong Kong are keen participants in the mass media.
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Wong, Jenny, e Jean Woo. "The Revival of a Tradition of Chinese Medicine in a Reclaimed Chinese Territory". American Journal of Chinese Medicine 33, n.º 05 (janeiro de 2005): 687–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0192415x05003399.
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The effect of the political transition from a British Colony to a Special Administration Region of China in 1997 on the tradition of Chinese medicine is examined using historical reviews as well as interviews with various sectors of the population in Hong Kong. Results show that the political change has stimulated the formation of a location-specific Hong Kong Chinese medicine strongly characterized by both scientific and commercial elements developed from the culture of Chinese medicine.
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Miu Chung Yan e Ching Man Lam. "Intersecting social capital and Chinese culture". International Social Work 52, n.º 2 (março de 2009): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872808099730.
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English For youths to seek employment, social capital is as important as human capital. This article conceptually examines how guanxi, a form of social capital in Chinese culture, may be instrumental in helping young people access jobs. Suggestions of alternative services for helping unemployed youths in Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong are offered. French Pour les jeunes à la recherche d’un emploi, le capital social est aussi important que le capital humain. Cet article examine comment la notion de guanxi, une forme de capital social dans la culture chinoise, peut aider concrètement les jeunes gens à avoir accès à un emploi. Il propose aussi des suggestions de services alternatifs pour aider les jeunes chômeurs en Chine, à Taïwan et à Hong-Kong. Spanish Para la juventud que busca empleo, el capital social es tan importante como el capital humano. Este artículo examina conceptualmente cómo guanxi, forma de capital social en la cultura China, puede ayudar instrumentalmente a la gente joven para acceder al trabajo. Se ofrecen recomendaciones de servicios alternativos para ayudar a la juventud desempleada en Mainland China, Taiwán y Hong Kong.
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Shum, Maggie. "Transnational Activism During Movement Abeyance: Examining the International Frontline of Hong Kong’s 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill Movement". Journal of Asian and African Studies 58, n.º 1 (15 de janeiro de 2023): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096221125918.
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Why does the Hong Kong diaspora mobilize transnationally to support the Anti-ELAB Movement back home? How do overseas mobilizations help sustain movement during its abeyance period? Building on the theoretical grounding from transnational movement and diaspora studies, I identify four dimensions of transnational ties that diasporas have with their homeland—relational, political, cultural, and identity and value—and examine their effect on diasporic activism in the host countries. Using original survey data on Hong Kong Americans and interviews with members of overseas Hongkonger groups, I demonstrate that attachment to Hong Kong culture and localist values are the strongest drivers for transnational engagement.
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Chen, Fangyu. "The post-2000 Hong Kong young filmmakers: Embrace, resistance and new chances". New Cinemas: Journal of Contemporary Film 17, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2020): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ncin_00017_1.
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This article is a text-based analysis of 107 Hong Kong local productions produced from 2000 to August 2018. These films are made by the current young generation of filmmakers who joined the industry in the new millennium, when it gradually entered an era marked by the domination of Hong Kong–mainland co-productions. With the aim of expanding the scholarly discussion on the emerging ‘Hong Kong SAR New Wave Cinema’, it identifies four themes that recurrently appear in their films: (1) a tendency to feature people with physical or mental disabilities as their protagonists; (2) the possession of a sense of nostalgia for the glorious 1980s; (3) a manifestation of larger Hong Kong–mainland relations through characters; and (4) varying degrees of politicization. The young generation of filmmakers, whose works denote the social responsibility these young people bring to their filmmaking, shows their greater engagement with civic issues, less consideration of the mainland market and capital and a stronger desire to tell local Hong Kong stories, preserve local Hong Kong culture and emphasize the Hong Kong identity it represents. These traits, as the conclusion argues, are rooted deeply in economic, cultural and political realities.
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Mok, Bryan K. M. "On the Necessity of Ritual Sensibility in Public Protest: A Hong Kong Perspective". Religions 12, n.º 2 (29 de janeiro de 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020093.
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In Hong Kong, the efficacy of ritualized protest has become an issue of hot debate in recent years. Whereas ritualized protest is a long-term political practice in the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement that has considerable influence, skepticism about it has grown remarkably within the radical faction of the movement. Against this background, this paper aims to offer a theoretical reflection on the role of ritualized protest in the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement. It will take an auto-ethnographic approach to reflect on the material culture of Hong Kong public protests and engage in the recent controversy over ritualized protest. This study shows that although ritualized protest can hardly achieve actual political changes in the short run, ritual sensibility is essential to the promulgation and the passing-on of social and political values. This applies not only to ritualized protests that are largely peaceful, rational, and non-violent but also to militant protests that are open to the use of violence. This emphasis on the underlying importance of ritual sensibility invites both the liberal democratic and the radical factions to introspect whether their own political praxes have portents of formalization and ossification.
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Fu, Poshek. "Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self. By Yingchi Chu. [London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002. xxi+184 pp. £55.00. ISBN 0-7007-1746-3.]". China Quarterly 177 (março de 2004): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004370128.
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The recent success of Jackie Chan, Chow Yun-fat, Jet Li, Wong Kar-wai, and John Woo in reaching a global audience, along with the enormous changes in Hong Kong since the early 1990s, has attracted a lot of critical attention to Hong Kong cinema around the world. Beginning with Stephen Teo's Hong Kong Cinema (1997) and David Bordwell's Planet Hong Kong (2000), scholarship on the cinema of Hong Kong – whether from the perspective of cultural identity, global culture, film history, or film art – has greatly expanded. Australian scholar Yingchi Chu's book, Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self, contributes to this growing trend.Hong Kong Cinema is a brief but ambitious book. In less than 150 pages, it tries to map out the entire history of the cinema, from the 1910s to developments after the 1997 takeover. The book draws on a provocative conceptual framework to provide a sweeping overview of Hong Kong cinema and offers some fascinating observations on the industry. However, the book needs further revisions to bring out its rich potential.
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So, Alvin Y. "Hong Kong's Tortuous Democratization: A Comparative Analysis. By Ming Sing. [London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. 2004. 303 pp. $124.95. ISBN 0-415-32054-2.]". China Quarterly 179 (setembro de 2004): 827–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100431060x.
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This book tackles two research problems. First, why has Hong Kong constituted a rare anomaly to the popular modernization theory, i.e. achieved a high degree of socio-economic development without attaining a high degree of democracy? Second, what have been the constraints on Hong Kong's democratization, especially between 1980 and mid-2002? Given that the pre-handover Hong Kong and British governments had attempted to democratize Hong Kong since 1984, and that for a long time Hong Kong had levels of socio-economic development favourable for developing democracy, why was it so lacking in Hong Kong between the mid-1980s and mid-2002, and why has full democracy been precluded?Drawing insights from some recent cross-national research, this book presents a “bargaining perspective” that stresses the explanation of democratization as the outcome of political bargaining of multiple actors. Through a historical-comparative analysis of several important phases since 1980s, the book demonstrates that Hong Kong's democratization has consistently been a product of implicit and explicit bargaining between different state and societal actors. It emphasises that attention should not be given just to two actors – the Chinese and British governments – but also to societal actors, including civil society, political society, and the political culture of the public. The varied unity and mobilization power of pro-democracy civil society and political society, as well as changing public support for democratization from 1984 to mid-2002 have, Sing argues, been crucial and yet neglected factors in shaping their bargaining power vis-à-vis the Chinese government and the subsequent final outcome over democratization.
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Cheung, Anthony. "Culture and Hong Kong in an Existential Crisis: Is ‘One Country, Two Systems’ into a retreat?" Culture and Empathy: International Journal of Sociology, Psychology, and Cultural Studies 4, n.º 2 (25 de junho de 2021): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.32860/26356619/2021/4.2.0003.
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Hong Kong’s political unrest since 2019 led to the imposition of a national security law and the revamping of its electoral system by China’s National People’s Congress. Given a preconceived perspective on communist rule and Beijing’s tightening grip on the city, gloomy views abound about its future. Amid growing anxieties and uncertainties, this article considers what sensible prediction can be made of a post-2020 Hong Kong in a changed context with different conditions and assumptions. Will Hong Kong still thrive as a global city or will it have to be resigned to becoming just another city of China?
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Lai, Yan-Ho. "Lady Justice or the golden calf? The “China factor” in Hong Kong’s legal system". Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 15, n.º 2 (21 de agosto de 2019): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-01-2019-0005.
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Purpose Despite the preservation of “One Country, Two Systems” for 50 years under the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law, changes are palpable due to the emergence of a real contest between liberal and pro-China actors in the legal profession and the legal environment in Hong Kong. After celebrating the twentieth anniversary of Hong Kong’s sovereignty transfer from Britain to China, it is valuable to study how the sovereign power influence the rule of law in its semiautonomous city by non-legal measures. This paper aims to offer a preliminary research on China’s political economic strategy, which is regarded as the “China factor”, in the legal system of Hong Kong, and its political, economic and legal-cultural impacts on the rule of law. Design/methodology/approach This paper argues that China exerts its influence over the legal system of Hong Kong in four domains, including ideology, political elections, legal organization and cross-border political economy. Based on media research and content analysis over published materials of various legal associations and institutions, it is found that China attempts to consolidate its control in Hong Kong by producing alternative legal ideology and discourse of the rule of law and by co-opting the legal profession under China’s united front strategy. Findings While there are liberal lawyers and legal scholars vocally engaging in defense of human rights and the rule of law in Hong Kong, a network of legal profession promoting socialist and authoritarian legal values has become prominent. Hong Kong’s legal culture will continue to be shaped in accordance with authoritarian characteristics and will adversely affect developing the rule of law in this international city. Originality/value This paper contributes to the study of China’s influence over the legal profession of Hong Kong and in general Hong Kong’s jurisdiction by offering an example to the international community that contributes towards understanding how China adopts different strategies to expand political significance beyond its border.
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Joy, Annamma, Russell W. Belk, Jeff Jianfeng Wang e John F. Sherry. "Emotion and consumption: Toward a new understanding of cultural collisions between Hong Kong and PRC luxury consumers". Journal of Consumer Culture 20, n.º 4 (21 de março de 2018): 578–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540518764247.
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Incorporating Illouz’s theory of emotions, this study examines how specific emotions drive consumption, as embodied by escalating conflicts between Hong Kong and the PRC luxury consumers. When affluent Mainlanders pursue status signifiers via consumption of relatively affordable luxury goods in Hong Kong, local residents’ disdain triggers a nexus of emotions: envy, resentment, and status anxiety, linked to fears of being occupied by and assimilated into Chinese culture. Deploying cultural capital and status competition rooted in imagination and refinement, Hong Kongese contrast their knowledge-based use of luxury brands with the avid consumption of PRC visitors, fueled by often extreme wealth. For Hong Kongese, such one-upmanship degenerates into self-doubt and self-failure in their image management attempts, precipitating intense hostility toward PRC consumers. Emotions engender colliding notions of self, status, and cultural and political identity between these disparate yet intertwined cultures.
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Wong, John D. "Constructing the Legitimacy of Governance in Hong Kong: “Prosperity and Stability” Meets “Democracy and Freedom”". Journal of Asian Studies 81, n.º 1 (24 de janeiro de 2022): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821002230.
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Abstract The current political crisis in Hong Kong is characterized by a level of social unrest that the city has not seen since the riots of 1966–67. After that earlier round of turmoil, the British colonial regime secured legitimacy through socioeconomic improvement in Hong Kong. “Prosperity and Stability” became the hallmark of Hong Kong's success, which extended into the period of political uncertainty in the 1980s. Transcending the handover of Hong Kong to China in 1997, this catchphrase was adopted as the slogan of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government in its bid for legitimacy through socioeconomic appeals. Against this perennial state rhetoric, grassroots protesters began to demand “Democracy and Freedom” around June Fourth. These public demands have escalated since the Umbrella Movement in an environment of socioeconomic regression. Examining these two pairs of keywords—prosperity/stability and democracy/freedom—this article underscores the contention in the legitimacy of governance in Hong Kong since the closing decades of British rule. This analysis indicates that it would be unproductive for the governing authorities or the protesters to deny the earnestness of either the political or socioeconomic assertions in the ongoing contention of legitimacy to govern Hong Kong.
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Long, Chao. "Writing the Ethnic Self in Hong Kong". Archiv orientální 92, n.º 1 (2 de junho de 2024): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.92.1.129-150.
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In the last decade, Hong Kong has witnessed a surge of social movements that has directed attention to the increasing ideological conflict between the city and mainland China. Underlying the political unrest is, arguably, a dichotomy of perceived values embodied in terms such as culture, identity, language and community building. This has led to Hong Kong being primarily seen as a subaltern agent fighting against its neo-colonial „master“—mainland China—in an essentializing political discourse popular among many youths and middle-class professions within the city. This paper attempts to apply a literary lens to the political situation, thereby re-contextualizing Hong Kong‘s coloniality within a power structure informed by Chinese nationalism, Western imperialism, and localism. This act dismantles the reductive Hong Kong–China dichotomy and calls for a more complicated view of contemporary Hong Kong‘s relationship with mainland China. Centering on two female characters with bifurcated ethnic roots in the novel The Unwalled City (2001) by Hong Kong native Anglophonewriter Xu Xi, this paper highlights how ethnicity and gender intersect to shape the local subject. The literary analysis focuses on how language is utilized to articulate the two female characters’ dilemmas, which themselves shed light on the broader ethnic and gender hierarchies that are heavily present in the local Chinese community. In doing so, the paper seeks to reveal the peculiar cultural dynamics at play underneath the façade of Hong Kong’s cosmopolitan constitution. Ultimately, the paper aims to demonstrate the affective and subversive agency of local Anglophone literature in offering an alternative set of critical reflections on how Hong Kong can pursue liberal values via an advancement of culturally diverse demographics.
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Shaoyang, Lin. "Hong Kong in the Midst of Colonialism, Collaborative and Critical Nationalism from 1925 to 1930". China Report 54, n.º 1 (2 de janeiro de 2018): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744409.
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In the late 1920s, cultural nationalism in Hong Kong was imbedded in Confucianism, having been disappointed with the New Culture Movement and Chinese revolutionary nationalism.1 It also inspired British collaborative colonialism. This study attempts to explain the link between Hong Kong and the Confucius Revering Movement by analysing the essays on Hong Kong of Lu Xun (1881–1936), the father of modern Chinese literature and one of the most important revolutionary thinkers in modern China. The Confucius Revering Movement, which extended from mainland China to the Southeast Asian Chinese community and then to Hong Kong, formed a highly interrelated network of Chinese cultural nationalism associated with Confucianism. However, the movements in these three places had different cultural and political roles in keeping with their own contexts. Collaborative colonialism’s interference with the Confucius Revering Movement is one way to understand Lu Xun’s critical reading of Hong Kong. That is, Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement was seen as an endeavour of the colonial authorities to co-opt Confucianism in order to deal with influences from China. This article argues that Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement should be regarded as one of the main perspectives through which to understand Hong Kong’s educational, cultural and political histories from the 1920s to the late 1960s. Lu Xun enables us to see several links. The first link is the one connecting the Confucius Revering Movement in Mainland China, Hong Kong and the Chinese community in Southeast Asia. This leads to the second link, that is, Lim Boen Keng (Lin Wenqing), the leading figure of the Confucius Revering Movement in the Southeast Asian Chinese community who later became the President of Amoy University, where Lu Xun had taught before his first visit to Hong Kong. The third link is the skilful colonial administrator Sir Cecil Clementi, who came to British Malaya in February 1930 to become Governor after being the Governor of Hong Kong. We can observe a network of Chinese critical/resistant and collaborative nationalism from these links.
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Lam, Jermain T. M. "Administrative Culture and Democracy in Hong Kong". Asian Affairs: An American Review 21, n.º 3 (setembro de 1994): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1994.10771153.
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Papashvili, G. Z., e O. Yu Kurnykin. "Factors of Forming of Hong Kong’s Political Culture During the British Rule". Izvestiya of Altai State University, n.º 3(113) (6 de julho de 2020): 96–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)3-15.
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The article formulates and analyses factors of forming of Hong Kong’s modern political culture with the purpose of uncovering the nature of local antigovernment protests. Considering the mass unrest acts in Hong Kong as a special administrative region of the PRC, social and political aspects are emphasized. The article considers the historical way of forming of Hong Kong’s initial population, composed of aboriginals — the Cantonese and aliens from the north — Hakka. Autonomy of ongoing processes in the region is emphasized. The article analyses influence on Hong Kong’s society during Britain’s colonial rule as a main factor of forming of its modern political culture. The article also considers the nature of Hong Kong’s government interaction with its society in 1940-1960s. The article states that at this time the government adhered the concept of minimal colonial state and didn’t take meaningful measures to solve the most important social and political problems. The period of 1970s, on the contrary, is defined as a time of fundamental changes in Hong Kong’s socio-political structure. This is due to accelerating of modernization processes and Hong Kong’s gaining a certain degree of autonomy at this time. The authors conclude that a unique mentality in Hong Kong’s society was formed and gives its characteristic, which makes it possible to speak of the features of its political culture.
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CHU, YIN-WAH. "Studies of Japanese Society and Culture: Sociology and Cognate Disciplines in Hong Kong". Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, n.º 2 (1 de maio de 2012): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000047.
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AbstractThis paper reviews the studies of Japanese society and culture undertaken by Hong Kong-based sociologists and scholars in related disciplines. It presents information on research projects funded by the Research Grants Council, Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), and Arts and Humanities Citation Index (A&HCI) journal articles, authored and edited books, book chapters, non-SSCI and non-A&HCI journal articles, as well as master and doctoral theses written by scholars and graduate students associated with Hong Kong's major universities. It is found that the main topics of research are Japan's capitalist development and corporate growth, meanings and social ramifications of traditional and popular culture, education, gender, and marriage, as well as aspects of work and employment, whereas the major research methods include document analysis, ethnography, and in-depth interviews. The limited amount of research and the preoccupation with economic development and popular culture reflect in part Hong Kong's unique political conditions and the government's indifference to the pursuit of social and political policy analysis. In recent years, the growth of academic exchanges between scholars in Hong Kong, Japan, and other East Asian regions and the heightened emphasis by university administrators on academic research will hopefully bring about advancements in such academic endeavors.
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Lowe, Sid. "Culture and Network Institutions in Hong Kong: A Hierarchy of Perspectives. A Response to Wilkinson: 'Culture, Institutions and Business in East Asia'". Organization Studies 19, n.º 2 (março de 1998): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084069801900208.
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In response to Barry Wilkinson's (1996) criticisms of the culturalist and institutionalist explanations of the structure of business in East Asia, this paper examines the influence of culture at the macro- and meso-level of business activity in Hong Kong. Aspects of Wilkinson's critique are criticized as unhelpful, whereas other aspects of it are taken as valid and are addressed. A theoretical framework is outlined which synthesises culturalist and institutionalist explanations constituted by combinations of models from formal market and hierarchy perspectives and informal network perspectives. This enables sufficient complexity to identify cultural influences, and reflects a general submission that only complex models contain the multiple social, political, economic and other influences inherent in cultural investigation. Simple organizational models, based upon assumptions of the market, are shown to be culture-bound in Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism and of little validity in the Hong Kong context. The considerable methodological problems and research issues associated with this desirable synthesis of the culturalist and institutionalist explanations are discussed. Particular emphasis is placed upon the relevance of a 'network' approach, along with implications for 'strategy'. In addition, the implications for the promotion of 'intercultural' and interdisciplinary approaches amongst social scientists interested in Hong Kong and other 'Confucian Dynamic' economies are outlined.
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Tam, Gina Anne. "Colonialism and Nationalism in Hong Kong: Towards True Decolonization". Historical Journal 67, n.º 1 (8 de janeiro de 2024): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x2300033x.
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In June of 2019, millions of Hong Kongers took to the streets. What began as a protest against an extradition bill quickly evolved into a broader movement to safeguard Hong Kong’s autonomy from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Protesters pointed with increasing alarm to the fast disappearance of Hong Kong’s distinct legal system, political system, and civic culture as well as the erosion of the borders, both physical and abstract, that separated the territory from the mainland. The 1997 handover was designed to safeguard Hong Kong’s local autonomy after the end of British colonialism, these demonstrators claimed, and Beijing’s government was threatening that promise.
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Ho, Wai-Chung, e Wing-Wah Law. "Challenges to globalisation, localisation and Sinophilia in music education: A comparative study of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Taipei". British Journal of Music Education 23, n.º 2 (29 de junho de 2006): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051706006942.
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In the past, the music curricula of Hong Kong (HK), Mainland China and Taiwan have focused on Western music, but with the advent of music technology and the new tripartite paradigm of globalisation, localisation and Sinophilia this has begun to change. Hong Kong, Shanghai and Taipei share a common historical culture and their populations are mainly Chinese, but their recent socio-political experiences have been diverse. This paper aims to explore the secondary school cultures of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Taipei by examining the similarities and differences between their musical practices and the ways in which they have delineated this tripartite paradigm. Data are drawn from questionnaires completed by 5,133 students (1,750 from HK, 1,741 from Shanghai, and 1,642 from Taipei) attending grades 7 to 9 and interviews with their 46 music teachers between March and August 2004. The survey data show that students from the three communities much prefer Western classical and popular music to their respective forms of local traditional music and to traditional Chinese styles. Though most music teachers recognise the importance of teaching traditional Chinese music, local traditional music, and other world music in schools, they believe that it is difficult to teach different types of music in the classroom. This article argues that globalisation is leading to a common cosmopolitan culture of Western musical learning in school; the emergence of traditional Chinese music, local music, and socio-political movements challenge globalisation in school music education.
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O’Connor, Paul. "Hong Kong Skateboarding and Network Capital". Journal of Sport and Social Issues 42, n.º 6 (24 de agosto de 2018): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723518797040.
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The importance of East Asia to the skateboard industry is multifaceted. It represents a dense commercial asset where the “cool” of skateboarding can be leveraged for consumption. It is also a global resource for touring professional skateboarders visiting countries such as China, Korea, and Japan to film and photograph their tricks in new locations. The success of such strategies are entwined with a regional network of skateboarders, a group whose subcultural capital is operationalized through network capital. Analysis of these connections highlights that Hong Kong’s prominence in East Asian skateboarding is largely dependent on its position as a global city and hybrid entrepôt. By addressing the conservative culture of skateboarding, and the importance of Hong Kong as a global city rather than a “skateable” city, this article further contributes to the theorizing of skateboarding beyond discussions of space and resistance.
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Ku, Agnes S. "Toward Critical Patriotism: Student Resistance to Political Education in Hong Kong and China. By Gregory P. Fairbrother. [Hong Kong University Press, 2003. x+218 pp. £26.95. ISBN 962-209-622-0.]". China Quarterly 178 (junho de 2004): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004290294.
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Fairbrother's Toward Critical Patriotism is a timely publication in the “Hong Kong Culture and Society” series: political squabbles and conflicts over the idea of patriotism in the context of the national security legislation in Hong Kong are inflamed following the spectacular mass demonstration by 500,000 people on 1 July 2003. As the author points out, patriotism and nationalism are relatively recent historical phenomena in China. In mainland China, Marxist-Leninism became the guiding ideology after 1949. Yet, from the early 1980s, in the face of a legitimacy crisis, the leadership shifted toward patriotism as a unifying and justificatory ideology while professing ultimate objectives in line with Marxist principles. In Hong Kong, civic education had been de-emphasized under the ideology of de-politicization by the colonial government until the handover in the 1990s. The book rejects the typical characterization of Hong Kong students as simply having a weak sense of patriotism and nationalism, and of mainland students as patriotic dupes under the state and presents a more nuanced analysis.
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Guo, Shanwen, Liliang You e Qibin Wang. "What is the trend after Covid-19? A Political-Economic Analysis of the Pension Systems in Hong Kong and MACAU". ETIKONOMI 22, n.º 1 (4 de março de 2023): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/etk.v22i1.23737.
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The aging trend of the population in Hong Kong and Macau is evident, so the pension system is especially significant. This research paper uses document analysis and a double-case study as the research method. It uses path dependence and critical moments in historical institutionalism theory as the theoretical tools for political economy analysis. The discussion argues that “the social culture shaped by local politics,” “the combination of local economic development and economic structure,” and “influence from social structure” are the three main factors that influence the pension systems in Hong Kong and Macau, and are the fundamental reasons for the differences between the pension systems in Hong Kong and Macau. We also conclude that the outbreak of COVID-19 is causing the evolution of the pension systems in both regions to be converging.JEL Classification: H7, N9, O2, R5How to Cite:Guo, S., You, L., & Wang, Q. (2023). What is the Trend after Covid-19? A Political-Economic Analysis of the Pension Systems in Hongkong and Macau. Etikonomi, 22(1), 155–174. https://doi.org/10.15408/etk.v22i1.23737.
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Hernández, Miriam. "“Killed Out of Love”: A Frame Analysis of Domestic Violence Coverage in Hong Kong". Violence Against Women 24, n.º 12 (28 de novembro de 2017): 1454–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217738581.
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A frame analysis was conducted on a Hong Kong newspaper to determine whether news coverage of female fatalities at the hands of their intimate partners was reported in conventional domestic violence ways or if there were culture-specific explanations. Overall, most coverage supported known views of domestic violence, justifying the perpetrator and categorizing the issue as isolated crime. However, a few stories highlighted the historical subordination of women under patriarchy in Confucianism as an important cultural factor. Findings have implications for the lack of generalization of the social problem, and the understanding of cultural and political power in Hong Kong society.
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Chiang, Lan-Hung Nora, e Chia-Yuan Huang. "Cultural Adaptation of Taiwanese Female Marriage Migrants in Hong Kong". Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 12, n.º 2 (27 de maio de 2018): 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-01202001.
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This study proposes to explore trans-border marriage migrants from Taiwan to Hong Kong, which are historically and politically separate entities despite similarities in Chinese culture. An understanding of marriage patterns was obtained from 38 in-depth interviews of Taiwanese women married to Hong Kong men. Patrilocal residence and acceptance of the patriarchal customs was the norm for the early female Taiwanese migrants. While encountering various difficulties in adapting to a different kind of Chinese culture, the early arrivals have successfully made Hong Kong their homes. Through joining various Taiwanese organizations, they have developed female friendship networks over the years. While developing careers, their socio-economic contributions to the Hong Kong society goes beyond the families into which they have married. Despite successful efforts in planting new roots by becoming Hong Kongers over the last few decades, some of the immigrants mentioned returning (luò yè guī gēn 落葉歸根) to Taiwan. Personal connections maintained with their homeland through frequent visits have enabled them to be aware of the latest developments, while trans-border linkages with their parents and siblings in Taiwan have strongly affected their desire to return. A more hospitable environment combined with a better quality of life compared to that of Hong Kong are the main considerations for their intention to leave their host community.
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Entwistle, Phil. "Converts to Civil Society: Christianity and Political Culture in Contemporary Hong Kong". International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 15, n.º 4 (2 de outubro de 2015): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2015.1115264.
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Hudson, Dale. "Modernity as Crisis: Goeng Si and Vampires in Hong Kong Cinema (translation into Russian)". Corpus Mundi 2, n.º 4 (27 de dezembro de 2021): 112–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/cmj.v2i4.55.
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This article is a translation of a chapter from the collective monograph Draculas, vampires, and other undead forms: essays on gender, race, and culture, edited by John Edgar Browning and Caroline Joan (Kay) Picart (2009, Scarecrow Press). The author analyzes the question of how Hong Kong cinema responds to the complex situation of Hong Kong's transition from its status as a British territory on loan to a special territory with extended autonomy within the PRC. As a marker pointing to the crisis development of this process, the Chinese people's particular ideas about the so-called “goeng si” (“jumping corpses”) were chosen. These revived corpses move in a peculiar jumping way, due to which they received this name. According to the author, in the images of these creatures, as well as in the cinematic vampires that have become an integral part of films made by Hong Kong studios, all the contradictions of the cultural and political situation in Hong Kong are manifested as in a mirror. Despite the fact that Hong Kong was able to actively oppose the global cinema represented by Hollywood, it had to adjust to the global cinematic trends in which vampires played an important role. All of this led to a certain hybridity of images that combined both Western and Chinese traits.