Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Harvard Council on Post-War Problems"

David K. Dunaway and Willa K. Baum, eds. Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology. Nashville: American Assocation for State and Local History, 1984. Pp. xxiii, 436. Paper, $17.95 ($16.15 to AASLH members); cloth $29.50 ($26.95 to AASLH members). Review by Jacob L. Susskind of The Pennsylvania State University at Harrisburg. Salo W. Baron. The Contemporary Relevance of History: A Study in Approaches and Methods. New York: Columbia University Press, 1986. Pp. viii, 158. Cloth, $30.00; Stephen Vaughn, ed. The Vital Past: Writings on the Uses of History. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1985. Pp. 406. Paper, $12.95. Review by Michael T. Isenberg of the United States Naval Academy. Howard Budin, Diana S. Kendall and James Lengel. Using Computers in the Social Studies. New York and London: Teachers College Press, 1986. Pp. vii, 118. Paper, $11.95. Review by Francis P. Lynch of Central Connecticut State University. David F. Noble. Forces of Production: A Social History of Industrial Automation. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984. Pp. xviii, 409. Paper, $8.95. Review by Donn C. Neal of the Society of American Archivists. Alan L. Lockwood and David E. Harris. Reasoning with Democratic Values: Ethical Problems in United States History. New York and London: Teachers College Press, 1985. Volume 1: Pp. vii, 206. Paper, $8.95. Volume 2: Pp. vii, 319. Paper, $11.95. Instructor's Manual: Pp. 167. Paper, $11.95. Review by Robert W. Sellen of Georgia State University. James Atkins Shackford. David Crocketts: The Man and the Legend. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Pp. xxv, 338. Paper, $10.95. Review by George W. Geib of Butler University. John R. Wunder, ed. At Home on the Range: Essays on the History of Western Social and Domestic Life. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1985. Pp. xiii, 213. Cloth, $29.95. Review by Richard N. Ellis of Fort Lewis College. Sylvia R. Frey and Marian J. Morton, eds. New World, New Roles: A Documentary History of Women in Pre-Industrial America. New York, Westport, Connecticut, and London: Greenwood Press, 1986. Pp. ix, 246. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Barbara J. Steinson of DePauw University. Elizabeth Roberts. A Woman's Place: An Oral History of Working-Class Women, 1890-1940. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985. Pp. vii, 246. Paper, $12.95. Review by Thomas T. Lewis of Mount Senario College. Steven Ozment. When Fathers Ruled: Family Life in Reformation Europe. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London: Harvard University Press, 1983. Pp. viii, 283. Cloth, $17.50; Paper, $7.50. Review by Sanford Gutman of State University of New York, College at Cortland. Geoffrey Best. War and Society in Revolutionary Europe, 1770-1870. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp. 336. Paper, $9.95; Brian Bond. War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp. 256. Paper, $9.95. Review by Bullitt Lowry of North Texas State University. Edward Norman. Roman Catholicism in England: From the Elizabethan Settlement to the Second Vatican Council. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp. 138. Paper, $8.95; Karl F. Morrison, ed. The Church in the Roman Empire. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1986. Pp. viii, 248. Cloth, $20.00; Paper, $7.95. Review by Raymond J. Jirran of Thomas Nelson Community College. Keith Robbins. The First World War. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984. Pp. 186. Paper, $6.95; J. M. Winter. The Great War and the British People. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. xiv, 360. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Roger D. Tate of Somerset Community College. Gerhardt Hoffmeister and Frederic C. Tubach. Germany: 2000 Years-- Volume III, From the Nazi Era to the Present. New York: The Ungar Publishing Co., 1986. Pp. ix, 279. Cloth, $24.50. Review by Abraham D. Kriegel of Memphis State University. Judith M. Brown. Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. xvi, 429. Cloth, $29.95; Paper, $12.95. Review by Steven A. Leibo of Russell Sage College.

AimsAdverse childhood experiences (ACEs), poverty, violence and harmful alcohol/substance are associated with poor mental health outcomes in the general population. These risks are likely to be exacerbated among Female Sex Workers (FSWs), however there are few studies examining risks factors for mental health problems among FSWs. We examine the prevalence and correlates of common mental health problems including suicidal behaviour among FSWs in Kenya.MethodMaisha Fiti is a longitudinal study among FSWs randomly selected from Sex Worker Outreach Programme (SWOP) clinics across Nairobi. Baseline data were collected from June-December 2019. Mental health problems were assessed using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) for depression, the Generalised Anxiety Disorder tool (GAD-7) for anxiety, and the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ-17) for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Recent suicidal behaviour was defined as reported suicide attempt or suicidal ideation in the past 30 days. Other measurement tools included the WHO Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) score, WHO Violence Against Women questionnaire, and the WHO ASSIST tool (to measure harmful alcohol/substance use in the past 3 months). Descriptive statistics and multivariable logistic regression were conducted in Stata 16.1.ResultOf 1039 eligible FSWs, 1003 FSWs took part in the study (response rate: 96%) with a mean age of 33.7 years. The prevalence of moderate/severe depression was 23.2% (95%CI: 20.7–25.9%), moderate/severe anxiety 11.0% (95%CI: 9.3–13.1%), PTSD 14.0% (95% CI: 12.2–16.5%) and recent suicidal behaviour 10.2% (95%CI: 8.5–12.2%) (2.6% suicide attempt; 10.0% suicidal ideation). Among women with any mental health problem 63.0% also had a harmful alcohol/substance use problem. One in four women (25%; 95%CI: 22.5–27.8%) had depression and/or anxiety and this was independently associated with higher ACE scores, hunger (skipped a meal in last week due to financial difficulties), death of a child, perceived sex work stigma and recent sexual/physical violence. PTSD was associated with higher ACE scores, hunger, increased STI prevalence (chlamydia trachomatis) and recent violence. Recent suicidal behaviour was associated with higher ACE scores, low literacy, hunger, and recent violence. Mental health problems and suicidal behaviour were less prevalent among women reporting social support.ConclusionThe high burden of mental problems among FSWs indicates a need for accessible services tailored for FSWs alongside broader structural interventions addressing poverty, harmful alcohol/substance use and violence. High rates of ACEs among this population indicates the need to consider early childhood and family interventions to prevent poor mental health outcomes.Funding: Medical Research Council and the UK Department of International Development

Cathedrals of the Catholic Church, as a rule, are gathering at the turning points of the development of the world and the life of the Church. II Vatican Council took place after the curves of the second drama of humanity in the Second World War, in the conditions of the post-war split of the world, first of all in Europe, in two opposing camps and the establishment of totalitarian regimes in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, the collapse of the colonial system and the appearance on the political map of the world (first of all in Africa and Asia) of young independent countries. At the same time, the world was once again faced with the threat of a new, already thermonuclear war, which, like the Damocles sword, hangs over humanity. The problems of the post-war world development in the conditions of the growing scientific and technological revolution, the launch of the space era, as well as the uneven economic and social development of the world in the coordinates of the North-South, arose.

In the article based on regional archive materials, introduced campaign for election of deputies in the Supreme Council of USSR10th February 1946 in large soviet industrial center - Gorky city. Considered steps of their preparations: technical and organizational, agitators work among the citizens. Based on official documents of campaign marked some social problems of citizens in post-war city, and official relations for soviet authority and elections.

In recent years, the history of sex education policy in twentieth-century Britain, and the sexual discourses it both reflects and reinforces, has attracted increasing attention from a range of disciplines within the humanities and social sciences. Yet, research has primarily focused either on the early decades of the century or on the abrasive social politics of sex education since 1980. There is a dearth of material addressing the intervening years. Moreover, little research has been devoted to the Scottish experience, despite Scotland's distinctive traditions of education and law, as well as arguably a distinctive sexual culture. Drawing on a wide range of governmental archives, this article seeks to rectify these omissions by exploring the impulses and constraints that shaped Scottish school sex education policy in the period 1950-80. First, it examines the nature of the debate surrounding the issue prior to the Second World War. Secondly, it charts the reappraisal of policy in wartime and immediate post-war years in response to the perceived breakdown in moral and sexual standards among the young. Thereafter, the article examines the devolvement of responsibility for school sex education in the 1950s and 1960s to traditional purity and social hygiene organizations-the Alliance-Scottish Council and the Scottish Council for Health Education. The demise of such organizations, and the often conflicting and ineffectual efforts of the Scottish Education Department and Scottish Home and Health Department to address the sex educational needs of a more ‘permissive’ youth culture in the late 1960s and 1970s are then explored. Finally, the implications of the study for an understanding of the relationship of the State to sexual issues in later twentieth-century Scotland are reviewed.

The article examines under-researched aspect of the restoration of social services for re-evacuated Leningrad children in 1943–1946. Social services are interpreted as the work of local authorities, the Soviets, aimed at resuming the activities of children’s institutions in Leningrad, solving the problems of organizing the daily life of children outside their houses, primarily in nurseries, kindergartens, orphanages, schools, in medical institutions, and within health programs. Since February 1943, the re-evacuation of residents to Leningrad was initiated, and the city leadership was faced with the task of establishing social and consumer services for the population staying in the city. The policy related to the implementation of key restoration measures was directed by the Council of People’s Commissars of the Soviet Union and the Council of People’s Commissars of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic. The formidable challenge lay in the fact that during the war years, many city institutions were liquidated, and the buildings and premises, which had housed them, were destroyed or occupied by hospitals, headquarters of the Red Army, Red-Banner Baltic Fleet, and the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs. The staffing issue was acute. Topical were the issues of repair and provision of work with building materials, necessary inventory and equipment. The article is based on the clerical and regulatory documents of the Leningrad City Executive Committee from the funds of the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg; published materials of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR and the Council of People’s Commissars of the Russian SovietFederated Socialist Republic and the Leningrad City Executive Committee; and the data from periodicals for 1943–1946.

Background. The modern philosophy of social life, where equal rights and opportunities are guaranteed to all, is a trend of world development. Gender approaches are implemented in all areas of society. This is evidenced, in particular, by the Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 5), UN Security Council Resolution 1325 "Women. Peace. Security", the Gender Equality Strategy of the Council of Europe for 2018–2023, the European Charter for the Equality of Women and Men in the Life of Local Communities, the Biarritz Partnership etc. The implementation of gender approaches in various spheres of social life allows us to see existing problems for various social groups and individuals, to offer alternative ways of solving them, which allow us to meet the needs of specific women and specific men. The very understanding of "governance" is based on new views on the work of civil power, which reflect its turning towards citizens, democratization, and are especially important in the conditions of decentralization. The modern understanding of this term, as I. Degtyareva notes, was formed and began to be actively used in the 90s years of the 20th century to denote a modern way of managing a democratic state, when all interested parties are involved in decision-making, which significantly expands the boundaries of traditional management of government bodies. Therefore, we can talk about the transition to gender-oriented governance in modern democratic countries. The purpose of this article is to analyze the gender orientation of modern public administration of Ukraine in the conditions of post-war reconstruction. Object of study. Democratic governance in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. Methods. To obtain scientific results, the method of comparative analysis was used to identify similarities/differences in Ukraine's development trends, readiness for joining the EU. A comparison of the study of the projects "Strengthening the role of women in politics and decision-making at the local level" of UNDP and "Gender aspects, development of agriculture and rural areas – Ukraine" of FAO gave grounds to conclude that the processes in the regions of Ukraine are similar to the global trend: the less authority and resources are in power, the more chances women have to come to power. The method of content analysis was also used as a quantitative-qualitative method of studying the speeches of the Head of the National Agency of Ukraine on Civil Service Issues, the Vice-Prime Minister of Ukraine on European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of Ukraine, and people's deputies. Results. In Ukraine, government officials, together with citizens, developed, wrote and implemented the State program for ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women and men, the Government approved the National Action Plan for the Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the National Action Plan for the Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 "Women, peace, security". Departmental plans were developed and adopted for the implementation of this Plan. Amendments to normative legal acts that had discriminatory norms against women are planned and proposed for implementation. We can state that there is a real and rapid process of integration of gender approaches in all spheres of social life. The Government is also developing sectoral documents that will contribute to the development of gender-oriented public governance in the post-war period as well. At the same time, the problem remains the lack of experts on gender issues in public administration, as well as gender stereotypes that prevent effective change in society. Conclusions. Ukraine needs a systematic approach and consolidated actions of public authorities, civil society institutions, and business for a deeper understanding of gender approaches to the development of all spheres of our life. Post-war reconstruction will be a challenge for the implementation of a gender approach in all spheres of public life. At the same time, ensuring justice is the basic approach of public governance in European countries.

Introduction. On April 21, 2022, by Decree of the President of Ukraine No.266/2022, the National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the Consequences of the War was established as a consultative and advisory body under the President of Ukraine, and the Regulations on it and its staff were approved. The National Council prepared the Plan for the Reconstruction of Ukraine after the war and presented it at the international conference in Lugano on July 4–5, 2022 as a “road map” for the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. And since in the conditions of the war unleashed by the Russian Federation in Ukraine, the right to participate in the management of state affairs is limited, there was no extensive discussion of this Plan. However, the issues that arose in the process of its preparation and adoption are quite relevant. Aim of the article – is to clarify the correspondence of the powers of the National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the Consequences of the War to its legal status as a consultative body under the President of Ukraine, the legal force of acts adopted by it and the problems of their implementation. Results. The issue of the legal status of consultative and advisory bodies, bodies that serve the President’s activities, has been the subject of scientific debate in legal science for a long time. There is also an attempt to define the concept of a consultative body in the current legislation of Ukraine. For example, in accordance with the Standard Regulation on the advisory, advisory and other auxiliary bodies established by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (hereinafter – the Standard Regulation), approved by the resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine “Issues of advisory, advisory andother auxiliary bodies established by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine” dated June 17 No. 599 of 2009, the consultative and advisory body is a permanent or temporary body of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (hereinafter referred to as an auxiliary body), which is formed by it to ensure the exercise of its powers. As for consultative-advisory bodies under the President of Ukraine, efforts at the normative level to regulate their status were made in the Decree of the President of Ukraine dated May 3, 2006 No. 340/2006 “On some issues of regulating the activity of consultative-advisory bodies under the President of Ukraine”. However, on the basis of Presidential Decree No. 149/2008 of February 21, 2008, it became invalid. And the draft Law of Ukraine “On the office of the President, advisory, advisory and other auxiliary bodies and services that ensure the exercise of powers by the President of Ukraine” dated September 24, 2008 No. 3215 was not adopted. On the basis of the analysis of scientific and normative sources regarding the definition of the concept of “consultative and advisory body”, it can be stated that the features of the concept of “consultative and advisory body” proposed by legal scholars mostly coincide with the features established in the current regulatory and legal acts.The defining characteristics of the National Council as a consultative body under the President of Ukraine are as follows: it is an auxiliary body by nature of its activity; created on the basis of a separate Regulation approved by the Decree of the President of Ukraine dated April 21, 2022 No. 266/2022; the main task is to develop a plan of measures for the post-war recovery and development of Ukraine; definition and development of proposals for priority reforms, the adoption and implementation of which are necessary in the war and post-war periods; preparation of strategic initiatives, projects of regulatory and legal acts, the adoption and implementation of which are necessary for the effective work and recovery of Ukraine in the war and post-warperiods; not endowed with state-authority powers; does not have the right to issue normative-legal acts on its own behalf, but is authorized to participate in the development of draft normative-legal acts regarding the recovery of Ukraine from the consequences of the war and to submit to the President of Ukraine the relevant recommendations and proposals developed based on the results of its work. It is worth paying attention to the binding nature of the provisions of the Plan for the Reconstruction of Ukraine after the war, adopted by the consultative and advisory body under the President of Ukraine. Clause 11 of the Regulations on the National Council states that “the Council shall make decisions on matters within its jurisdiction”. But such decisions of the advisory body are not binding for anyone. But such decisions of the advisory body are not binding for anyone. If necessary, the decisions of the Council can be implemented by issuing acts of the President ofUkraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine in accordance with the established procedure, and introducing relevant draft laws for consideration by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. But the main purpose of the National Council under the President of Ukraine, as we have already noted, is to submit to the President of Ukraine appropriate recommendations and proposals regarding priority reforms developed based on the results of its work, the adoption and implementation of which are necessary in the war and post-war periods; including the preparation of strategic initiatives, projects of normative and legal acts. And the President of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine can respectively issue Decrees and Resolutions only on matters defined forthem by the Constitution of Ukraine. Conclusions. In the conditions of the martial law regime and the deficit of budget funds, the creation of additional consultative and advisory bodies in general, not authorized to make universally binding decisions, and in particular the National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the Consequences of the War as aconsultative and advisory body under the President of Ukraine, seems quite problematic. After all, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine as the highest body of executive power in Ukraine and the system of executive power bodies in general, according to the Constitution of Ukraine and the Laws of Ukraine, has sufficient powers to ensure the adoption and implementation of the necessary regulatory and legal acts on post-war reconstruction and development of Ukraine. Key words: National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the Consequences of the War, consultative and advisory body under the President of Ukraine, Plan for the Recovery of Ukraine after the War, martial law regime, system of executive authorities.

Several mounts ago, during emergency meeting of UN Security Council, General Secretary Antonio Guterres, made a very trebling statement, that Cold war is back and it is even more dangerous than in the 60’s. This is not news for majority of scientific community. New international conflict started in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimean peninsula. New international conflict will definitely change the balance in international relations. The most vulnerable in these new conditions are the young democracies and countries that formed several decades ago due collapse of USSR and the whole communist bloc, Ukraine, Moldova, south Caucasian and Baltic states. Imperial past left a lasting mark on economical, social and political life of newly form states. Soviet social experiments led to good number of problems for the former republics, ranging from political to territorial. Russian Federation uses these problems for her advantage. Surviving in this harsh conditions and reforming their society is the main challenge of young European countries. Key words: Ukraine, Moldova, Russia, Putin, hybrid war, post-soviet space, international security

We aimed to assess, in socio-cultural context, the level of hatred and revenge in war veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The sampling frame consisted of 215 Kosova War veterans, randomly selected. The Harvard Trauma Questionnaire was used to assess the prevalence of PTSD and Manchester Short Assessment of Life was used to assess social satisfactions. The participants were asked to declare the strength of feelings of hatred and revenge in the four preceding weeks by using four items scale: not at all, a little bit/sometimes, a lot and extremely. Willingness for action of veterans was assessed using three item scale: yes, no or maybe. A probability level of 0.05 was adopted to be considered as statistically significant for differences among groups. DSM-IV-TR criteria for PTSD (very similar to DSM-V) were met by 52.6% of veterans; the data have confirmed existence of thoughts and fantasies of revenge against opposing forces by 42.8% veterans; at the same level 42.8% manifested feelings of hatred. Fantasies of taking revenge a lot was recorded by 19.5% and extremely by 1.4% of veterans, while hateful thoughts at level a lot were likely expressed by 22.3% and extreme by 2.8% of veterans. It is important to note that 84.7% were confident to act based on their beliefs. Social-economic and cultural factors have played major role in the understanding of psychological problems of traumatized individuals with a direct impact on their ability to function socially. This study has confirmed the urgent need for the establishment of psychological rehabilitation programs as well as programs for the social and economic rehabilitation of War Veterans.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract Refugee movements constitute one of the most important and difficult problems facing the international community in the post–Cold War era. During the last decade, the forced mass movement of people across international boundaries has appeared with increasing frequency on the agendas of international affairs. It is now clear that we are living in an era in which fundamental political and economic changes in the international system result in large-scale movements of people. It is also a time when mass migrations themselves affect political, economic, and strategic developments worldwide. Indeed, it was the outpouring of refugees from East to West Germany in late 1989 that brought down the Berlin Wall, led to the unification of the two Germanies, and generated the most significant transformation in international relations since World War II. Two years later, in the first major post–Cold War refugee crisis, the huge buildup of Iraqi Kurds at the Turkish and Iranian borders constituted such a serious threat to international security that the UN Security Council authorized an international intervention in the domestic affairs of a member state. In 1992, the Security Council approved a United States–led intervention in Somalia to provide humanitarian relief to starving civilians caught in interclan warfare.

Abstract Professor Sir Hermann Bondi, K CB, FRS, is one of the great polymaths of British science. After serving in the Admiralty during the Second World War, he was appointed to a lectureship in mathematics at Cambridge University where he also held a Fellowship at Trinity College. In 1954 he became Professor of Mathematics at King’s College, London, a post which he held until 1971 and which he still retains in an emeritus capacity. Professor Bondi then began a long and valuable association with Government, first as Chief Scientific Advisor to the Ministry of Defence and then, in 1977, as Chief Scientist at the Department of Energy; in 1980 he was appointed Chairman and Chief Executive of the Natural Environment Research Council. in 1983 Sir Hermann returned to Cambridge on his election as Master of Churchill College, from which post he retired in 1990, while continuing as a Fellow of the College. He holds honorary Doctorates from the Universities of Sussex, Bath, Surrey, York, Southampton, Salford, Birmingham, and St Andrews. in 1988 Sir Hermann was awarded the Gold Medal of the Institute of Mathematics and its Applications. His many publications include works on cosmology, relativity, and astrophysics. He has been, and remains, an indispensable bridge between the world of research and that of policy.

This chapter analyses the dynamics of humanitarian intervention and peace operations. It begins with a discussion of the changing nature of peacekeeping since the cold war and how peacekeeping expanded in the post-cold war period, creating demand, opportunities, and incentives for intervention that resulted in an unprecedented increase in the number and scale of military interventions by United Nations forces. Today, humanitarian interventions are larger, more complex affairs. The chapter goes on to examine how post-cold war operations shaped peacekeeping debates, peacekeeping since 2000, the benefts and challenges of the regionalization of peacekeeping, and evolving norms in contemporary peacekeeping. It also considers the politics of humanitarian intervention, especially at the UN Security Council, and how public opinion of humanitarian intervention is shaped by media coverage and casualties. Finally, it describes the military character of peace operations as well as problems and prospects surrounding humanitarian intervention and peace operations.

This chapter analyses the dynamics of humanitarian intervention and peace operations. It begins with a discussion of the changing nature of peacekeeping since the cold war and how peacekeeping expanded in the post-cold war period, creating demand, opportunities, and incentives for intervention that resulted in an unprecedented increase in the number and scale of military interventions by United Nations forces. Today, humanitarian interventions are larger, more complex affairs. The chapter goes on to examine how post-cold war operations shaped peacekeeping debates; peacekeeping since 2000; the benefits and challenges of the regionalization of peacekeeping; and evolving norms in contemporary peacekeeping. It also considers the politics of humanitarian intervention, especially at the UN Security Council, and how public opinion of humanitarian intervention is shaped by media coverage and casualties. Finally, it describes the military character of peace operations as well as problems and prospects surrounding humanitarian intervention and peace operations.

Meritocracy flourished most luxuriantly in Harvard’s professional schools. The Big Four—the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences and the Schools of Law, Medicine, and Business—threw off the constraints of lack of money and student cutbacks imposed by World War II. The smaller professional schools—Public Health and Dentistry, Education, Divinity, Design—shared in the good times, though their old problems of scarce resources and conflicted missions continued to bedevil them. The major alteration in the Harvard postgraduate scene was the establishment of the Kennedy School of Government. By the time Derek Bok—as well disposed to the Kennedy School as Conant was to Education and Pusey to Divinity—became president in 1971, this new boy on the Harvard professional school block was well situated to capitalize on his good favor. The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences remained, as in the past, rich in renown, poor in fund-raising and administrative autonomy. Between 1952 and 1962, fewer than 5 percent of GSAS alumni donated a total of about $60,000; during the early sixties giving went down to $3,000 a year. Its dean had little or no budgetary or curricular control; its faculty, curriculum, and student admissions were in the hands of the departments. In 1954 Overseer/Judge Charles Wyzanski grandly proposed that admissions to the Graduate School be sharply cut back. The reduction, he thought, would free up the faculty for more creative thought, improve undergraduate education, and upgrade the level of the graduate student body. But the post–Korean War expansion of American higher education led to boom years for the Graduate School. In 1961, 190 male and 60 female Woodrow Wilson Foundation Fellows, more than a quarter of the national total, chose to go to Harvard or Radcliffe; 80 of 172 National Science Foundation grantees wanted to go to Harvard. A 1969 rating of the nation’s graduate programs gave Harvard Chemistry a perfect 5, Mathematics 4.9, Physics, Biochemistry, Molecular Biology, History, and Classics 4.8, Art History and Sociology 4.7, English and Spanish 4.6, Philosophy and Government 4.5. Impressive enough, all in all, to sustain the faculty’s elevated impression of itself. But in the late sixties the Graduate School bubble deflated. Government aid, foundation fellowships, and college jobs declined; student disaffection grew.

This chapter charts the debate between those who believe that the protection of civilians from genocide and mass atrocities ought to trump the principle of non-intervention in certain circumstances and those who oppose this proposition. This has become a particular problem in the post-Cold War world where atrocities in places like Rwanda, Bosnia, and Darfur prompted calls, in the West especially, for international society to step in to protect the victims with military force if necessary. While intervening to protect populations from mass atrocities does have moral appeal, humanitarian intervention causes problems for international security by potentially compromising the rules governing the use of force in world politics. Since the end of the Cold War, a broad international consensus has emerged around a principle called the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P). The R2P holds that states have a responsibility to protect their populations from genocide and mass atrocities and that the international community has a duty to help states fulfil their responsibilities and use various measures to protect populations when their own states are manifestly failing to do so. In 2011, the principle helped the UN Security Council authorize the use of force against a sovereign state for human protection purposes for the first time in its history.