Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Haiti. President"
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1
Leigh, Monroe. "The Political Consequences of Economic Embargoes". American Journal of International Law 89, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1995): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203894.
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The failure of the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti had become notorious long before the time President Clinton decided to invade Haiti in order to restore President Aristide to office. The embargo had failed to unseat the junta and it had worked enormous hardship on the poor people of Haiti—so much so that thousands were willing to risk their lives on the high seas in makeshift vessels to seek asylum in the United States. This comment deals not with the legalities of the President’s action—which seem clear enough in view of the Security Council resolutions—but, rather, with the political consequences of the economic embargo in Haiti as well as elsewhere.
2
Murphy, Sean D. "Democratic Legitimacy and the Recognition of States and Governments". International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, n.º 3 (julho de 1999): 545–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063430.
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In a seminal 1992 article Thomas Franck postulated the emergence in international law of a right to democratic governance.1 Franck argued that, increasingly, the acceptance of a government by other States turns on whether the government governs with the consent of its people.In supporting this notion, Franck pointed to events such as the 1991 effort by Haitian military and police authorities to overthrow the elected President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Although those authorities exercised complete control over Haiti, the international community condemned the coup leaders, refused to engage in normal diplomatic relations with them or to seat their representatives at international organisations, and instead continued to recognise the exiled President Aristide as representing the legitimate government of Haiti. Severe economic and ultimately military sanctions were imposed on Haiti, and finally, in 1994, the coup leaders were forced to relinquish power. President Aristide then returned to Haiti to complete his term as president.
3
Ali LATEEF, Rafal, e Maher Mubdir AL ABBASI. "THE ECONOMIC POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TOWARDS HAITI DURING THE KENNEDY PRESIXENCY: ALLIANCE FPR PROGRESS AS A CASE STUDY". RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, n.º 06 (1 de novembro de 2023): 491–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.26.30.
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When John F. Kennedy became president of the United States in 1961, he brought with him a new political vision for his nation’s approach to many nations around the world, particularly the Caribbean and Haiti. He pursued a different course than his predecessor, Dwight Eisenhower, in this regard. President Kennedy discovered that his predecessor’s strategy, which produced more comprehensive regimes in that region, including Haiti, which was governed by President Francois Duvalier, did not achieve the results that his country had hoped for in terms of developing states that would prevent the spread of communism in the Caribbean region, particularly after the success of the Cuban revolution. According to President Kennedy, the person in charge of the economy is the one who will rein in those regimes
4
Damrosch, Lori Fisler. "The Constitutional Responsibility of Congress for Military Engagements". American Journal of International Law 89, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1995): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203892.
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The U.S.-led military operation in Haiti has unfolded with minimal violence and few casualties so far. That factual proposition—which is necessarily subject to revision—has important ramifications under both U.S. constitutional law and international law. On the constitutional level, the avoidance of hostilities defused what was poised to become a serious confrontation between the President and the Congress. On the international level, doubts in some quarters about the legitimacy of a forcible intervention, although not entirely allayed, were somewhat quieted with the achievement of a negotiated solution, which enabled U.S. troops to bring about the return to power of President Aristide without having to shoot their way into Haiti.
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MARTIN, IAN. "Haiti: International Force or National Compromise?" Journal of Latin American Studies 31, n.º 3 (outubro de 1999): 711–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005398.
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The objective is clear: to reinstate the legitimate President in his functions and ensure his maintenance in power until the end of his mandate. The question which is posed is to know how to achieve this objective: international force or national compromise? – Boutros Boutros-Ghali, UN Secretary-General.
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Trimble, Phillip R. "The President’s Constitutional Authority to Use Limited Military Force". American Journal of International Law 89, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1995): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203897.
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The United States intervention in Haiti concludes another chapter in the development of the constitutional common law of presidential power. The Haiti experience further confirms the constitutional authority of the President to deploy armed forces into hostile foreign environments, and to initiate the use of force without prior, specific congressional authorization. The facts of the situation limit the “precedent” to small-scale interventions where the risk of major military engagements, either initially or upon escalation, is negligible. The cases of largescale hostilities, like Korea, Vietnam and Iraq, are quite different in fact and perhaps also in law. But the Haiti “precedent,” coupled with the recent interventions in Grenada and Panama and innumerable examples earlier in history, strongly supports an unqualified presidential power to carry out small-scale military operations in support of foreign policy goals.
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Reisman, W. Michael. "Haiti and the Validity of International Action". American Journal of International Law 89, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1995): 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203896.
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In December 1990, after decades of dictatorship, the Haitian people overwhelmingly elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide as President. Every aspect of the election was monitored by international organizations and confirmed as “free and fair.” Within months, the army, an ill-trained force of some five thousand men, seized power, expelled Aristide, and brutally suppressed popular protest. The Organization of American States and the United Nations Security Council condemned the coup and its aftermath and ordered economic sanctions to dislodge the military. The sanctions failed. On July 31, 1994, the Security Council, acknowledging the gravity of the situation and recognizing that an “exceptional response” was required, passed Resolution 940, authorizing military action. The legality and wisdom of Resolution 940 has been criticized on the following grounds.
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Timofeeva, Julia A. "Brazilian “soft power”. In the context of peacekeeping missions in Haiti and Lebanon". Latinskaia Amerika, n.º 4 (5 de maio de 2024): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24040057.
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In the context of growing tensions in international relations the example of Brazil as a country that integrated into the global context mainly by peaceful means and which in 2023 was again headed by the president who consolidated its status of a peacekeeping country in the first decade of the XXI century is of particular relevance. The year 2024 will mark the 20th anniversary of Brazil's landmark UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti, and the aggravation of the political and social situation on the island since the second half of 2021 makes the topic even more pressing. Using the case study method, i.e., the example of the missions in Haiti and Lebanon, the author analyses the use of “soft power” by Brazilian peacekeepers during the operations with a force component.
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Kain, Geoffrey. "Spirit Confronts the Four-Headed Monster: Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Mistik–Infused Flood-Rise in Duvalierist Haiti". Humanities 9, n.º 4 (15 de dezembro de 2020): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9040144.
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To explore Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s rise from obscure rural Haiti to become the nation’s first democratically elected president—by a landslide—is to enter into a world and a swirl of events that reads like surreal fiction or magical realism. As a Catholic priest (Salesian order), Aristide was fueled by the religio-socialist principles of liberation theology, which emerged as a significant force in Latin America primarily in the 1970s and 1980s, forcefully and vocally advocating for the masses of Haitian poor mired in deeply-entrenched disenfranchisement and exploitation. As a charismatic spokesperson for the popular democratic movement in Haiti during an era of entrenched dictatorship and repressive violence, Aristide boldly confronted the “four-headed monster” of the Haitian power structure—the army, the church hierarchy, the tontons macoutes, and the wealthy elite. His seemingly impossible escape from multiple assassination attempts, together with the power of his colorful rhetoric and his close association with urban slum dwellers and rural peasants, led to a rising “flood” (or lavalas) that invested him with an aura of Spirit, or mistik, that in either/both the Haitian-embraced tradition of Christianity or vodoun (voodoo) served to energize and greatly reassure an intense mass movement arrayed against seemingly impossible odds. This article focuses on the rise of Aristide as the embodiment and voice of Spirit among the people and does not extend into his tumultuous secular years in and out of the presidency, having been twice the victim of coups (1991 and 2004); instead it focuses primarily on the years 1985–1990 and does not enter into an assessment of Aristide as president. Aristide’s own vivid narratives of this time, segments of his sermons, and later, passages of his poetry serve to bolster the literary quality or interpretation of this brief but vividly colorful historic epoch in the Haitian experience.
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Chaar-Pérez, Kahlila. "Revolutionary Visions? Ramón Emeterio Betances, Les deux Indiens, and Haiti". Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8190553.
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This essay examines the aesthetics and politics of one of the key figures in the emergence of the Caribbean anti-imperial imaginary in the nineteenth century: the Afro–Puerto Rican activist Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827–98). Through a critical interpretation of Les deux Indiens (1857), a romantic novella about the conquest of Puerto Rico, and “A Cuba Libre” (1871), a biographical essay about Haiti’s first president, Alexandre Pétion, the author explores Betances’s vision of Caribbean unity and its connections to race, gender, republicanism, and decolonization.
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Sheller, Mimi. "The Army of Sufferers : peasant democracy in the early Republic of Haiti". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 74, n.º 1-2 (1 de janeiro de 2000): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002569.
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Focuses on Haitian debates concerning popular political participation in the context of the Liberal Revolution of 1843 and the Piquet Rebellion of 1844. The liberal challenge to the regime of President Boyer gave room to a peasant movement, the 'Army of Sufferers' or the Piquets, calling for black civil and political rights. Author traces 3 phases of the revolutionary situation of 1843-44 to show how political actors within Haiti debated various institutional and constitutional arrangements.
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Lupu, Noam, e Elizabeth J. Zechmeister. "The early COVID-19 pandemic and democratic attitudes". PLOS ONE 16, n.º 6 (22 de junho de 2021): e0253485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253485.
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How does a public health crisis like a global pandemic affect political opinions in fragile democratic contexts? Research in political science suggests several possible public reactions to crisis, from retrospective anti-incumbency to rally ‘round the flag effects to democratic erosion and authoritarianism. Which of these obtains depends on the nature of the crisis. We examine whether and how the onset of the global pandemic shifted public opinion toward the president, elections, and democracy in Haiti. We embedded two experiments in a phone survey administered to a nationally representative sample of Haitians in April-June 2020. We find that the early pandemic boosted presidential approval and intentions to vote for the incumbent president, consistent with a rally effect. These results show that a rally effect occurs even in the most unlikely of places–an unstable context in which the incumbent president is struggling to maintain order and support. At the same time, we find scant evidence that the onset of the pandemic eroded democratic attitudes, even in a context in which democracy rests on uncertain grounds.
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Walby, Kevin, e Jeffrey Monaghan. "“Haitian Paradox” or Dark Side of the Security-Development Nexus? Canada’s Role in the Securitization of Haiti, 2004–2009". Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 36, n.º 4 (novembro de 2011): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375411431760.
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Drawing on analysis of government records obtained using Access to Information Act requests, the author examines the securitization of Canada’s aid program to Haiti between 2004 and 2009. The author discusses how Canadian agencies, including the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), Correctional Service of Canada (CSC), and the Canadian International Development Agency, were involved in capacity-building initiatives that focused on police reform, border surveillance, and prison construction/refurbishment across Haiti in the aftermath of a coup that ousted the democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The author demonstrates how these efforts at securitization resulted in what officials referred to as the “Haitian Paradox,” whereby reorganization of the Haitian National Police force led to higher arrest rates and jail bloat, creating conditions that violated rather than ameliorated human rights. While the securitization project may have been based on the rule of law and human rights in Canadian policy makers’ official discourse, in practice these securitization efforts exacerbated jail overcrowding, distrust of police, and persecution of political opposition. The author therefore demonstrates one way that international development, aid, and criminal justice intersect, with emphasis on the transnational aspects of RCMP and CSC activities.
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Hallward, Peter. "‘One step at a time’: An interview with Jean-Bertrand Aristide (former President of Haiti)". International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity 2, n.º 1 (julho de 2007): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18186870701384301.
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Winichakul, Thongchai. "The Quest for “Siwilai”: A Geographical Discourse of Civilizational Thinking in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Siam". Journal of Asian Studies 59, n.º 3 (agosto de 2000): 528–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800014327.
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On 27 december 1932, prince bhidayalongkorn, the President of the Royal Institute of Siam, delivered a special lecture titled “What are the conditions called ‘siwilai’?” [Phawa yangrai no thi riakwa khwam siwilai]. Transliterated from the English word civilized, the term was widely used in public without elaboration. Bhidayalongkorn reported that there was a debate whether Siam was or was not yetsiwilai, often referring to England, China, Haiti, Tibet, and many other countries, but it was not clear what made themsiwilaior not siwilai. He went on debunking the general understanding that wealth, power, territory, monogamy, gender equity, cleanliness, dress, etiquette, or mechanization constituted the notion ofsiwilai. The meaning was slippery, no matter how anybody tried to claim or use it politically (Bhidayalongkorn 1970).
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Corten, André. "Port-au-Prince, Washington, Santo Domingo Premières leçons d'un embargo (Note)". Études internationales 25, n.º 4 (12 de abril de 2005): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703386ar.
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After three pro-embargo resolutions from the OAS and five from the Security Council, an American military intervention authorized by the United Nations has enabled the democratically elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to return to office. This article seeks to trace the escalation from embargo to military intervention with reference to the transnationalization of social, economic, and political relations in which Haïti, the United States, and the Dominican Republic are directly involved. Large-scale population movements - deemed to be "threats to peace", and the importance of a "humanitarian" form of discourse and, even more so, a form of discourse about the "suffering" of the "unfortunate people of Haïti who are bearing... the full weight of sanctions" (Boutros-Ghali) are components of such transnationalized relations. These relations have developed in a setting that the boat people issue has determined in several ways, a setting where one can make out, on the one hand, a joining of forces between, among other people, the Haïtian priest-president and the U.S. congressional black caucus and, on the other hand, a shaky coalition comprising notably the president of the Dominican Republic, the Dominican archbishop, the Conference of Haitian bishops, the Vatican, and certain sectors of the American administration. Pena Gomez - a black man believed to be of Haïtian origin - ran as candidate for the Dominican presidential election and his candidacy was favoured for quite some time in the opinion polls. He ultimately failed, however, to provide an alternative in terms of political culture. The election on May 16, 1994 in the Dominican Republic was marked by incidents of fraud. The "international community", preoccupied as it was with re-establishing peace in Haiti, reacted feebly.
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Davidson, Brent, Susan Sherman, Leila Barraza e Maria Julia Marinissen. "Legal Challenges to the International Deployment of Government Public Health and Medical Personnel during Public Health Emergencies: Impact on National and Global Health Security". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, S1 (2015): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12229.
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In an increasingly interconnected global community, severe disasters or disease outbreaks in one country or region may rapidly impact global health security. As seen during the responses to the earthquakes in Haiti and Japan, Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines, and the current Ebola outbreak in West Africa, local response capacities can be rapidly overwhelmed and international assistance may be necessary to support the affected region to respond and recover and to protect other countries from the spread of disease. For example, President Obama stated on September 16, 2014, that “if the [Ebola] outbreak is not stopped now, we could be looking at hundreds of thousands of people infected, with profound political and economic and security implications for all of us…. [T]his…is not just a threat to regional security — it’s a potential threat to global security if these countries break down…. And that’s why…I directed my team to make this a national security priority.”
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Roberts, Shearon. "La Apatrida and TPS: Counter-Hegemonic News and Reclaiming Dignity in Haitian National Newspapers". Journal of Communication Inquiry 42, n.º 4 (9 de agosto de 2018): 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859918791581.
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This study examined the news coverage of two immigration stories involving Haitian migrants that made international headlines. Those two news stories were (a) the deportation of Dominicans of Haitian descent and (b) the end of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for displaced Haitians residing in the United States after the 2010 Haiti earthquake. This study sampled 198 Haitian newspaper articles over the 6-month period that both stories made global headlines in 2015 and then in 2017. The two Haitian national newspapers Le Nouvelliste, the country’s paper of record, and Le Nacional, the country’s newest daily, affirmed the rights and dignity of people of Haitian origin displaced by policy attributed as xenophobic and racist. Haitian newspapers described Haitian migrant families as being equally Dominican, regardless of their status, and in the United States, as being lawful migrants with rights under TPS. Haitian newspapers varied in their coverage of the governments of the two countries, being more critical of the administration of President Donald Trump, but more nuanced in their coverage of the Dominican Republic’s government.
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Harris, Leslie. "Apocalyptic television". Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 14, n.º 2 (7 de novembro de 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v14i2.1922.
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Since the beginning of the decade the world has shrunk through the growth of global mass communication and Information highways. Greater access to Information makes the consumer more susceptible to propaganda, disguised by Information providers as objective information. A prime example of this manipulation occurred during the Gulf War of 1991 . Through effective use of propaganda techniques the Bush administration created a situation torclng the western world to Involve itself in a domestic dispute In the Middle East Prime benenclarles were the Bush Administration, and George Bush himself, who at the time was seeking re-election as president of the United States. Analysis of media coverage of the war, particularly the coverage on CNN, will show how the mass media assisted the administration In creating and sustaining the climate for war. Two of the world's current "hot spots" will be considered briefly against the framework of the Gulf War- the military intervention in Haiti for Its .Similarities and change In South Afnea for the perspective it provides on television coverage of world events.
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Tkach, Anatoly. "US POLICY AND DEMOCRACY CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN". Politology bulletin, n.º 82 (2019): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.82.82-88.
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Formulation of the problem: In the article management problems are examined Geographic proximity has ensured strong linkages between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, based on diverse U.S. interests, including economic, political, and securityт concerns. The United States is a major trading partner and the largest source of foreign investment for many countries in the region, with free-trade agreements enhancing economic linkages with 11 countries. Purpose of the research: The region is a large source of U.S. immigration, both legal and illegal; proximity and economic and security conditions are major factors driving migration. Curbing the flow of illicit drugs has been a key component of U.S. relations with the region for more than three decades and currently involves close security cooperation with Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. U.S. support for democracy and human rights in the region has been long-standing, with particular current focus on Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. The article analyzes the priorities of Administration of President Trump ordered U.S. withdrawal from the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, which would have increased U.S. economic linkages with Mexico, Chile, and Peru. President Trump criticized the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada as unfair, warned that the United States might withdraw, and initiated renegotiations; ultimately, the three countries agreed to a United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement in late September 2018. The proposed agreement, which requires congressional approval, largely leaves NAFTA intact but includes some updates and changes, especially to the dairy and auto industries. Administration actions on immigration have caused concern in the region, including efforts to end the deportation relief program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations for Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador, and Honduras. President Trump unveiled a new policy in 2017 toward Cuba partially rolling back U.S. efforts to normalize relations and imposing new sanctions.
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Tkach, Anatoly. "US POLICY AND DEMOCRACY CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN". Politology bulletin, n.º 82 (2019): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.82.82-88.
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Formulation of the problem: In the article management problems are examined Geographic proximity has ensured strong linkages between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, based on diverse U.S. interests, including economic, political, and securityт concerns. The United States is a major trading partner and the largest source of foreign investment for many countries in the region, with free-trade agreements enhancing economic linkages with 11 countries. Purpose of the research: The region is a large source of U.S. immigration, both legal and illegal; proximity and economic and security conditions are major factors driving migration. Curbing the flow of illicit drugs has been a key component of U.S. relations with the region for more than three decades and currently involves close security cooperation with Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. U.S. support for democracy and human rights in the region has been long-standing, with particular current focus on Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. The article analyzes the priorities of Administration of President Trump ordered U.S. withdrawal from the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, which would have increased U.S. economic linkages with Mexico, Chile, and Peru. President Trump criticized the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada as unfair, warned that the United States might withdraw, and initiated renegotiations; ultimately, the three countries agreed to a United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement in late September 2018. The proposed agreement, which requires congressional approval, largely leaves NAFTA intact but includes some updates and changes, especially to the dairy and auto industries. Administration actions on immigration have caused concern in the region, including efforts to end the deportation relief program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations for Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador, and Honduras. President Trump unveiled a new policy in 2017 toward Cuba partially rolling back U.S. efforts to normalize relations and imposing new sanctions.
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Martínez-Fernández, Luis. "The Sword and the Crucifix: Church-State Relations and Nationality in the Nineteenth-Century Dominican Republic". Latin American Research Review 30, n.º 1 (1995): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017179.
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Like the precarious colonial state demeaningly referred to as “España la Boba,” the Dominican Catholic Church of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries endured the Caribbean ramifications of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. This onslaught included the cession of Santo Domingo to France in 1795, the protracted and bloody revolution in St. Domingue, disruptions in international trade, and invasions by Haiti in 1801 and 1805. Both the colonial state and the colonial church were further undermined by the declaration of Dominican independence in December 1821. Only weeks into Dominican independence, twelve thousand troops under the command of Haitian President Jean-Pierre Boyer invaded the eastern part of the island, fulfilling the long-held Haitian goal of unifying the island under Haitian rule. Although considerably weakened, the Dominican church survived as the single truly national institution in the sense that it retained influence throughout the Dominican territory. The church was also national in providing a central element in Dominican elite culture: fervent Catholicism. Thus it was not coincidental that clerics gravitated to the heart of the Dominican struggle for liberation and that the church continued to play a major role in defining political alignments during the forty years following Dominican independence.
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Turner, Faythe. "Editor's Note". Ethnic Studies Review 26, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2003): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2003.26.2.i.
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In its larger contexts the topic of this issue of Ethnic Studies Review, “Fair Access,” has many referents. In 2004 we are marking the fiftieth anniversary of Brown v Board of Education which stated unequivocally that separate but equal systems of education did not and could not exist, and yet equal education for all our children still does not exist. Recent reports detail that in many urban areas school systems are at least as segregated as prior to the Brown decision, and all levels of government seem satisfied with that status quo. We watch with astonishment as over six hundred people are being detained by the United States Government without charges against them or access to lawyers at Guantanamo. We witness at the moment of Haiti's celebration of its 200th anniversary of independence not only the mysterious removal of the democratically elected President of Haiti but also the continual refusal to grant refugee status to fleeing Haitians while it is granted to Cubans almost automatically, thus creating great inequities in immigrant access. We decry the Patriots Act passed by the Congress of the United States at the instigation of the Bush Administration that whittles away at the freedoms guaranteed by our Constitution. We know that many do not have access to health care in the United States. These and other issues of fair access must be our daily concern.
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Ziegler, Charles E. "Sanctions in U.S. - Russia Relations". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, n.º 3 (15 de dezembro de 2020): 504–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-504-520.
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Given America’s leading position in the global economy, the U.S. government has frequently leveraged that power to punish “rogue states”, discourage nuclear proliferation, promote democratization, and create pressure for regime change. Washington relied on economic incentives in relations with Russia after 1991, but since 2012 the United States has utilized a broad range of economic sanctions against Russian side, leading to a significant deterioration in what was already a troubled relationship. In contrast to earlier comprehensive sanctions like those imposed on Iraq and Haiti, the U.S. is now crafting “smart” or targeted sanctions designed to exert maximum pressure on selected Russian elites and firms. Rather than evaluating the effectiveness of these measures on changing Russian behavior, the author explores the neglected domestic dimension of the U.S. sanctions process to improve understanding of U.S. foreign policy. This article draws on primary sources in the form of Congressional legislation, executive orders, and official statements to analyze U.S. sanctions imposed on Russia, and develops three brief case studies - the Magnitsky Act, post-Ukraine sanctions, and the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act - to explicate the main issues and actors driving U.S. sanctions. The author argues that domestic factors, including Congressional pressures and interest group activity, are critical to understanding U.S. sanctions regimes. While President Donald Trump has frequently resisted congressionally imposed sanctions, expectations for a more conciliatory approach towards Russia under the Trump administration have not materialized.
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Gassant, Pascale. "#69 Viral Respiratory Infections in Children in a Resource Limited Setting". Journal of the Pediatric Infectious Diseases Society 11, Supplement_1 (14 de junho de 2022): S14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jpids/piac041.054.
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Abstract Background Children under 5 years of age bear the highest burden of severe disease from respiratory illness. Surveillance of respiratory viral infections in hospitalized children informs local burden of disease and may assist in identifying potential sources of epidemics. In resource-limited countries, like Haiti, lack of infrastructure, resources, and oversight are barriers for such surveillance programs. Just before the onset of the pandemic in December 2019, we completed the preparation to implement a respiratory surveillance program at Hôpital Saint Damien (HSD). Furthermore, other major events such as a 7.2 magnitude earthquake and the assassination of the president of Haiti had an impact on the political and economic stability of the country, impacting the hospital and this study. Despite these challenges, we report the preliminary findings of a hospital-based surveillance program of severe acute respiratory illness (SARI) in children at a mother and child hospital in Tabarre, Haiti. Method Participants were included if they were < 18 years of age; met the World Health Organization definition for SARI, which includes presence of 1) cough, 2) history of fever or measured fever ≥ 38 C°, 3) onset within the last 10 days, and 4) requirement of hospitalization; and consented to participate. We collected demographic and clinical data for enrolled patients and obtained a nasopharyngeal swab sample. Samples were rapid tested for influenza A, influenza B, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), and SARS-CoV-2 and stored and shipped for genomic sequencing. Results As of January 6th, 2022, we had enrolled and tested 143 patients who presented to the hospital with SARI. Of these cases, 31 were RSV-positive, 7 were positive for influenza B-positive, 1 was positive for influenza A-positive, and 1 was SARS-CoV-2-positive. 97 cases are currently available for descriptive analysis, with 10 RSV-positive cases, 2 influenza B-positive cases, and 1 SARS-CoV-2-positive case. 55% (n= 53) of participants are male, with an average age of 2 years (standard deviation = 2.8 years). Along with fever and cough, 18% (n=17) presented with wheezing, 60% (n=58) presented with shortness of breath, 37% (n=36) presented with tachypnea, 7% (n=7) presented with nasal congestion, 1% (n=1) had a sore throat, 2% (n=2) had nausea, 7% (n=7) were lethargic, and 9% (n=9) had diarrhea. Nearly all enrolled children, 99% (n=96) live in households where coal or biofuel is used for cooking indoors. In regard to type of respiratory tract infection (RTI), 18% (n=17) were upper RTI, 30% (n=29) were lower RTI, and 53% (n=51) were both upper and lower RTI. While sequencing of influenza A and B isolates remains to be conducted, sequencing for the SARS-CoV-2 sample revealed the isolate to be of P.1 lineage. Conclusion In children requiring hospital admission for SARI, our limited testing identified 40 children with respiratory viruses that were circulating during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. Identifying these viruses can support healthcare providers to provide better preventions measures, including compliance with vaccination, and administering appropriate therapeutics, such as antibiotics. Further testing with additional primers against other pathogens will be conducted to identify other potential causes of illness.
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Cardozo Uzcátegui, Alejandro. "El adeudo abolicionista de Bolívar con Pétion visto desde el prisma historiográfico y epistolar". Revista de Historia de América, n.º 151 (30 de janeiro de 2015): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35424/rha.151.2015.391.
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La relación entre El Libertador Simón Bolívar y el Presidente de la República de Haití, Alexandre Pétion, fue determinante para la Revolución Hispanoamericana. El presidente de Haití apoyó el proyecto bolivariano con dinero, armas, una imprenta portátil y soldados, y sólo pidió una cosa a cambio: el proyecto de ley de emancipación de esclavos en Venezuela una vez que Bolívar pusiera un pie en su país. Este artículo analiza por qué Bolívar llegó a Haití y cómo se encontraba política, intelectual y mentalmente preparado para asumir este controversial trato abolicionista con el gran presidente de Haití. Para lograr esto acudimos al debate historiográfico de un instante, así como a fuentes epistolares del Libertador, Miranda, Pétion, el Senador Marion, entre otros personajes clave de este momento.
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Martínez Valenzuela, Clara. "Haití: cronología de una esperanza". Estudios Latinoamericanos 6, n.º 11-13 (29 de dezembro de 1991): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cela.24484946e.1991.11-13.49180.
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<p>La cronología abarca básicamente tres acontecimientos: l. De la coyuntura electoral a la asunción de Jean-Bertrand Aristide como presidente constitucional de Haití. II. De la toma de posesión del presidente Jean-Bertrand Aristide al golpe de Estado del 30 de septiembre de 1991. III. El golpe de Estado y las negociaciones para el regreso al orden constitucional.</p><p> </p>
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Arindrayani, Angelica. "Building Democracy In Latin America: United States Foreign Aid For Haiti". Jurnal Global & Strategis 18, n.º 1 (22 de junho de 2024): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.18.1.2024.203-226.
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This article provides an overview, implications, and challenges that arise at the intersection of international political, economic, social, and environmental dilemmas that intervened in Haiti's efforts to build the stability of its democracy during the pre-Cold War period until recently. By providing United States Agency for International Development (USAID)'s trend of democratic assistance to the Latin American region and the presidential leadership model that may explain Haiti's failure to combat political instability, this article has positioned the Haitian government as a contributor to Haiti's permanent crisis, with the role of an elite society taking control of the interim government system and the civil society as the party to bear the consequences. The occurrence of a devastating earthquake has tested Haiti and resulted in more and more Haitians migrating to the United States. This condition exacerbated Haiti's status as a "failed state" and the need for sustained commitment and long-term international stabilization efforts. By applying the analytical explanatory method, the results show that if Haiti is to escape its permanent political instability, a more comprehensive policy-making paradigm shift is needed beyond just democratic assistance from USAID. Keywords: Democratic Aid, Haiti, USAID, Democracy, Foreign Aid. Artikel ini mengulas ikhtisar, implikasi, dan tantangan yang muncul di persimpangan dilema politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan lingkungan internasional yang mengintervensi Haiti dalam upaya membangun stabilitas demokrasinya selama periode sebelum Perang Dingin hingga baru-baru ini. Dengan menyediakan tren bantuan demokratis Badan Pembangunan Internasional Amerika Serikat (USAID) ke wilayah Amerika Latin dan model kepemimpinan presiden yang mungkin bisa menjadi alasan atas tidak berhasilnya Haiti melawan ketidakstabilan politik, artikel ini telah menempatkan pemerintah Haiti sebagai kontributor krisis permanen Haiti, dengan peran masyarakat elit yang mengambil alih kontrol sistem pemerintahan sementara masyarakat sipil menjadi pihak menanggung akibatnya. Adapun terjadinya gempa bumi dahsyat telah menguji Haiti dan mengakibatkan semakin banyak penduduk Haiti yang bermigrasi ke Amerika Serikat. Kondisi ini kemudian memperburuk status Haiti sebagai sebuah "negara gagal" dan perlunya komitmen berkelanjutan serta upaya stabilisasi internasional berjangka panjang. Dengan menerapkan metode eksplanatif secara analitis, hasil menunjukkan bahwa jika Haiti ingin melepaskan diri dari ketidakstabilan politik permanennya, diperlukan pergeseran paradigma pembuat kebijakan yang lebih komprehensif daripada hanya sekedar bantuan demokratis dari USAID. Kata-kata kunci: Bantuan Demokratis, Haiti, USAID, Demokrasi, Bantuan Luar Negeri.
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Álvarez Martínez, Alejandro. "Alex Dupuy, Haïti in the New World Order. The Limits of the Democratic Revolution, Colorado, Westview Press, 1997, 220 pp." Estudios Latinoamericanos, n.º 8 (13 de agosto de 1997): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cela.24484946e.1997.8.51622.
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<p>El padre Jean-Bertrand Aristide fue elegido presidente de Haití en 1990 y tomó el cargo en febrero de 1991. Siete meses después, en septiembre, fue derrocado por un golpe de Estado organizado por los militares. Rompiendo claramente con su política de Guerra Fría, el gobierno de Estados Unidos declaró su oposición al golpe de Estado demandando la reinstalación del presidente depuesto e induciendo a la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y a la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) a adoptar sanciones comerciales, financieras y el embargo total contra la Junta Militar. Cuando estas medidas fueron insuficientes, el presidente William Clinton, con el apoyo del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, ordenó la irrupción de tropas en Haití el 19 de septiembre de 1994 para remover a los golpistas y reinstalar al presidente Aristide.</p>
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Pithouse, Richard. "HAITI, MBEKI AND CONTEMPORARY IMPERIALISM". Latin American Report 31, n.º 2 (13 de outubro de 2016): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/552.
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This article examines a generally unremarked aspect of Thabo Mbeki’s presidency – his affirmation of the Haitian Revolution as an event of global import, and, in the face of considerable pressure, his support for the right of contemporary Haitians to determine their own future. It begins with a brief account of the Haitian Revolution, goes on to offer a sketch of the long attempt to contain the Revolution, outlines what has been at stake in recent Haitian politics, and its international reception, and then describes the positions taken by Mbeki with regard to Haiti.
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Muçaj, Florent, e Avdylkader Mucaj. "Appointing a President that Represents the Unity of the People in Kosovo". International and Comparative Law Review 17, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2017): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0008.
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SummaryThe article examines the constitutional position of the president of republic in the view of the appointment procedure established in Hamiti et al and Derguti et al. Both constitutional court decisions have construed a rhetorical interpretation of the expected role of the president of republic as representative of the unity of the people in a constitutional nutshell. The article questions both decisions’ structural rationality and legitimacy in what is likely a tough political controversy requiring two-third majority for the appointment of the president of republic in the first two rounds. To better designate the logic upon which the court relied when ruling in the two decisions, the article considers relevant comparative literature and case-law to channel the analysis. The article concludes that though the court demonstrated a rather activist tone in interpreting the procedure for the appointment of the president of republic, it also showed quite unprecedented willingness to constitutionally empower the position of the president of republic on basis of appointment-related preconditions.
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McAlister, Elizabeth. "From Slave Revolt to a Blood Pact with Satan: The Evangelical Rewriting of Haitian History". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 41, n.º 2 (25 de abril de 2012): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429812441310.
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Enslaved Africans and Creoles in the French colony of Saint-Domingue are said to have gathered at a nighttime meeting at a place called Bois Caïman in what was both political rally and religious ceremony, weeks before the Haitian Revolution in 1791. The slave ceremony is known in Haitian history as a religio-political event and used frequently as a source of inspiration by nationalists, but in the 1990s, neo-evangelicals rewrote the story of the famous ceremony as a “blood pact with Satan.” This essay traces the social links and biblical logics that gave rise first to the historical record, and then to the neo-evangelical rewriting of this iconic moment. It argues that the confluence of the bicentennial of the Haitian Revolution with the political contest around President Aristide’s policies, the growth of the neo-evangelical Spiritual Mapping movement, and of the Internet, produced a new form of mythmaking, in which neo-evangelicals re-signified key symbols of the event—an oath to a divine force, blood sacrifice, a tree, and group unity—from the mythical grammar of Haitian nationalism to that of neo-evangelical Christianity. In the many ironies of this clash between the political afterlife of a slave uprising with the political afterlife of biblical scripture, Haiti becomes a nation held in captivity, and Satan becomes the colonial power who must be overthrown. Un groupe d’esclaves africains et créoles se seraient réunis une nuit à Bois Caïman, dans la colonie française de Saint-Domingue. L’évènement qui eut lieu quelques semaines avant la révolution haïtienne de 1791 fut décrit à la fois comme un rassemblement politique et une cérémonie religieuse. Cette cérémonie organisée par des esclaves constitue un évènement politico-religieux important dans l’histoire haïtienne, une source d’inspiration fréquente pour les nationalistes. Dans les années 1990, cependant, un groupe néo évangélique réécrivit l’histoire de cette fameuse cérémonie qualifiée de “pacte sanguinaire avec Satan.” L’essai retrace donc les liens sociaux et les logiques bibliques qui ont conduit les néo évangéliques à réécrire ce moment iconique. L’essai soutient que la confluence des révoltes en réaction à la politique du Président Aristide lors du bicentenaire de la révolution haïtienne ainsi que la montée du mouvement néo évangélique, Cartographie Spirituelle, et celle de l’Internet participèrent à créer de nouveaux mythes: les néo évangéliques donnèrent un sens nouveau aux symboles clés de l’évènement —un serment à une force divine, un sacrifice sanglant, un arbre et l’union du groupe— de la grammaire mythique du nationalisme haïtien à celle de la chrétienté néo évangélique. A travers les nombreuses ironies de la confrontation entre l’héritage politique d’un soulèvement d’esclaves et l’héritage politique des Saintes Ecritures, Haïti devient une nation tenue en captivité, et Satan, le pouvoir colonial qu’il faut renverser.
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Tise, Ellen R. "The President’s Page: Help for Haiti - recovering the past, creating the future!" IFLA Journal 36, n.º 3 (outubro de 2010): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0340035210384175.
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Mustolehudin, Mustolehudin, e Siti Muawanah. "KEJAWEN SPIRITUALISM: THE ACTUALIZATION OF MORAL VALUES AT PAGUYUBAN SUCI HATI KASAMPURNAN IN CILACAP". EL HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 19, n.º 2 (5 de dezembro de 2017): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v19i2.4029.
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<p>In Java, the existence of penghayat—believing in the One Almighty God—has grown significantly during the early reign of President Joko Widodo. This is supported by the Regulation of Ministry of Education and Culture Number 27 in 2016 about education services related to the belief in the One Almighty God at schools. Paguyupan Hati Suci Kasampurnan is one of penghayat groups in Cilacap which implements the teaching of budi pekerti (good behaviors) towards its adherents. This is a qualitative research examining the hidden meaning contained in the guidance book of Paguyupan Hati Suci Kasampurnan through semiotic analysis. This study results in two findings. First, the main source used at this paguyuban is Kitab Adam Makna. Second, the main teaching of this paguyuban is the teaching of good behaviors towards the adherents in order to reach the level of perfect life which is known as manunggaling kawula gusti.</p><p><br />Di Jawa, keberadaan penghayat terhadap Tuhan Yang Maha Esa mengalami perkembangan yang cukup signifikan pada awal pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo. Hal ini dikuatkan dengan terbitnya regulasi Menteri Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia Nomor 27 Tahun 2016 tentang layanan pendidikan kepercayaan terhadap Tuhan Yang Maha Esa pada satuan pendidikan. Paguyuban Suci Hati Kasampurnan merupakan salah satu kelompok penghayat di Cilacap yang ikut berperan aktif dalam mengimplementasikan ajaran budi pekerti kepada pemeluknya. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini berupaya mengkaji makna yang tersirat dalam kitab ajaran Paguyupan Hati Suci Kasampurnan melalui analisis semiotika. Hasil penelitian berupa dua temuan. Pertama, sumber ajaran Paguyuban SHK adalah Kitab Adam Makna (berupa simbol-simbol yang terdapat di jagat raya). Kedua, bahwa intisari dari ajaran paguyuban ini adalah mengajarkan budi pekerti luhur sebagai dasar untuk memperoleh kesempurnaan dengan Tuhan (manunggaling kawula gusti).</p>
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Gérard Pierre-Charles. "CRISIS DE ESTADO E INTERVENCIÓN INTERNACIONAL EN HAITÍ". BAJO EL VOLCÁN. REVISTA DEL POSGRADO DE SOCIOLOGÍA. BUAP 4, n.º 8 (1 de dezembro de 2004): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32399/icsyh.bvbuap.2954-4300.2004.4.8.183.
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El artículo presenta claves para comprender la compleja y dramática trama social y política de Haití. A partir de la coyuntura de desgarramiento político que dio lugar a la reciente caída de Bertrand Aristide como presidente, el autor hace un análisis de los factores de la profunda crisis de Estado del país caribeño. Entre éstos destaca el proceso de corrupción del gobierno , cuyo líder había tenido amplio apoyo popular a principios de los años noventa. Además, analiza el papel de la "intervención extranjera" tanto en la coyuntura de crisis abierta como durante el gobierno, y también el papel de los sectores democráticos de la sociedad civil agrupados en "Plataforma Democrática".
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Silva Ardanuy, Francisco Manuel. "Paramilitarismo, suspensión constitucional y estado de excepción en la República de Haití (1957-1986)". Ciencia Nueva. Revista de Historia y Política 5, n.º 1 (29 de junho de 2021): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.22517/25392662.24678.
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El presente artículo aborda el proceso de configuración de organizaciones paramilitares al servicio del Estado haitiano bajo la presidencia de François y Jean Claude Duvalier. Sus objetivos eran alterar el modelo democrático de la República de Haití y suprimir cualquier tipo de oposición política, lo que generó un tránsito desde unas frágiles estructuras democráticas a un modelo de dictadura partidario basado en el empleo de fuerzas paramilitares. Ambos presidentes estructuraron organizaciones que, junto a las propias Fuerzas Armadas haitianas y bajo el control presidencial, detentaron el ejercicio de la violencia en el país entre 1957 y 1986, generando 60.000 víctimas directas y el exilio masivo de amplios sectores de la población de Haití.
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Ulloa, Félix. "Las elecciones de febrero y abril de 2006 en Haití". Revista Elecciones 5, n.º 6 (30 de novembro de 2006): 73–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.53557/elecciones.2006.v5n6.03.
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El proceso electoral haitiano ha cerrado una de sus más importantes etapas: la elección del presidente de la república como resultado de las elecciones del 7 de febrero y la mayoría de los senadores y diputados del congreso, como resultado de la segunda vuelta realizada el 2 de abril. Queda aún pendiente la organización de la segunda vuelta para los parlamentarios que no obtuvieron dicha mayoría en el departamento del Nordeste y algunas cuantas comunas, así como los comicios municipales.
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Ethéart, Bernard. "La democracia participativa en Haití: la experiencia de las organizaciones no gubernamentales". Estudios Latinoamericanos 2, n.º 3 (18 de maio de 1995): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cela.24484946e.1995.3.49726.
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Los últimos años de la historia de Haití han estado marcados por la caída, a principios de 1986, de una dictadura que dominó al país durante cerca de treinta años y el intento de instaurar un régimen verdaderamente democrático. Esta tentativa culminó con la elección triunfal de Jean-Bertrand Aristide como presidente de la República en diciembre de 1990. No obstante, siete meses después de su ascenso al poder, Aristide fue destituido por un golpe de Estado encabezado por el ejército.
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Domínguez, Jaime de Jesús. "El licenciado José Núñez de Cáceres, ¿independentista o esclavista?" Revista ECOS UASD 20, n.º 12 (15 de março de 2013): 253–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51274/ecos.v20i12.pp253-262.
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El 30 de noviembre de 1821 el licenciado José Núñez de Cáceres dio un golpe de Estado al gobernador español Pascual Real, poniendo fin a 328 años de dominación de la parte oriental de La Española por el imperio con sede en Madrid. Lo que motivó al licenciado Núñez de Cáceres a dar el golpe de Estado fue evitar que triunfara un movimiento de unión con Haití que se había iniciado en la zona fronteriza norte, el cual tenía como objetivo que el presidente haitiano Boyer aboliera la esclavitud en el Santo Domingo Español y lo sacase de la miseria en que estaba sumerigido. El triunfo del movimiento de unión con Haití habría significado la inmediata abolición de la esclavitud, ya que la mayoría eran antiguos esclavos que no habrían permitido que continuase el sistema esclavista en un territorio que se le uniera a su país. Boyer aprovechó que los domínico-españoles se independizaran para ocupar la Parte Este de la isla.
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Jesus, Alex Dias de. "CORUMBÁ-MS: O RETORNO DA MIGRAÇÃO INDOCUMENTADA DE HAITIANOS NO BRASIL". Para Onde!? 13, n.º 2 (4 de maio de 2020): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/1982-0003.101105.
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O permanente quadro de pobreza estrutural vigente no Haiti fez com que milhões de haitianos buscassem na migração alternativas para a melhoria das condições de vida. A partir de 2010, alguns países da América do Sul passaram a fazer parte dos destinos dos migrantes haitianos que, por meio de redes sociais, conectam os vários espaços dessa antiga e intensa mobilidade. Entretanto, as respostas à migração haitiana na América do Sul tem sido a implementação de políticas restritivas por parte dos governos dos países de destino e de trânsito. Especialmente no Chile, a partir de abril de 2018, um decreto promulgado pelo presidente Sebastián Piñera, dificultou a permanência e regularização dos haitianos no país. Diante disso, o presente artigo objetiva analisar a recente mobilidade internacional de haitianos que abandonam o Chile e ingressam de maneira indocumentada no Brasil através do município de Corumbá, no estado do Mato Grosso do Sul.
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Glennon, Michael J. "The Executive’s Misplaced Reliance on War Powers “Custom”". American Journal of International Law 109, n.º 3 (julho de 2015): 551–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.3.0551.
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Historical practice, or custom, has long been seen as a source of authority in the resolution of separation-of-powers disputes. In two recent cases assessing the limits to the president’s power regarding the recognition of foreign nations and the making of recess appointments, the Supreme Court heavily emphasized past practice. Historical practice, the Court said, reflects “the compromises and working arrangementsth at the elected branches of Government themselves have reached.” in the realm of war powers, the executive branch has long relied on custom to justify military initiatives that were carried out without congressional approval. In essence, the executive has argued that because force has been used in the past without congressional approval, the same is permissible in various other situations (for example, in the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Kosovo, and Panama).
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Herdegen, Matthias. "La soberanía de los estados en épocas de globalización". Inciso 17, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2015): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.18634/incj.17v.2i.405.
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Hace tres décadas, la soberanía estaba concebida como una roca sólida e inmóvil en un mundo dividido, como la suma de los poderes inherentes al Estado. Si se hubiera pronosticado lo que estamos observando hoy, hubiese pensado que hablamos de otro planeta. Es difícil imaginar: - Que un día una fuerza multinacional con mandato del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU derroca a un régimen militar en Haití, para reestablecer un gobierno democrático. - Que la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos declarará invalida una ley de amnistía para los escuadrones de la muerte en Perú. - Que una corte internacional penal emitiría un mandato de captura contra el presidente de Sudán y el coronel Gadafi de Libia
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Katz, Claudio. "nueva resistência popular en América Latina". Libertas 23, n.º 1 (26 de junho de 2023): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/1980-8518.2023.v23.40557.
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Los levantamientos populares contuvieron la restauración conservadora, recrearon escenarios progresistas y afrontan la redoblada contraofensiva de la derecha. Tuvieron efectos electorales inmediatos y provocaron la precipitada salida de los presidentes derechistas en Bolivia, Chile, Perú, Honduras y Colombia. En México, Argentina y Brasil el descontento social no suscitó protestas equivalentes, pero dio lugar a victorias del mismo tipo en las urnas. En Ecuador y Panamá se consiguieron importantes triunfos en la calle contra los atropellos neoliberales y en Haití persiste una sostenida resistencia al caos impuesto por las elites y sus socios imperiales. El análisis de esta lucha es frecuentemente desatendido por los estudios exclusivamente focalizados en la forma de dominio de los opresores. La evaluación de esa resistencia esclarece semejanzas y diferencias con otras regiones.
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Magnis-Suseno, Franz. "Filsafat Inteligen". DISKURSUS - JURNAL FILSAFAT DAN TEOLOGI STF DRIYARKARA 18, n.º 1 (13 de abril de 2022): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36383/diskursus.v18i1.285.
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AM Hendropriyono 2021,
Filsafat Intelijen. Sebuah Esai ke Arah Landasan Berpikir, Strategi, serta Refleksi Kasus-kasus Aktual,
Jakarta: PT Hedropriyono Strategic Consulting.
Bagi seorang "filosof emeritus" ("filosof afkiran") seperti penulis buku Hendropriyono menarik karena menjadi kelihatan bagaimana seorang 0tokoh yang profesinya jauh dari filsafat dapat memanfaatkan pendekatan filosofis. Yang dimaksud Hendropriyono dengan "filsafat Intelijens" memang bukan filsafat seperti filsafat moral atau filsafat politik atau filsafat manusia. Melainkan filsafat sebagai cara seorang tokoh inteligens Indonesia menjalankan tugasnya, mengumpulkan pengetahuan tentang ancaman-ancaman tersembunyi yang dihadapi suatu negara, dalam kasus ini, Indonesia. Dalam definisi Hendropriyono: "Filsafat intelijen memahami keamanan sebagai suatu kebebasan dari bahaya yang mengancam personal, informasi, komunikasi, pernaskahan fisik dan non-fisik serta lingkungan hidup manusia" h. 103). Hendropriyono memperlihatkan bagaimana ketajaman filosofis dapat membantu melihat realitas dari pelbagai segi, menghindar misalnya dari tiga sikap keliru klasik yang sudah diangkat oleh para filosof Yunani, sofisme, paralogisme dan sikap echolalian (h. 56), sadar akan perangkap logical fallacies seperti argumentasi ad hominem, sikap latah (bandwagon), kesimpulan yang tergesa-gesa (hasty generalization), menganggap A disebabkan B hanya karena terjadi sesudah B (post hoc, bukan propter hoc), dikotomi keliru, circular reasoning dan membiarkan diri dibawa sesat karena mengikuti suatu red herring (h. 133 s.). Pendekatan filosofis akan membuat was-was terhadap "pemikrian konspirasi", informasi top-down dan hoaks.
Dalam bukunya Hendropriyono membawa pendekatan filosofis itu pada kejadian-kejadian di dekade-dekade terakhir. Msalnya Arab spring dengan pergolakan-pergolakan luar biasa yang mengikutinya: Mesir dengan semangat demokrasi yang justru membawa Ikhwanul Muslimen ke puncak kekuasaan, hanya untuk kemudian digulingkan oleh Jendral Siwi dengan dukungan Al Azhar dan Gereja Koptik. Kekacauan luar biasa di Siria dan Irak di mana Amerika Serikat mendukung gerakan demokratis dengan harapan bisa menggulingkan diktator Bashar al-Assad, hanya untuk akhirnya malah menjadi pendukung ISIS - yang menyingkirkan gerakan demokratis - karena Assad didukung oleh Rusia dan Iran. Sebelumnya Amerika Serikat juga dengan logika kepentingannya membuat kacau Haiti: Sesudah Amerika mendukung Jean-Bertrand Aristide, presiden pertama Haiti yang dipilih secara demokratis, yang menggantikan diktator "Baby Doc" Duvalier, tetapi karena Aristide dianggap terlalu kiri, Amerika mendukung penggulingannya; sampai sekarang Haiti kacau. Dan ada contoh logical dan political fallacies lain yang dianalisa, misalnya perang proxy di Afganistan.
Tentu Hendropriyono juga memakai pendekatan filsafat untuk melihat pekembangan di Indonesia. Amendemen UUD 1946 pasca reformasi, masalah Papua, gejala populisme, keberhasilan deradikalisasi seperti misalnya terwujud dalam Pondok Pesantren Al-Zaitun. Sama dengan alm. Romo Nikolaus Drijarkara Hendropriyono menunjukkan bahwa "Sila Pancasila yang Ke II, Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab, merupakan landasan bagi implementasi seluruh sila-sila dalam Pancasila" (142).
Tentu ada juga beberapa kesalahan. Perang Napoleon tentu berlangsung di abad ke-18 dan permulaan abad ke-19 (h. 29), Hitler berkuasa di Jerman tahun 1933 (h. 38), demonstrasi dua Desember (212) terjadi di tahun 2017, bukan 2016 (56), dan PD II bukannya diadakan untuk menjatuhkan Hitler, melainkan yang memulainya memang Hitler (146).
Buku ini sekaligus membuat pembaca paham bagaimana Hendropriyono melihat realitas politik, baik di Indonesia maupuan situasi internasional. Ia bermaksud menunjukkan bagaimana "kacamata" filsafat membantu untuk memahami apa yang terjadi dalam dimensi politik, dimensi utama yang mau dilindungi dari kejahatan oleh aparat inteligence. Suatu buku yang cukup khas.
Franz Magnis-Suseno
45
Aiello, Francisco. "Violencia y religación caribeña: Bicentenaire de Lyonel Trouillot". Letras (Lima) 92, n.º 136 (29 de dezembro de 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.30920/letras.92.136.1.
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La literatura haitiana contemporánea ofrece una visión interior de una muy dinámica cultura, que requiere de una constante elaboración estética capaz que ofrecer líneas de sentido que permite un acercamiento a su complejidad. Este trabajo analiza la novela del escritor haitiano Lyonel Trouillot Bicentenaire (2004). Se trata de un autor que ha desarrollado toda su amplia trayectoria literaria, aún en crecimiento, dentro del país, lo cual no es un dato menor dado hay colegas de Haití que, por residir en el extranjero, han tenido el beneficio de medios de mayor circulación. El texto que nos ocupa ficcionaliza la jornada de protestas que tuvieron lugar en Puerto Príncipe el 1 de enero de 2004 —fecha en la que se conmemora el bicentenario de la declaración de la independencia haitiana— contra el presidente Jean Bertrand Aristide, quien finalmente abandonó el poder unos días después. No obstante, nuestro interés consiste en examinar vínculos intertextuales de muy variado tratamiento discursivo con textos caribeños (canciones interpretadas por Bob Marley, la novela Crónica de una muerte anunciada de Gabriel García Márquez y el drama Une tempête de Aimé Césaire como una estrategia religadora que procura inscribir la problemática de la violencia en el contexto mayor de la cultura del Caribe. Esa heterogeneidad no impide constatar dinámicas comunes que el texto de Trouillot busca poner en relación a partir de las remisiones a otros textos.
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Maresca, Alberto. "La exclusión política y social de los migrantes haitianos en República Dominicana: acercamiento al racismo multidimensional". Universitas, n.º 40 (23 de fevereiro de 2024): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17163/uni.n40.2024.04.
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Este trabajo analiza la presencia de un racismo multidimensional, de carácter social y político, padecido porlos migrantes haitianos en República Dominicana. La experiencia directa del autor en República Dominicanamotiva la búsqueda de un análisis empírico y teórico que pueda interrogarse sobre una posible correlaciónentre el nacionalismo en la política dominicana y el apoyo popular hacia la exclusión de los migranteshaitianos en el sistema nacional dominicano. A través de una inicial revisión de la literatura de referenciadel campo sociológico y migratorio, se define el concepto de Homo Sacer expuesto por Agamben. El aporteteórico de Agamben es útil para identificar la voluntad estatal de excluir a los migrantes haitianos. Además,se tomará el concepto de pensamiento de Estado identificado por Sayad, mientras que el foco histórico en lacuestión identitaria dominicana cuenta con aportes procedentes de las obras de Rappaport. La marginalizacióny exclusión de los migrantes haitianos se estudia también cuestionando la ausencia de datos y registrosactualizados por el Gobierno dominicano, queriendo proponer eventuales correlaciones entre la ilegalizaciónestatal de los migrantes haitianos, con el aval de la política dominicana, y una forma social de nacionalismoracial. Utilizando también un enfoque propio de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Ciencia Política, sedescribe cómo el actual gobierno de República Dominicana, encabezado por el presidente Luis Abinader,muestra una tendencia hacia pasados elementos de realismo político y nacionalismo en las relaciones bilateralescon Haití, donde, cabe incluir, encuentra un efectivo consenso por parte de la sociedad dominicana
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Abaunza, Carlos. "Apatridia y condición de refugio en el siglo XXI". AULA Revista de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales 67, n.º 2 (2 de julho de 2021): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33413/aulahcs.2021.67i2.185.
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La constante politización (y polarización) de ciertos problemas entre la República Dominicana y Haití, ha convertido algunas diferencias en contiendas irreconciliables en ambos lados de la isla. En el lado dominicano, las confrontaciones han alcanzado proporciones repudiables al menos dos veces, específicamente durante la Masacre de 1937 y la Sentencia 168/13 del Tribunal Constitucional. La primera supuso la exterminación de al menos 20,000 personas haitianas o de ascendencia haitiana en comunidades fronterizas en la República Dominicana, y la última se tradujo en la privación de nacionalidad a cientos de miles de individuos de ascendencia haitiana nacidos en la República Dominicana. La desnacionalización de las personas de ascendencia haitiana fue mitigada por el hecho de que el presidente dominicano Danilo Medina aprobó una Ley de Naturalización e inició un Plan Nacional de Regularización. Tomando la República Dominicana como un caso de estudio para explorar la relación entre desnacionalización y apatridia con la condición de refugio, llegamos a la conclusión de que la privación de nacionalidad y la desnacionalización, no siempre equivalen a la persecución estatal, excepto en los casos que resultaron en expulsiones del país de anterior residencia habitual”. Dos puntos específicos dieron forma a esta conclusión: primero, el acto de desnacionalización y expulsión parece haberse sustentado en razones de raza y origen nacional (anterior); y el hecho de que las personas removidas de la República Dominicana por la fuerza, no estarán en capacidad de regresar legalmente a su país de nacimiento sin enfrentar la persecución estatal, ya que el Gobierno dominicano no reconoce a estas personas como nacionales. Esperamos que estos hallazgos beneficien a (ciertos) solicitantes de asilo para defender su derecho a refugio en distintos países de primera entrada donde aún hay casos pendientes.
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Corder Tapia, Alejandro. "América Latina: Nuevas miradas desde el Sur Jorge Riquelme Rivera, Máximo Quitral Rojas y Carlos Rojas Huerta, comps. (2013) Santiago: Minimocomún Ediciones". Persona y Sociedad 28, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2014): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.53689/pys.v28i1.61.
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América Latina: Nuevas miradas desde el Sur es un libro que contiene una serie de artículos que se interrelacionan entre sí, se complementan, dialogan y permiten extender la conversación hacia un lector no especializado que desea conocer algo más en profundidad algunas temáticas y hechos que han ocurrido en la región en la última década, así como las posibles implicancias que dichos acontecimientos puedan tener para la próxima década.
La selección de temas constituye un acto discursivo de los compiladores que, compartiendo una formación académica en Relaciones Internacionales, han escogido aquellas temáticas que mayor preocupación han generado en la historia del mundo moderno. Esto se refleja claramente en los títulos que lleva cada capítulo, entre ellos: economía y desarrollo, política y movimiento, asuntos sociales y ciudadanía, relaciones internacionales, así como, finalmente, la región y su conexión con el mundo.
En el primer capítulo, el autor Ignacio Bartesaghi sostiene que el crecimiento de América Latina en la última década, se debió principalmente al crecimiento de China y otros países asiáticos que incrementaron la demanda por productos básicos. Si bien América Latina ha tenido una gran tradición, exportando comodities, el desafío futuro es su proyección en el tiempo y el despegue de sus economías hacia la diversificación. Por otra parte, Carlos Rojas plantea que la cooperación Sur-Sur ha sido uno de los pilares fundamentales para el crecimiento regional como instrumento de apoyo a las políticas públicas en diversas temáticas, entre las cuales destacan la estabilidad institucional y la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos. En este sentido, en las últimas décadas los países de la región han profundizado su histórica tradición de cooperación, que se remonta al momento de la conformación de los Estados, cuando el proceso independentista lo requirió.
En el segundo capítulo, el primer artículo desarrolla una interesante perspectiva en torno al ideal bolivariano propugnado por Venezuela desde el ascenso de Chávez al poder. Este se basa en el proyecto de cambio social, dejando de lado el aspecto republicano liberal que el libertador sostenía, en razón de la necesidad discursiva del presidente venezolano de instalar un cambio en la sociedad fuertemente cimentado en un mito que evidencia la vocación psicomágica de su pueblo. En este orden de ideas, este trabajo permite continuar con un interesante tema que viene a ejemplificar el análisis sobre el proyecto de gobierno de los mandatarios en la región, a través del siguiente artículo, que analiza el comportamiento de los sistemas presidenciales que ha caracterizado a Latinoamérica, sosteniendo el autor la tesis de que este desequilibrio de la fuerza con la cual se interrelacionan los tres poderes del Estado, podría haber sido la causa de las inestabilidades democráticas que se produjeron en la región en las últimas décadas del siglo XX. Luego se analiza el caso peruano en particular, que refleja claramente la falta de solidez institucional en momentos en que los partidos políticos se encuentran desarticulados y con pocas probabilidades de encontrar acuerdos.
El tercer capítulo nos lleva al terreno de lo humano en cuanto aborda los temas sociales del ciudadano latinoamericano y sus representaciones sociales, que no son más que el reflejo de las ideas que dejó como legado el proceso independentista, mediante la conformación de Estados que nacen a la libertad como repúblicas soberanas, configurando en el papel las concepciones republicana, liberal y democrática. Siguiendo este orden de ideas, el artículo de María Sierralta aborda la región desde una perspectiva sociológica del comportamiento infantil. De acuerdo a su tesis, la sociedad se va conformando con un orden creado para niños incapaces de formular sus propias opciones; más bien, niños/adultos a los cuales solo les resta obedecer las normas pensadas por las elites.
El cuarto capítulo está dedicado a las relaciones internacionales regionales; en particular se centra en un caso de estudio de relación paravecinal de dos países. En este capítulo cabe destacar el interesante abordaje que presenta Jorge Riquelme para tratar el tema de la relación entre la integración y la seguridad en Sudamérica. El autor sostiene que la seguridad en América del Sur se ha incrementado y consolidado producto de los avances que evidencia la región en el ámbito de integración a nivel subregional y regional, especialmente a partir de los aportes que ha implicado Mercosur. En tal sentido, el autor plantea que, más allá de los aspectos económicos y comerciales, la integración ha impulsado la progresiva conformación de una comunidad de seguridad que, teniendo como base el Cono Sur americano, ha tendido a expandirse a nivel de la región en su conjunto, como lo expresa el desarrollo que ha experimentado el Consejo de Defensa Suramericano.
En el último capítulo se desarrolla la conexión de América Latina con el mundo, a través de tres artículos. Irene Acevedo analiza el caso de Brasil y su posicionamiento en el mundo multilateral global, donde se destaca principalmente la aspiración del país de obtener un asiento permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad. Para este fin, Brasil ha desplegado una serie de acciones en el plano multilateral, orientando su política de cooperación internacional tanto en el seno de Naciones Unidas como en forma directa hacia los países vecinos y de África. Lo anterior, con el fin de obtener una real legitimidad a su aspiración. Por otra parte, Eduardo Carreño aborda la relación entre América Latina y el África Subsahariana, artículo que se conecta con el anterior al destacar intereses que se han desarrollado entre países de ambas regiones, ya sean de corte ideológico o meramente pragmático. Finalmente, el capítulo termina con el artículo de Juan Pedro Sepúlveda, que aborda el emblemático caso de Haití como foco de la cooperación internacional, que tiene por objetivo detener el quiebre total de un Estado que ha sido incapaz de resolver sus asuntos y que genera gran preocupación en la región y en la comunidad internacional.
El libro presenta una realidad que, siguiendo a Hedley Bull, va más allá del orden internacional, porque también aborda temáticas a nivel doméstico, humano y del camino que la región ha tomado en los últimos tiempos respecto de los grandes desafíos que presenta el futuro y de lo que las naciones desean como realidad. El discurso general se plantea como un llamado de atención hacia las grandes diferencias existentes, a las trabas que se encuentran en el camino y a la larga jornada que le espera a esa nación para alcanzar los estándares mínimos deseados en este momento de la historia.
En su conjunto, el libro constituye una excelente compilación de temas absolutamente vigentes en la esfera internacional, que ofrecen una visión global del devenir actual de la región, sin dejar de lado sus orígenes y su gran diversidad cultural. Si bien la región se presenta como una zona de gran homogeneidad cultural, las variantes de programas de desarrollo y de experiencias sociopolíticas enriquecen las relaciones interestatales mediante sus particularidades, preocupaciones, intereses comunes y visión de mundo que se quiere para el futuro. Su lectura es altamente recomendable para quienes quieran conocer algo más en profundidad esta región del mundo que, últimamente, ha demostrado tener una mayor visibilidad tanto por la generación de nuevas ideas, como por lo esperanzador de su reconstrucción democrática.
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"Democratic Change of Government Signals Progress in Haiti". Foreign Policy Bulletin 7, n.º 3 (maio de 1996): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600000721.
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A little later this morning, President Preval will be meeting with the President. As the first democratically elected President to succeed an elected incumbent, his visit marks a turning point in Haitian history and in U.S.-Haitian relations. President Preval will also be talking to Members of Congress about the need for economic reform in Haiti, as well as his vision for the development of the rule of law and democratic institutions in Haiti, and the importance of continued U.S. support in these areas.
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"Statements on Haiti and Meetings with President Aristide". Foreign Policy Bulletin 3, n.º 6 (maio de 1993): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600004780.
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