Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Greek literature, dictionaries"

Introduction. Synonyms are formed from the combination of the Greek words syn "together" + onoma "name", which is an important means of increasing the effectiveness of speech, a clearer, more vivid, logical and diverse expression of thought. In the existing scientific literature, it is reflected that synonymous words in the working definition belong to the same category, are written, pronounced differently, but have the same or similar meanings. Synonymy is a very multifaceted phenomenon, and most of the definitions given do not fully cover the essence of synonymy. Therefore, from the earliest days of linguistics, there was a strong interest in discovering the essence of these means of artistic representation, recording their meaning, compiling lists.

This paper discusses the problems of lexicographical representation of Modern Greek constructional phrasemes – productive phraseological patterns with one or more variable components (slots). The analysis of Modern Greek general and phraseological dictionaries has shown that, in Modern Greek lexicography, there is no unified approach towards the description of this type of phraseologisms. One of the significant problems associated with lexicographical treatment of Modern Greek constructional phrasemes is that some of them are registered in dictionaries as fully fixed expressions with their slot(s) filled with a specific lexeme or a specific proposition, without any indication that these expressions possess a variable component. Such lexicographical representation of productive phraseological patterns does not reflect the real linguistic usage and does not allow the reader of the dictionary to understand that the expressions described in the dictionary as fully fixed show considerable variation and possess one or two slots that can be filled with a wide range of words or word combinations. The corpus analysis of the constructional phraseme Ούτε να Ρ (literally, ‘neither if’), which is registered in Modern Greek dictionaries in five different, all fully lexically specified forms, has shown that the specific realizations of this productive phraseological pattern included in the dictionaries either have relatively low frequency of occurrence in the corpus, or are not encountered in the corpus at all. Other realizations of this phraseological pattern account for over 92 % of all the cases of its use in the corpus, but the common pattern behind them can hardly be identified with the help of the existing lexicographical descriptions, as it is registered in the dictionaries under the lemmas of five different lexemes that do not form part of its fixed component. Based on the findings of this study, the paper raises the issue of developing a new approach towards the description of productive phraseological patterns that currently pose a significant challenge for adequate lexicographical representation.

The article is devoted to the topical issue of perception and compatibility of paronymic pairs among Greek students. In Greece, there are three departments of Slavic studies: the Department of Russian Language and Literature and Slavic Studies at the National and Kapodistrian University of the Athens, the Department of Languages, Literature and Culture of the Black Sea Countries of the Demokritus University of Thrace in Komotini and at the Department of Balkan Studies, Slavic and Oriental Studies of the University of Macedonia in Thessaloniki. Students study Russian, Bulgarian and other Slavic languages as foreign languages at these universities. Among the incoming students there are: Greeks (who do not know any Slavic language), who speak one of the Slavic languages (graduated from schools or other educational institutions in their countries) and bilinguals (who arrived or were born in Greece). The purpose of the study programs at these faculties is not only to teach students Russian as a foreign language, but also to give them a complete philological education. Despite the fact that there are quite a few dictionaries of paronyms, there is a lack of educational dictionaries, manuals and electronic resources in the Bulgarian and Russian languages for a foreign audience. Students have difficulties due to misunderstanding, the use of paronyms both in oral and written speech of the Russian and Bulgarian languages at advanced levels. Examples of paronyms with close-sounding semantic correspondences and differences in Russian, Bulgarian and Greek are given. When teaching a foreign language, one should take into account the linguistic and cultural characteristics of not only the native language of students, but also their knowledge of other languages in order to avoid interference. At the end of the article, methodological recommendations are given in the teaching of paronyms.

Terpsicles is neglected in all current Histories of Greek Literature and Dictionaries of Antiquity, except for a five-lines-long entry by E. Bux in Real-Encyclopädie V.A. 790. He is the author of a treatise Περί ἀΦροδισίων, which is only known from two references in Athenaeus—7.325d and 9.391e—and seems to have been a collection of sex-related marvels. In the first passage he provides a piece of information on the red mullet:

Abstract Almost all current translations of 2Tim 1:7 understand σωφρονισμός in this verse as a synonym of σωφροσύνη. So do authoritative recent commentaries and dictionaries. This paper demonstrates that word formation makes this unlikely and that σωφρονισμός is never used synonymously with σωφροσύνη in ancient Greek literature. It is shown that the usual meaning of “making someone σώφρων” is possible and appropriate for 2Tim 1:7. A survey of ancient translations and interpretations of the verse by ancient Christian writers shows that most of them also consider this meaning possible and obvious.

Although the Slovenian language is relatively small, Slovenian lexicography has quite a rich history and tradition reaching right back to the 16th century. Until the 19th century, writers who made dictionaries and collections of Slovenian vocabulary prepared a fair amount of admirable works, albeit many remained in manuscript and have never been printed. In the 19th century, the study of the Slovenian language, efforts to preserve it, and the collecting of Slovenian linguistic material spread outside the central Slovenian land of Carniola; in Styria in particular, young intellectuals from those parts, such as Leopold Volkmer (1741–1816), Janez Krstnik Leopold Šmigoc (1787–1829), Peter Dajnko (1787–1873), Anton Krempl (1790–1844), and others, provided for the collecting of linguistic material alongside their literary endeavours; one of them was Friar Minor Dominik Penn. He was a fascinating lexicographer who included Greek in his work in a very unusual way.

Within the linguistic research on the works of Maximus the Greek, the article raises the question of the peculiarities of an individual intellectual dictionary in his creative work. The object of this study is the authors use of three terms conveying the concept of "fate", in particular the lexical borrowing from the Greek είμαρμένη and from the Latin words fatum and fortuna, rarely used in Church Slavonic literature up to the 16 th cent. The use of significant terms is described through lexicographical analysis in the first two volumes of the modern edition of Maximus the Greeks works. Special attention is paid to the comparison of the meanings of individual words and their functioning with the data taken from the historical section of the National Corpus of the Russian language, and as well as from a selection of dictionaries of Old Church Slavonic and Church Slavonic languages, in order to identify the characteristic features of lexical preferences of Maximus the Greek. Thorough contextual analysis of the texts allows us to show how, conveying the concept of necessity caused by the stars or mysterious destiny, the author shows himself as an innovator, enriching Church Slavonic vocabulary with new borrowings. The article verifies the hypothesis about the reasons for lexical preferences of Maximus the Greek and makes assumptions about the interpretation of synonymy of the words denoting "fate" that appears in the studied texts. Linguistic goals, formulated on the basis of the results obtained, can be achieved only taking into consideration the general trends in the development of religious and philosophical thought in Europe in the Early Modern Era.

The issue of this paper is the analysis of infectious disease terms in English and their Serbian equivalents. The author also deals with the influence of the English language on the terminology of infectious diseases in Serbian as a consequence of the contact between these two languages. During the study, professional literature in English, bilingual and monolingual medical and veterinary dictionaries, bilingual collections of papers, abstract books, etymological dictionaries and other works on a similar topic in this area have been used. The analysis is based on 185 English terms and 196 Serbian equivalents for 173 infectious diseases. The processes of the development of terms are established on lexical level and they show great influence of Latin and Greek on both languages. Hybrid loanwords constitute a large section of English corpus, and the most common translation technique is calc. Based on contrastive analysis, the match, mismatch, similarities and differences are found in morphological, syntactic and semantic level. The research shows that a match occurs in over 60% of cases, and that the semantic differences are largely a matter of zero relations. The paper provides the statistical analyses of the research and a series of representative examples in both languages.

Based on a survey of various translations of the word βα ´ θο in the Longinian theory of the sublime issued since the seventeenth century, this paper shows the impact of the history of literature, and especially of stylistic theorisations, on the partly unconscious positioning of a new translator facing this difficult passage of the first-century treatise. The introduction of the transliterated word bathos in English with Pope’s Peri Bathous, and the entry of this notion into encyclopediae of poetics favor the injection, into Longinus’ phrase, of concepts which novelty is each time valued as being worthy of Longinus’ historical originality. This eventually leads to specify an autonomous stylistical meaning of the noun βα ´ θο , which, once included in Ancient Greek dictionaries, induces a lasting distortion in the understanding of this word.

Abstract Technical terminology and Decknamen represent key hallmarks of the alchemical literature in different traditions. The opacity of this vocabulary makes the reading of alchemical texts difficult and, in order to cope with similar challenges, Byzantine, Syriac and Arabic scholars soon started compiling technical vocabularies. In my paper I shall investigate two (partially overlapping) lexica, which open the BL Syriac alchemical MSS Egerton 709 and Oriental 1593. On the one hand, I will explore the variety of sources used by the anonymous compiler(s) to assemble these useful tools (Byzantine alchemists as well as the Greek medical tradition; Syro-Arabic lexicography). On the other, particular attention will be given to the structure and mise en page of the two lexica, which will be compared with analogous alchemical dictionaries in the Byzantine (e.g. MS Marcianus gr. 299) and Arabic (e.g. MS Gotha 1261) traditions.

Abstract Among Homer’s bloody descriptions of battle scenes, we find the thrice-repeated phrase ἐγκέφαλος δὲ / ἔνδον ἅπας πεπάλακτο (Il. 11.97 f., 12.185 f., 20.399 f.). The middle pluperfect of παλάσσω is interpreted by commentators and dictionaries either as ‘the brain was spattered (against the inside of the helmet)’, or as ‘the brain was sprinkled (with blood)’. Both interpretations of πεπάλακτο yield syntactic and/or semantic problems. In this paper, I discuss these problems and, after reconsidering the attestations of παλάσσω during the history of Greek, propose a new solution. It is argued that παλάσσω does not primarily mean ‘sprinkle, bespatter’, but (i) ‘strike’, out of which (ii) ‘soil, defile’ developed. In the problematic Homeric phrase, I suggest to translate πεπάλακτο with ‘was struck’. Moreover, I propose an etymology for παλάσσω, deriving the middle perfect πεπάλακτο (which I consider to be the oldest formation) from the same root as πλήσσω ‘strike’, viz., PIE *pleh2g-. This etymology is corroborated by the comparison between ἐµπαλάσσοµαι and ἐνιπλήσσω, both ‘be stuck (in)’.

Summary The first part of the article (Sect. 1–6), an earlier version of which appeared in 1964, constitutes a survey of medieval Arabic lexicography, which resulted in the conlusion that the works of these lexicographers could not be used, according to modern standards, as primary sources for lexical studies of Arabic, as has frequently been done up to now. It is characteristic of medieval Arabic lexicography that it was limited to the study of Classical Arabic, the literary language of Islamic society until the end of the tenth century. The beginnings of Arabic lexicography date back to the time of ‘Alī or to the early Umayyads and were motivated by the concern for the classical language and its preservation from decline and deterioration. It was primarily the Koran, tradition literature, early poetry and proverbs which served as a basis for lexical studies. As a result of these scholarly efforts a number of lexical works were produced, some of which aiming at a complete vocabulary of the language, others being limited to certain linguistic and literary fields. Besides dictionaries in the proper sense there are also onomastic dictionaries. The arrangement of roots varies in different works. Although some of these dictionaries are extremely voluminous, they do not adequately represent the actual state of the language, as evidenced by the Lisān al-’Arab, for, on the one hand, they are often incomplete, on the other hand they contain material of dubious origin. Information as to usage and currency is lacking. The arrangement of the material within the roots is irregular and unsystematic, and the morphological structure of words is not always clearly established. There are shortcomings with regard to the definition of word meaning; moreover, no distinction is made between common and occasional meaning. Sometimes a meaning is stated as being known, sometimes it is defined by synonyms. Information regarding gender is often too general and wide, whereas with regard to meaning it is too narrow, based on isolated occurrences or simply false. In conclusion, reference is made to the Wörterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache (WKAS), which constitutes a new approach to Arabic lexicography. The second part of the paper (Sect.7–10) reports on the progress and development of the WKAS up to 1983 (date of publication of the first half of the second volume). The source material has been considerably enlarged, and there are also improvements from the technical point of view. Another change, however, is the widening of the linguistic scope. In addition to the classical language in the strict sense, translations from Greek (and Syriac) and relevant works succeeding them are taken into acount. Although this material only refers to certain domains of Greek thought, mainly pertaining to scientific subjects, it is rather heterogenous and often requires considerable expert knowledge. Theoretical concepts are more frequent here than in common literary language. The translations vary, moreover, as to quality and usage; the latter also applies to relevant subsequent literature. In philosophy, for instance, only a small quantity of loan-words and foreign words is to be observed. Word composition being almost completely lacking as a means of translation, Greek terms were rendered by way of morphological derivations and syntactical structures, or by semantic extensions and semantic loans. At the present stage of research it is not yet possible to achieve a complete inventory of technical terms; consequently, examples quoted as reference are not always equally pertinent. For the same reason a number of terms and definitions could be added in the field of philosophy as well. Another problem is the choice of adequate European meanings for rendering Arabic concepts. In the WKAS philosophical terms are partially included in the entries devoted to common language. In such cases, but also when they are treated apart, sequences of meaning are sometimes produced which are neither homogeneous in themselves, nor do they always fit in with the examples quoted. Thus the user must take notice of the distinction made within individual entries, and, if required, rely on his own judgment in finding further definitions. All things considered, the WKAS is certainly not to be regarded as a substitute for a dictionary of philosophical terms, but it offers rich and valuable material in this respect.

The main purpose of the article is to carry out a research concerningthe use of Greek words καθαρός (pure, clean) and καθαρότης (purity, cleanness)in one passage from the Book of Wisdom, namely Wis 7:22-28, andto find a solution to the observed paradox: purity beeing the condition and,at the same time, the result of man’s contact with Wisdom. Several researchquestions are posed, such as: Is it possible to associate the first use of theword with steam καθαρ (καθαρός; in v. 23) with man, or the author of theBook of Wisdom has in mind only immaterial beings? What is the relationbetween the purity of Wisdom in verse 24 and that from the previous verse?Can we interpret the text of the pericope 7,22-28 as follows: the Wisdomshares its ontological/moral purity with man? According to the author ofthe article, the answers to these questions may have a meaningful impacton the understanding of the theological thought of the Old as well as theNew Testament.The method used consists, in the first place, in the analysis of the meaningof the discussed words (καθαρός; καθαρότης) in the most importantGreek dictionaries/lexicons of classic Greek literature and Old/New Testamenttheology. Then, the focus shifts to the text of Wis 7:22-28 itself inits biblical context and synchronic analysis in which the text is studied inits final form is presented.The research leads to describing a contradiction concerning the purityof a man: being pure seems to be man’s condition for acquiring Wisdom,and, at the same time, man’s purity is the result of her acquisition. Theproposed solution to this contradiction, or paradox, consists in the a prioriinfluence of Wisdom on man, which does not relieve him from the effortto keep the state of purity.

The purpose of this concept analysis is to explore childlessness and provide understanding to professionals involved in the field of infertility. Walker and Avant’s method was used to identify descriptions, antecedents, consequences, and empirical referents of the concept. A model with related and contrary cases was developed. The analysis was based on the definition of the term in major dictionaries in the Greek, Lithuanian, Finnish, Maltese, and Turkish languages, while further literature searches utilized the Web of Science, PubMed, PsychInfo, Medline, Google Scholar, and National Thesis Databases. The literature search was limited to papers/books published in the authors’ national languages and English. As a result, childlessness is defined as the absence of children in the life of an individual, and this can be voluntary or involuntary. However, the deeper analysis of the concept may be preceded and amplified through cultural, psychological, biological, philosophical, theological, sociological, anthropological, and linguistic aspects throughout history. These elements presented challenges for childless individuals, ultimately influencing their choices to resort to alternative ways of becoming parents, such as in vitro fertilization (IVF), surrogacy, adoption, or other forms of childbearing. Historically, childlessness has been viewed with negative connotations due to its potential impact on the survival of the human species. This negativity can be directed even to individuals who may decide to opt to voluntarily remain childfree. The long-term impact of the experience, both on an individual and collective level, continues to cause pain to those who are involuntarily childless. In conclusion, health professionals and other stakeholders who have a deep understanding of childlessness, including the antecedents and attributes, can minimize the potential negative consequences of those factors contributing to childlessness, whether voluntary or involuntary. In fact, they can capitalize on a powerful impact of change adaptation by providing support to those in their practice to recover the lost homeostasis.

Introduction. This research paper focuses on the phenomenon of intertextuality which is studied on the basis of the articles of American socio-political magazines. The aim of the study is to identify the types and techniques of intertextual inclusions, which contribute to the formation of the depth of the integral semantic content of the texts of publicist discourse. The relevance and scientific novelty of the work stem from the need to study the functions of intertextual inclusions in non-fiction discourse. In this case communicative, axiological and pragmatic functions are considered to be the leading ones in linguistic and non-linguistic expressions.Methodology and sources. Fragments of journalistic texts expressing intertextuality were selected by means of sampling. The sources of intertextual inclusions were revealed with the help of explanatory and linguacultural dictionaries and internet-resources. The analysis of intertextual inclusions and definition of their functions were carried out taking into account the genre and stylistic typology of the texts, the direct linguistic and socio-cultural context.Results and discussion. Intertextual inclusions in publicist discourse imply the existence of associative links between the source text and the recipient text. The identification of these links helps to extend the meaning of the information shared and to make it more comprehensible. The sources of intertextual inclusions in the American publicist discourse are both those of the world culture − Ancient Greek myths, the Bible, classical English literature and national − texts of the US presidents’ speeches.Conclusion. The main purpose of incorporating source text elements into a recipient journalistic text is to fulfil informative, manipulative, axiological, predictive, and other functions. The degree of influence of the conveyed information depends on the cognitive base of the addressees, their general cultural competence and their ability to establish associative links between the reported and the implied. Due to their emotional tone, intertextual inclusions are an attractor that organize the text’s semantic structure. They let us consider a journalistic text as a unified semantic and communicative-pragmatic integrity.

The first Danish-Russian dictionary (Dansk-Russisk Ordbog) was published in Denmark in 1949. Author Ivan Stchelkunoff was born in Copenhagen to a family that moved from Russia. He received a good education, studied at the prestigious Metropolitan School, then at the University of Copenhagen, majoring in Latin, Greek and English. In 1901–1910 he was an Orthodox deacon in Athens. The years after returning to Denmark until 1917 were very successful. He was priest of the Imperial Diplomatic Mission of Russia, priest of the Alexander Nevsky Church in Copenhagen. He implemented several projects related to Russia. He published a book based on the history of Russia, Letters of Empress Catherine to the Dowager Queen Juliane Maria, a translation of I. S. Turgenev’s novel The Day Before, Russian Textbook for Beginners, Russian Commercial Correspondence, and two pocket dictionaries: Danish-Russian and Russian- Danish. In the early 1920s he moved from Copenhagen to Bornholm, where he became a teacher. He told about his life in the book Fifty years under the golden domes. Denmark, Greece, Russia. The publication of translations of L. N. Tolstoy’s novel Anna Karenina and two Ehrenburg books belongs to this period. In 1945, after the surrender of Germany, Soviet soldiers had to liberate the island due to the ridiculous orders of the German command. In 1945–1946, when they were on the island, Stchelkunoff was “an interpreter for Russian soldiers.” The Danish-Russian dictionary was created for a long time, from 1934 to 1946. In the preface, the author expresses gratitude to professor Holger Pedersen, who helped him. The dictionary was published in 1949 shortly after the adoption of changes in Danish spelling, but they could not be taken into account. Danish-Russian Dictionary is aimed at Danish users “who want to learn Russian, but it can be useful for Russians who want to get directly acquainted with Danish literature while reading.” Therefore, the author made do with minimal grammatical explanations. There are no lists of abbreviations and geographical names that are given in the corpus. The dictionary is satisfactory for this volume (about 30.000 words), although there are non-obvious lexemes for this pair of languages. In general, the dictionary can be assessed as reliable, conscientiously made and very timely appeared.

This lexical contrastive study aims at investigating the similarities and differences between the English color term "green" and its Arabic equivalent "akhḏar" in terms of: denotative meanings, connotative meanings, morphological specifications, inflections, derivations, compounding, metaphorical meanings and idiomatic uses. Data were collected from several monolingual and bilingual dictionaries, and electronic databases. The analysis revealed that the color terms "green" and "akhḏar" express similar meanings in addition to their common universal meaning as terms expressing a color between yellow and blue. However, despite the similarity, each lexical item expresses different meanings not expressed by its equivalent..

A geographical review of the published literature confirmed that red–green color-vision deficiency (Daltonism) is rare near the equator and more prevalent at higher latitudes, as others have reported. A survey of dictionaries of the languages spoken by the populations for which Daltonism data are available confirmed that distinct words for “blue” are also rare near the equator, and more common at higher latitudes. These results were compared to show an even stronger relation between the proportion of languages with a word for “blue” and the prevalence of Daltonism. We believe that the strong correlation between “blue” and Daltonism suggests that an evolutionary, physiological cause for both phenomena.

A different name than English literature, ‘Anglo-Indian Literature’, was given to the body of literature in English that emerged on account of the British interaction with India unlike the case with their interaction with America or Australia or New Zealand. Even the Indians’ contributions (translations as well as creative pieces in English) were classed under the caption ‘Anglo-Indian’ initially but later a different name, ‘Indo-Anglian’, was conceived for the growing variety and volume of writings in English by the Indians. However, unlike the former the latter has not found a favour with the compilers of English dictionaries. With the passage of time the fine line of demarcation drawn on the basis of subject matter and author’s point of view has disappeared and currently even Anglo-Indians’ writings are classed as ‘Indo-Anglian’. Besides contemplating on various connotations of the term ‘Indo-Anglian’ the article discusses the related issues such as: the etymology of the term, fixing the name of its coiner and the date of its first use. In contrast to the opinions of the historians and critics like K R S Iyengar, G P Sarma, M K Naik, Daniela Rogobete, Sachidananda Mohanty, Dilip Chatterjee and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak it has been brought to light that the term ‘Indo-Anglian’ was first used in 1880 by James Payn to refer to the Indians’ writings in English rather pejoratively. However, Iyengar used it in a positive sense though he himself gave it up soon. The reasons for the wide acceptance of the term, sometimes also for the authors of the sub-continent, by the members of academia all over the world, despite its rejection by Sahitya Akademi (the national body of letters in India), have also been contemplated on. References Alphonso-Karkala, John B. (1970). 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(Eds.) (1997). The Vintage Book of Indian Writing 1947 – 1997. London: Vintage. Sampson, George. (1959 [1941]). Concise Cambridge History of English Literature [The]. Cambridge: UP. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.18336. Sarma, Gobinda Prasad. (1990). Nationalism in Indo-Anglian Fiction. New Delhi: Sterling. Singh, Kh. Kunjo. (2002). The Fiction of Bhabani Bhattacharya. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. (2012). How to Read a ‘Culturally Different’ Book. An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Sturgeon, Mary C. (1916). Studies of Contemporary Poets, London: George G Hard & Co., Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.95728. Thomson, W S (Ed). (1876). Anglo-Indian Prize Poems, Native and English Writers, In: Commemoration of the Visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to India. London: Hamilton, Adams & Co., Retrieved from https://books.google.co.in/ books?id=QrwOAAAAQAAJ Wadia, A R. (1954). The Future of English. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. Wadia, B J. (1945). Foreword to K R Srinivasa Iyengar’s The Indian Contribution to English Literature. Bombay: Karnatak Publishing House. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/indiancontributi030041mbp Webster's Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language. (1989). New York: Portland House. Yule, H. and A C Burnell. (1903). Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. W. Crooke, Ed. London: J. Murray. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/hobsonjobsonagl00croogoog Sources www.amazon.com/Indo-Anglian-Literature-Edward-Charles-Buck/dp/1358184496 www.archive.org/stream/livingage18projgoog/livingage18projgoog_djvu.txt www.catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001903204?type%5B%5D=all&lookfor%5B%5D=indo%20anglian&ft= www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B.L._Indo_Anglian_Public_School,_Aurangabad www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Anglo-Indian.html www.solo.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/primo_library/libweb/action/search.do?fn=search&ct=search&initialSearch=true&mode=Basic&tab=local&indx=1&dum=true&srt=rank&vid=OXVU1&frbg=&tb=t&vl%28freeText0%29=Indo-Anglian+Literature+&scp.scps=scope%3A%28OX%29&vl% 28516065169UI1%29=all_items&vl%281UIStartWith0%29=contains&vl%28254947567UI0%29=any&vl%28254947567UI0%29=title&vl%28254947567UI0%29=any www.worldcat.org/title/indo-anglian-literature/oclc/30452040

Abstract This paper argues that: (a) the transmitted text of Pind. Nem. 3.35–6 ποντίαν Θέτιν κατέμαρψεν | ἐγκονητί (‘[Peleus] caught the sea-nymph Thetis quickly’) is not the original text of Pindar; (b) ἐγκονητί does not fit the context, is not an attested Greek word and should be eliminated from dictionaries of ancient Greek; (c) Byzantine etymological works, followed by many modern scholars, base their explanations on the late antique form ἀκονητί, which should be eliminated from classical, Hellenistic and imperial texts; (d) the tradition of the Etymologicum Magnum knows the variant ἐγκονιτί (conjectured for Pindar by Bergk) ‘with dust’ (‘with effort’), which seems presupposed by the scholia on Pindar; (e) the form ἐγκονιτί (created on the pattern of ἀκονιτί) is to be preferred in Pindar for reasons of language and content and should be added to the dictionaries of ancient Greek.

AbstractA great many Greek simple names originated as appellatives for young children. The terms that lie behind these names were not always of the kind we find in literary texts (and in our dictionaries), and are therefore records of as-yet unknown popular Greek. This is the underlying theme in the seven discussions presented here, where we examine proper names formed on reflexive pronouns, and on the nouns ἱκέτης, λάθυρος, μύναρος, νόθος, σίνις, and σωμάτιον.

AbstractThe word δούλευμα, which appears only three times in extant Greek literature, is defined in all the authoritative dictionaries with the meaning of “slave” or “servitude”, but this lexical meaning is not well supported by the contexts in which the word appears. The word δούλευμα does not signify a person’s status as a slave or the duty of a slave to perform a service for its owner. Rather, δούλευμα has an extended or secondary meaning of a woman’s “baby doll” or “doll-like object” (in the same way that other polysemous words, such as κόρη, νύμφη, and γλήνη, can also mean “doll”, depending on the contexts in which these words are used). This proposed definition offers a new perspective on the three scenes in which the word appears in Greek tragedy.

Abstract This article identifies a papyrus in Warsaw, P.Vars. 6, as a fragment of the large Latin–Greek glossary known as Ps.-Philoxenus. That glossary, published in volume II of G. Goetz's Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum on the basis of a ninth-century manuscript, is by far the most important of the bilingual glossaries surviving from antiquity, being derived from lost works of Roman scholarship and preserving valuable information about rare and archaic Latin words. It has long been considered a product of the sixth century a.d., but the papyrus dates to c.200, and internal evidence indicates that the glossary itself must be substantially older than that copy. The Ps.-Philoxenus glossary is therefore not a creation of Late Antiquity but of the Early Empire or perhaps even the Republic. Large bilingual glossaries in alphabetical order must have existed far earlier than has hitherto been believed.

This article provides a comparative analysis of certain lexical and grammatical peculiarities in the Catholic and Orthodox editions of the Belarusian translation of Chapters 1 and 2 of the Gospel of Matthew in the New Testament. The study is based on biblical textual sources in Belarusian, Polish, Greek and Russian, including explanatory and other dictionaries, as well as works on modern Belarusian literary lexicology. It is emphasized that while adapting the Gospel of Matthew into Belarusian, translators exhibit a certain dependence on the influence of foreign languages and the traditions of confessional writing, thus sometimes disregarding encyclopedic variants, or ignoring lexical, semantic and grammatical processes characteristic of the modern Belarusian literary language.

Abstract In recent years, literary criticism has witnessed a flourishing of what Paula Blank presciently called ‘etymological moments’: playful tracings of the roots of words that unearth unexpected links between the past and the present, and in so doing unsettle our certainties about both. Many of these moments have occurred under the rubric of queer philology, which has particularly called into question scholarly assumptions about the historical transmission of discourses on gender, sexuality, and embodiment. However, this impulse to reclaim the discursive history of the sexed and sexual body is not new. Between 1814 and 1820, the Yorkshire gentlewoman Anne Lister—now famous for her diary’s candid accounts of her love affairs with women—pored through English, Latin, and Greek dictionaries, looking up terms for sexual acts and anatomies and collating what she found into a personal glossary. Lister’s citing and rewriting of these definitions illuminate the protean forms that a dictionary can take for its writers and users: a source of knowledge, a moral guide, and even an erotic aid. Through lexicography, Lister found new ways of reading the body and reimagining its borders, the better to fit the contours of her own desires.

Abstract. The article summarizes the theoretical experience of studying the structural and semantic characteristics of scientific and technical terms and agricultural terms in particular. It has substantiated the fact that the agrarian sphere is experiencing a rapid emergence of terms-innovations that are quickly passing all stages of structural-semantic assimilation. A significant percentage of terms are formed as a result of rethinking their previous meanings, which leads to the emergence of so-called semantic terms. Analysis of structural and semantic features of agricultural terms showed that their formation occurs through derivation, terminologization of common vocabulary and assimilation of borrowings. The paper also analyzes examples of the functioning of English-language multicomponent clusters and the peculiarities of their translation. The purpose of research is to clarify the structural and semantic features of agricultural terminology, to identify and describe the processes of formation of one- and multi-component agricultural terms, to determine the main word-forming types of agricultural terminology. Results of research. Agrarian terminology, which is a set of words and stable phrases corresponding to the concepts functioning in this area (objects, phenomena and actions), is a mobile and flexible part of common vocabulary, and therefore requires systematization. The main carriers of these concepts are nouns, a certain number of verbs and adjectives which most serve as definitions in multicomponent clusters and are not independent. Word-forming means are mainly Latin-Greek morphemes, word stems and phrases. Depending on the participation of language in term formation, the terms of the agricultural sector are divided into three types: simple terms or word-terms; complex terms; terms-phrases or multicomponent clusters Agrarian terminology uses such ways of word formation as lexical-semantic, lexical-syntactic, morphological, abbreviation, and morphological-syntactic. Many commonly used lexical items acquire meanings inherent in the agricultural sector, becoming terms with a narrower meaning. Modern scientific literature on agricultural topics contains terms that have two or more meanings in this area, the clarification of which is only disclosed by the context. In translation, such ambiguity causes blurring of meaning, vagueness, substitution of terms and ultimately distortion of the content as a whole. It is important to consider the lexical and grammatical environment of the term. Due to the context, the following translation issues can be addressed: a) the word is used in its common or special narrow meaning; b) the choice of one of several meanings of a polysemous term in a particular context. From agrarian vocabulary, terminological units move into colloquial language, sometimes becoming jargons or terminoids that function in limited areas of engineering and technology, forming a layer of stylized new scientific and technical terms. Professional slang is usually short, expressive and to some extent stylistically colored. The most successful of them are fixed in the terminology system over time and receive official recognition in a certain subject area, being fixed in dictionaries, and some pass to other areas and into the common language. Specifics of functioning the terminological combinations require appropriate methods of their translation, among which there are a few main ones: literal translation of lexical units is carried out with the help of calque; replacement of parts of speech; explanatory translation of terms; translation with word order changes, primarily in attributive group. Conclusions. Agro-biological terminology tends to be poly-variant in translation, polysemy and homonymy. In order to overcome the difficulties in translating professional texts, it is necessary to work more actively with special vocabulary, thoroughly study the issues of ambiguity, synonyms and antonyms, word formation and methods of translation. The above considerations open opportunities for the practical application of these methods of translation of agro-biological terminology, and for further creative search for the correct perception of professionally oriented texts.

В статье использован когнитивный подход к терминологии, в рамках которого термин рассматри-вается как компонент динамической модели языка для специальных целей, диалектически сочетаю-щий в себе стабильную знаковую форму и постоянное переосмысление содержание. Содержатель-ное варьирование термина обусловлено сложностью семантики термина, а также диалектическим характером познания.Цель статьи – выявить и лингвистически обосновать различия в понятийном наполнении тер-мина космизм в разных областях знания. Для решения этой научной задачи произведен анализ контекстуальных определений и выявлены элементы сходства и различия в функционировании и содержании термина в разных типах дискурсов: религиозно-философском, философском, есте-ственнонаучном и литературно-художественном. Сопоставление содержательного наполнения тер-м\xD0\xB8на космизм в языках для специальных целей показало, что в философии термин космизм может включать исторический и субъективный компоненты значения, отражающие развитие философ-ской мысли в рамках направления или индивидуального мировоззрения (космизм в древнегреческой философии, космизм Спинозы, поздний космизм, космизм Н. А. Бердяева).Изменение содержательной структуры термина в философском дискурсе не затрагивает понятий-ного ядра, включающего базовые слоты, сохраняющиеся во всех без исключения терминосистемах. Однако организация этих слотов и содержательная связь между ними может быть разной: в боль-шинстве концепций это преобладание вселенского (космического) начала над индивидуальным, од-нако в авторской терминосистеме Н. А. Бердяева происходит выбор и замена слота ‘подчинение’ на ‘равенство’. Это свидетельствует о том, что космизм – полиинтерпретируемый философский термин, дефинитивная вариантность которого определяется конкретной философской терминосистемой, в том числе авторской. Термин может использоваться в широком (философское понимание кос-мизма) и узком (естественнонаучное понимание космизма в трудах К. Э. Циолковского, В. И. Вер-надского и др.) значениях. За пределами философского дискурса термин активно используется как литературоведческое понятие, обозначающее различные виды поэтического мировоззрения (кос-мизм Ф. И. Тютчева, космизм С. А. Есенина). Кроме того, термин космизм как название направления пролетарской поэзии, является частью закрытой терминосистемы, существовавшей в 1918–1925 гг. (творчество поэтов Пролеткульта).Все эти интерпретационные варианты объединены общим сигнификативным компонентом зна-чения, включающим базовые компоненты: Человек, Вселенная, способ взаимосвязи между ними. Экстралингвистически содержательная вариантность термина обусловлена движением научной мысли и вектором духовного развития, лингвистически – перегруппировкой и добавлением слотов в фреймовую структуру термина.Материалом исследования являются тексты, содержащие термин космизм. Терминофиксирующие источники (словари, энциклопедии) в ходе анализа не использовались, так как ни один источни\xD0\xBA такого типа не отражает явления содержательной вариантности термина в полной мере.The paper deals with the cognitive approach to terminology, according to which the term is considered as part of a dynamic language model for special purposes, which dialectically combines a stable sign form with constant rethinking of the meaning. The semantic variation of the term is caused by both the complexity of the term’s semantics and the dialectical character of cognition.The research is aimed at the revelation and linguistic substantiation of the differences in the conceptual contents the term cosmism demonstrates in different branches of knowledge. In order to solve the above-mentioned scientific task, the contextual definitions of the term are analyzed and the similarities and differences in the functioning and meaning of the term are revealed depending on different discourse types such as the religious-philosophical, philosophical, natural-science as well as literary and art discourse. The comparison of the conceptual meanings of the term cosmism in languages for special purposes has shown that cosmism as a philosophical term can comprise historical and subjective semantic components which reflect the development of philosophical thought within the framework of a certain movement or of an individual world view (cosmism in Ancient Greek philosophy, Spinoza’s cosmism, the late cosmism, Berdyaev’s cosmism).The transformation of the term’s semantic structure in philosophical discourse does not affect the conceptual meaning including the basic slots which remain preserved in all systems of terminology without exception. However, the slot structure and the semantic connection between them may be different: in most conceptions, the universal, or cosmic, principle prevails over the individual one, while in Berdyaev’s individual terminology, a term selection can be observed and the slot ‘subordination’ is replaced through the slot ‘equality’. This statement is the evidence of the fact that cosmism is a variously interpreted philosophical term whose definitive variation is determined by a certain philosop hical term system, including the one of an individual author.The term can be interpreted in a broad sense (the philosophical understanding of cosmism) and a narrow sense (the natural-science understanding of cosmism in Tsiolkovsky’s and Vernadsky’s works). Beyond the philosophical discourse, the term is frequently used as a concept in the study of literature, where it denotes different types of poetic worldview (Tyutchev’s cosmism, Esenin’s cosmism). Besides, the term cosmism belongs to the closed term system as a denomination for the Proletarian poetry movement in the years 1918–1925 (the works of Proletkult poets).The above-mentioned interpretational variants are united by a common significant semantic component which includes the basic semes: the Human, the Universe, and the way of intercommunication between them. From an extralinguistic point of view, the semantic variation of the term is determined by a current of scientific thought and a trend for spiritual development, while linguistically it is caused by the rearrangement and addition of slots into the term’s frame structure.The research is based on texts which contain the term cosmism. Sources containing the lexicographic representation of the term (like dictionaries or encyclopedias) have not been used for the purpose of analysis since there is no source of such kind that would be able to fully reflect the semantic variation of the term.

1909–22: Turkey exterminated over 1.5 million of its ethnically Armenian, and hundreds of thousands of its ethnically Greek and Assyrian, citizens. Most died in 1915. This period of decimation in now widely called the Armenian Genocide (Balakian 179-80).1910: Siamanto first published his poem, The Dance: “The corpses were piled as trees, / and from the springs, from the streams and the road, / the blood was a stubborn murmur.” When springs run red, when the dead are stacked tree-high, when “everything that could happen has already happened,” then time is nothing: “there is no future [and] the language of civilised humanity is not our language” (Nichanian 142).2007: In my novel The Edge of the World a ceramic bowl, luminous blue, recurs as motif. Imagine you are tiny: the bowl is broken but you don’t remember breaking it. You’re awash with tears. You sit on the floor, gather shards but, no matter how you try, you can’t fix it. Imagine, now, that the bowl is the sky, huge and upturned above your head. You have always known, through every wash of your blood, that life is shockingly precarious. Silence—between heartbeats, between the words your parents speak—tells you: something inside you is terribly wrong; home is not home but there is no other home; you “can never be fully grounded in a community which does not share or empathise with the experience of persecution” (Wajnryb 130). This is the stubborn murmur of your body.Because time is nothing, this essay is fragmented, non-linear. Its main characters: my mother, grandmother (Hovsanna), grandfather (Benyamin), some of my mother’s older siblings (Krikor, Maree, Hovsep, Arusiak), and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (Ottoman military officer, Young Turk leader, first president of Turkey). 1915–2013: Turkey invests much energy in genocide denial, minimisation and deflection of responsibility. 24 April 2012: Barack Obama refers to the Medz Yeghern (Great Calamity). The use of this term is decried as appeasement, privileging political alliance with Turkey over human rights. 2003: Between Genocide and Catastrophe, letters between Armenian-American theorist David Kazanjian and Armenian-French theorist Marc Nichanian, contest the naming of the “event” (126). Nichanian says those who call it the Genocide are:repeating every day, everywhere, in all places, the original denial of the Catastrophe. But this is part of the catastrophic structure of the survivor. By using the word “Genocide”, we survivors are only repeating […] the denial of the loss. We probably cannot help it. We are doing what the executioner wanted us to do […] we claim all over the world that we have been “genocided;” we relentlessly need to prove our own death. We are still in the claws of the executioner. We still belong to the logic of the executioner. (127)1992: In Revolution and Genocide, historian Robert Melson identifies the Armenian Genocide as “total” because it was public policy intended to exterminate a large fraction of Armenian society, “including the families of its members, and the destruction of its social and cultural identity in most or all aspects” (26).1986: Boyajian and Grigorian assert that the Genocide “is still operative” because, without full acknowledgement, “the ghosts won’t go away” (qtd. in Hovannisian 183). They rise up from earth, silence, water, dreams: Armenian literature, Armenian homes haunted by them. 2013: My heart pounds: Medz Yeghern, Aksor (Exile), Anashmaneli (Indefinable), Darakrutiun (Deportation), Chart (Massacre), Brnagaght (Forced migration), Aghed (Catastrophe), Genocide. I am awash. Time is nothing.1909–15: Mustafa Kemal Ataturk was both a serving Ottoman officer and a leader of the revolutionary Young Turks. He led Ottoman troops in the repulsion of the Allied invasion before dawn on 25 April at Gallipoli and other sites. Many troops died in a series of battles that eventually saw the Ottomans triumph. Out of this was born one of Australia’s founding myths: Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZACs), courageous in the face of certain defeat. They are commemorated yearly on 25 April, ANZAC Day. To question this myth is to risk being labelled traitor.1919–23: Ataturk began a nationalist revolution against the occupying Allies, the nascent neighbouring Republic of Armenia, and others. The Allies withdrew two years later. Ataturk was installed as unofficial leader, becoming President in 1923. 1920–1922: The last waves of the Genocide. 2007: Robert Manne published A Turkish Tale: Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide, calling for a recontextualisation of the cultural view of the Gallipoli landings in light of the concurrence of the Armenian Genocide, which had taken place just over the rise, had been witnessed by many military personnel and widely reported by international media at the time. Armenian networks across Australia were abuzz. There were media discussions. I listened, stared out of my office window at the horizon, imagined Armenian communities in Sydney and Melbourne. Did they feel like me—like they were holding their breath?Then it all went quiet. Manne wrote: “It is a wonderful thing when, at the end of warfare, hatred dies. But I struggle to understand why Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide continue to exist for Australians in parallel moral universes.” 1992: I bought an old house to make a home for me and my two small children. The rooms were large, the ceilings high, and behind it was a jacaranda with a sturdy tree house built high up in its fork. One of my mother’s Armenian friends kindly offered to help with repairs. He and my mother would spend Saturdays with us, working, looking after the kids. Mum would stay the night; her friend would go home. But one night he took a sleeping bag up the ladder to the tree house, saying it reminded him of growing up in Lebanon. The following morning he was subdued; I suspect there were not as many mosquitoes in Lebanon as we had in our garden. But at dinner the previous night he had been in high spirits. The conversation had turned, as always, to politics. He and my mother had argued about Turkey and Russia, Britain’s role in the development of the Middle East conflict, the USA’s roughshod foreign policy and its effect on the world—and, of course, the Armenian Genocide, and the killingof Turkish governmental representatives by Armenians, in Australia and across the world, during the 1980s. He had intimated he knew the attackers and had materially supported them. But surely it was the beer talking. Later, when I asked my mother, she looked at me with round eyes and shrugged, uncharacteristically silent. 2002: Greek-American diva Diamanda Galas performed Dexifiones: Will and Testament at the Perth Concert Hall, her operatic work for “the forgotten victims of the Armenian and Anatolian Greek Genocide” (Galas).Her voice is so powerful it alters me.1925: My grandmother, Hovsanna, and my grandfather, Benyamin, had twice been separated in the Genocide (1915 and 1922) and twice reunited. But in early 1925, she had buried him, once a prosperous businessman, in a swamp. Armenians were not permitted burial in cemeteries. Once they had lived together in a big house with their dozen children; now there were only three with her. Maree, half-mad and 18 years old, and quiet Hovsep, aged seven,walked. Then five-year-old aunt, Arusiak—small, hungry, tired—had been carried by Hovsanna for months. They were walking from Cilicia to Jerusalem and its Armenian Quarter. Someone had said they had seen Krikor, her eldest son, there. Hovsanna was pregnant for the last time. Together the four reached Aleppo in Syria, found a Christian orphanage for girls, and Hovsanna, her pregnancy near its end, could carry Arusiak no further. She left her, promising to return. Hovsanna’s pains began in Beirut’s busy streets. She found privacy in the only place she could, under a house, crawled in. Whenever my mother spoke of her birth she described it like this: I was born under a stranger’s house like a dog.1975: My friend and I travelled to Albany by bus. After six hours we were looking down York Street, between Mount Clarence and Mount Melville, and beyond to Princess Royal Harbour, sapphire blue, and against which the town’s prosperous life—its shopfronts, hotels, cars, tourists, historic buildings—played out. It took away my breath: the deep harbour, whaling history, fishing boats. Rain and sun and scudding cloud; cliffs and swells; rocky points and the white curves of bays. It was from Albany that young Western Australian men, volunteers for World War I, embarked on ships for the Middle East, Gallipoli, sailing out of Princess Royal Harbour.1985: The Australian Government announced that Turkey had agreed to have the site of the 1915 Gallipoli landings renamed Anzac Cove. Commentators and politicians acknowledged it as historic praised Turkey for her generosity, expressed satisfaction that, 70 years on, former foes were able to embrace the shared human experience of war. We were justifiably proud of ourselves.2005: Turkey made her own requests. The entrance to Albany’s Princess Royal Harbour was renamed Ataturk Channel. A large bronze statue of Ataturk was erected on the headland overlooking the Harbour entrance. 24 April 1915: In the town of Hasan Beyli, in Cilicia, southwest Turkey, my great grandfather, a successful and respected businessman in his 50s, was asleep in his bed beside his wife. He had been born in that house, as had his father, grandfather, and all his children. His brother, my great uncle, had bought the house next door as a young man, brought his bride home to it, lived there ever since; between the two households there had been one child after another. All the cousins grew up together. My great grandfather and great uncle had gone to work that morning, despite their wives’ concerns, but had returned home early. The women had been relieved to see them. They made coffee, talked. Everyone had heard the rumours. Enemy ships were massing off the coast. 1978: The second time in Albany was my honeymoon. We had driven into the Goldfields then headed south. Such distance, such beautiful strangeness: red earth, red rocks; scant forests of low trees, thin arms outstretched; the dry, pale, flat land of Norseman. Shimmering heat. Then the big, wild coast.On our second morning—a cool, overcast day—we took our handline to a jetty. The ocean was mercury; a line of cormorants settled and bobbed. Suddenly fish bit; we reeled them in. I leaned over the jetty’s side, looked down into the deep. The water was clear and undisturbed save the twirling of a pike that looked like it had reversed gravity and was shooting straight up to me. Its scales flashed silver as itbroke the surface.1982: How could I concentrate on splicing a film with this story in my head? Besides the desk, the only other furniture in the editing suite was a whiteboard. I took a marker and divided the board into three columns for the three generations: my grandparents, Hovsanna and Benyamin; my mother; someone like me. There was a lot in the first column, some in the second, nothing in the third. I stared at the blankness of my then-young life.A teacher came in to check my editing. I tried to explain what I had been doing. “I think,” he said, stony-faced, “that should be your third film, not your first.”When he had gone I stared at the reels of film, the white board blankness, the wall. It took 25 years to find the form, the words to say it: a novel not a film, prose not pictures.2007: Ten minutes before the launch of The Edge of the World, the venue was empty. I made myself busy, told myself: what do you expect? Your research has shown, over and over, this is a story about which few know or very much care, an inconvenient, unfashionable story; it is perfectly in keeping that no-one will come. When I stepped onto the rostrum to speak, there were so many people that they crowded the doorway, spilled onto the pavement. “I want to thank my mother,” I said, “who, pretending to do her homework, listened instead to the story her mother told other Armenian survivor-women, kept that story for 50 years, and then passed it on to me.” 2013: There is a section of The Edge of the World I needed to find because it had really happened and, when it happened, I knew, there in my living room, that Boyajian and Grigorian (183) were right about the Armenian Genocide being “still operative.” But I knew even more than that: I knew that the Diaspora triggered by genocide is both rescue and weapon, the new life in this host nation both sanctuary and betrayal. I picked up a copy, paced, flicked, followed my nose, found it:On 25 April, the day after Genocide memorial-day, I am watching television. The Prime Minister stands at the ANZAC memorial in western Turkey and delivers a poetic and moving speech. My eyes fill with tears, and I moan a little and cover them. In his speech he talks about the heroism of the Turkish soldiers in their defence of their homeland, about the extent of their losses – sixty thousand men. I glance at my son. He raises his eyebrows at me. I lose count of how many times Kemal Ataturk is mentioned as the Father of Modern Turkey. I think of my grandmother and grandfather, and all my baby aunts and uncles […] I curl over like a mollusc; the ache in my chest draws me in. I feel small and very tired; I feel like I need to wash.Is it true that if we repeat something often enough and loud enough it becomes the truth? The Prime Minister quotes Kemal Ataturk: the ANZACS who died and are buried on that western coast are deemed ‘sons of Turkey’. My son turns my grandfather’s, my mother’s, my eyes to me and says, It is amazing they can be so friendly after we attacked them.I draw up my knees to my chest, lay my head and arms down. My limbs feel weak and useless. My throat hurts. I look at my Australian son with his Armenian face (325-6).24 April 1915 cont: There had been trouble all my great grandfather’s life: pogrom here, massacre there. But this land was accustomed to colonisers: the Mongols, the Persians, latterly the Ottomans. They invade, conquer, rise, fall; Armenians stay. This had been Armenian homeland for thousands of years.No-one masses ships off a coast unless planning an invasion. So be it. These Europeans could not be worse than the Ottomans. That night, were my great grandfather and great uncle awoken by the pounding at each door, or by the horses and gendarmes’ boots? They were seized, each family herded at gunpoint into its garden, and made to watch. Hanging is slow. There could be no mistakes. The gendarmes used the stoutest branches, stayed until they were sure the men weredead. This happened to hundreds of prominent Armenian men all over Turkey that night.Before dawn, the Allies made landfall.Each year those lost in the Genocide are remembered on 24 April, the day before ANZAC Day.1969: I asked my mother if she had any brothers and sisters. She froze, her hands in the sink. I stared at her, then slipped from the room.1915: The Ottoman government decreed: all Armenians were to surrender their documents and report to authorities. Able-bodied men were taken away, my grandfather among them. Women and children, the elderly and disabled, were told to prepare to walk to a safe camp where they would stay for the duration of the war. They would be accompanied by armed soldiers for their protection. They were permitted to take with them what they could carry (Bryce 1916).It began immediately, pretty young women and children first. There are so many ways to kill. Months later, a few dazed, starved survivors stumbled into the Syrian desert, were driven into lakes, or herded into churches and set alight.Most husbands and fathers were never seen again. 2003: I arrived early at my son’s school, parked in the shade, opened The Silence: How Tragedy Shapes Talk, and began to read. Soon I was annotating furiously. Ruth Wajnryb writes of “growing up among innocent peers in an innocent landscape” and also that the notion of “freedom of speech” in Australia “seems often, to derive from that innocent landscape where reside people who have no personal scars or who have little relevant historical knowledge” (141).1984: I travelled to Vancouver, Canada, and knocked on Arusiak’s door. Afraid she would not agree to meet me, I hadn’t told her I was coming. She was welcoming and gracious. This was my first experience of extended family and I felt loved in a new and important way, a way I had read about, had observed in my friends, had longed for. One afternoon she said, “You know our mother left me in an orphanage…When I saw her again, it was too late. I didn’t know who they were, what a family was. I felt nothing.” “Yes, I know,” I replied, my heart full and hurting. The next morning, over breakfast, she quietly asked me to leave. 1926: When my mother was a baby, her 18 year-old sister, Maree, tried to drown her in the sea. My mother clearly recalled Maree’s face had been disfigured by a sword. Hovsanna, would ask my mother to forgive Maree’s constant abuse and bad behaviour, saying, “She is only half a person.”1930: Someone gave Hovsanna the money to travel to Aleppo and reclaim Arusiak, by then 10 years old. My mother was intrigued by the appearance of this sister but Arusiak was watchful and withdrawn. When she finally did speak to my then five-year-old mother, she hissed: “Why did she leave me behind and keep you?”Soon after Arusiak appeared, Maree, “only half a person,” disappeared. My mother was happy about that.1935: At 15, Arusiak found a live-in job and left. My mother was 10 years old; her brother Hovsep, who cared for her before and after school every day while their mother worked, and always had, was seventeen. She adored him. He had just finished high school and was going to study medicine. One day he fell ill. He died within a week.1980: My mother told me she never saw her mother laugh or, once Hovsep died, in anything other than black. Two or three times before Hovsep died, she saw her smile a little, and twice she heard her singing when she thought she was alone: “A very sad song,” my mother would say, “that made me cry.”1942: At seventeen, my mother had been working as a live-in nanny for three years. Every week on her only half-day off she had caught the bus home. But now Hovsanna was in hospital, so my mother had been visiting her there. One day her employer told her she must go to the hospital immediately. She ran. Hovsanna was lying alone and very still. Something wasn’t right. My mother searched the hospital corridors but found no-one. She picked up a phone. When someone answered she told them to send help. Then she ran all the way home, grabbed Arusiak’s photograph and ran all the way back. She laid it on her mother’s chest, said, “It’s all right, Mama, Arusiak’s here.”1976: My mother said she didn’t like my boyfriend; I was not to go out with him. She said she never disobeyed her own mother because she really loved her mother. I went out with my boyfriend. When I came home, my belongings were on the front porch. The door was bolted. I was seventeen.2003: I read Wajnryb who identifies violent eruptions of anger and frozen silences as some of the behaviours consistent in families with a genocidal history (126). 1970: My father had been dead over a year. My brothers and I were, all under 12, made too much noise. My mother picked up the phone: she can’t stand us, she screamed; she will call an orphanage to take us away. We begged.I fled to my room. I couldn’t sit down. I couldn’t keep still. I paced, pressed my face into a corner; shook and cried, knowing (because she had always told us so) that she didn’t make idle threats, knowing that this was what I had sometimes glimpsed on her face when she looked at us.2012: The Internet reveals images of Ataturk’s bronze statue overlooking Princess Royal Harbour. Of course, it’s outsized, imposing. The inscription on its plinth reads: "Peace at Home/ Peace in the World." He wears a suit, looks like a scholar, is moving towards us, a scroll in his hand. The look in his eyes is all intensity. Something distant has arrested him – a receding or re-emerging vision. Perhaps a murmur that builds, subsides, builds again. (Medz Yeghern, Aksor, Aghed, Genocide). And what is written on that scroll?2013: My partner suggested we go to Albany, escape Perth’s brutal summer. I tried to explain why it’s impossible. There is no memorial in Albany, or anywhere else in Western Australia, to the 1.5 million victims of the Armenian Genocide. ReferencesAkcam, Taner. “The Politics of Genocide.” Online Video Clip. YouTube. YouTube, 11 Dec. 2011. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watchv=OxAJaaw81eU&noredirect=1genocide›.Balakian, Peter. The Burning Tigress: The Armenian Genocide. London: William Heinemann, 2004.BBC. “Kemal Ataturk (1881–1938).” BBC History. 2013. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/ataturk_kemal.shtml›.Boyajian, Levon, and Haigaz Grigorian. “Psychological Sequelae of the Armenian Genocide.”The Armenian Genocide in Perspective. Ed. Richard Hovannisian. New Brunswick: Transaction, 1987. 177–85.Bryce, Viscount. The Treatment of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1916.Galas, Diamanda. Program Notes. Dexifiones: Will and Testament. Perth Concert Hall, Perth, Australia. 2001.———.“Dexifiones: Will and Testament FULL Live Lisboa 2001 Part 1.” Online Video Clip. YouTube, 5 Nov. 2011. Web. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mvVnYbxWArM›.Kazanjian, David, and Marc Nichanian. “Between Genocide and Catastrophe.” Loss. Eds. David Eng and David Kazanjian. Los Angeles: U of California P, 2003. 125–47.Manne, Robert. “A Turkish Tale: Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide.” The Monthly Feb. 2007. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.themonthly.com.au/turkish-tale-gallipoli-and-armenian-genocide-robert-manne-459›.Matiossian, Vartan. “When Dictionaries Are Left Unopened: How ‘Medz Yeghern’ Turned into a Terminology of Denial.” The Armenian Weekly 27 Nov. 2012. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/11/27/when-dictionaries-are-left-unopened-how-medz-yeghern-turned-into-terminology-of-denial/›.Melson, Robert. Revolution and Genocide. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1996.Nicholson, Brendan. “ASIO Detected Bomb Plot by Armenian Terrorists.” The Australian 2 Jan. 2012. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/in-depth/cabinet-papers/asio-detected-bomb-plot-by-armenian-terrorists/story-fnbkqb54-1226234411154›.“President Obama Issues Statement on Armenian Remembrance Day.” The Armenian Weekly 24 Apr. 2012. 5 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/04/24/president-obama-issues-statement-on-armenian-remembrance-day/›.Polain, Marcella. The Edge of the World. Fremantle: Fremantle Press, 2007.Siamanto. “The Dance.” Trans. Peter Balakian and Nervart Yaghlian. Adonias Dalgas Memorial Page 5 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.terezakis.com/dalgas.html›.Stockings, Craig. “Let’s Have a Truce in the Battle of the Anzac Myth.” The Australian 25 Apr. 2012. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/opinion/lets-have-a-truce-in-the-battle-of-the-anzac-myth/story-e6frgd0x-1226337486382›.Wajnryb, Ruth. The Silence: How Tragedy Shapes Talk. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2001.

Kangatarianism is the rather inelegant word coined in the first decade of the twenty-first century to describe an omnivorous diet in which the only meat consumed is that of the kangaroo. First published in the media in 2010 (Barone; Zukerman), the term circulated in Australian environmental and academic circles including the Global Animal conference at the University of Wollongong in July 2011 where I first heard it from members of the Think Tank for Kangaroos (THINKK) group. By June 2017, it had gained enough attention to be named the Oxford English Dictionary’s Australian word of the month (following on from May’s “smashed avo,” another Australian food innovation), but it took the Nine Network reality television series Love Island Australia to raise kangatarian to trending status on social media (Oxford UP). During the first episode, aired in late May 2018, Justin, a concreter and fashion model from Melbourne, declared himself to have previously been a kangatarian as he chatted with fellow contestant, Millie. Vet nurse and animal lover Millie appeared to be shocked by his revelation but was tentatively accepting when Justin explained what kangatarian meant, and justified his choice on the grounds that kangaroo are not farmed. In the social media response, it was clear that eating only the meat of kangaroos as an ethical choice was an entirely new concept to many viewers, with one tweet stating “Kangatarian isn’t a thing”, while others variously labelled the diet brutal, intriguing, or quintessentially Australian (see #kangatarian on Twitter).There is a well developed literature around the arguments for and against eating kangaroo, and why settler Australians tend to be so reluctant to do so (see for example, Probyn; Cawthorn and Hoffman). Here, I will concentrate on the role that ethics play in this food choice by examining how the adoption of kangatarianism can be understood as a bargain struck to help to manage grief in the Anthropocene, and the limitations of that bargain. As Lesley Head has argued, we are living in a time of loss and of grieving, when much that has been taken for granted is becoming unstable, and “we must imagine that drastic changes to everyday life are in the offing” (313). Applying the classic (and contested) model of five stages of grief, first proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her book On Death and Dying in 1969, much of the population of the western world seems to be now experiencing denial, her first stage of loss, while those in the most vulnerable environments have moved on to anger with developed countries for destructive actions in the past and inaction in the present. The next stages (or states) of grieving—bargaining, depression, and acceptance—are likely to be manifested, although not in any predictable sequence, as the grief over current and future losses continues (Haslam).The great expansion of food restrictive diets in the Anthropocene can be interpreted as part of this bargaining state of grieving as individuals attempt to respond to the imperative to reduce their environmental impact but also to limit the degree of change to their own diet required to do so. Meat has long been identified as a key component of an individual’s environmental footprint. From Frances Moore Lappé’s 1971 Diet for a Small Planet through the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation’s 2006 report Livestock’s Long Shadow to the 2019 report of the EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems, the advice has been consistent: meat consumption should be minimised in, if not eradicated from, the human diet. The EAT–Lancet Commission Report quantified this to less than 28 grams (just under one ounce) of beef, lamb or pork per day (12, 25). For many this would be keenly felt, in terms of how meals are constructed, the sensory experiences associated with eating meat and perceptions of well-being but meat is offered up as a sacrifice to bring about the return of the beloved healthy planet.Rather than accept the advice to cut out meat entirely, those seeking to bargain with the Anthropocene also find other options. This has given rise to a suite of foodways based around restricting meat intake in volume or type. Reducing the amount of commercially produced beef, lamb and pork eaten is one approach, while substituting a meat the production of which has a smaller environmental footprint, most commonly chicken or fish, is another. For those willing to make deeper changes, the meat of free living animals, especially those which are killed accidentally on the roads or for deliberately for environmental management purposes, is another option. Further along this spectrum are the novel protein sources suggested in the Lancet report, including insects, blue-green algae and laboratory-cultured meats.Kangatarianism is another form of this bargain, and is backed by at least half a century of advocacy. The Australian Conservation Foundation made calls to reduce the numbers of other livestock and begin a sustainable harvest of kangaroo for food in 1970 when the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption was still illegal across the country (Conservation of Kangaroos). The idea was repeated by biologist Gordon Grigg in the late 1980s (Jackson and Vernes 173), and again in the Garnaut Climate Change Review in 2008 (547–48). Kangaroo meat is high in protein and iron, low in fat, and high in healthy polyunsaturated fatty acids and conjugated linoleic acid, and, as these authors showed, has a smaller environmental footprint than beef, lamb, or pork. Kangaroo require less water than cattle, sheep or pigs, and no land is cleared to grow feed for them or give them space to graze. Their paws cause less erosion and compaction of soil than do the hooves of common livestock. They eat less fodder than ruminants and their digestive processes result in lower emissions of the powerful greenhouse gas methane and less solid waste.As Justin of Love Island was aware, kangaroo are not farmed in the sense of being deliberately bred, fed, confined, or treated with hormones, drugs or chemicals, which also adds to their lighter impact on the environment. However, some pastoralists argue that because they cannot prevent kangaroos from accessing the food, water, shelter, and protection from predators they provide for their livestock, they do effectively farm them, although they receive no income from sales of kangaroo meat. This type of light touch farming of kangaroos has a very long history in Australia going back to the continent’s first peopling some 60,000 years ago. Kangaroos were so important to Aboriginal people that a wide range of environments were manipulated to produce their favoured habitats of open grasslands edged by sheltering trees. As Bill Gammage demonstrated, fire was used as a tool to preserve and extend grassy areas, to encourage regrowth which would attract kangaroos and to drive the animals from one patch to another or towards hunters waiting with spears (passim, for example, 58, 72, 76, 93). Gammage and Bruce Pascoe agree that this was a form of animal husbandry in which the kangaroos were drawn to the areas prepared for them for the young grass or, more forcefully, physically directed using nets, brush fences or stone walls. Burnt ground served to contain the animals in place of fencing, and regular harvesting kept numbers from rising to levels which would place pressure on other species (Gammage 79, 281–86; Pascoe 42–43). Contemporary advocates of eating kangaroo have promoted the idea that they should be deliberately co-produced with other livestock instead of being killed to preserve feed and water for sheep and cattle (Ellicott; Wilson 39). Substituting kangaroo for the meat of more environmentally damaging animals would facilitate a reduction in the numbers of cattle and sheep, lessening the harm they do.Most proponents have assumed that their audience is current meat eaters who would substitute kangaroo for the meat of other more environmentally costly animals, but kangatarianism can also emerge from vegetarianism. Wendy Zukerman, who wrote about kangaroo hunting for New Scientist in 2010, was motivated to conduct the research because she was considering becoming an early adopter of kangatarianism as the least environmentally taxing way to counter the longterm anaemia she had developed as a vegetarian. In 2018, George Wilson, honorary professor in the Australian National University’s Fenner School of Environment and Society called for vegetarians to become kangatarians as a means of boosting overall consumption of kangaroo for environmental and economic benefits to rural Australia (39).Given these persuasive environmental arguments, it might be expected that many people would have perceived eating kangaroo instead of other meat as a favourable bargain and taken up the call to become kangatarian. Certainly, there has been widespread interest in trying kangaroo meat. In 1997, only five years after the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption had been legalised in most states (South Australia did so in 1980), 51% of 500 people surveyed in five capital cities said they had tried kangaroo. However, it had not become a meat of choice with very few found to eat it more than three times a year (Des Purtell and Associates iv). Just over a decade later, a study by Ampt and Owen found an increase to 58% of 1599 Australians surveyed across the country who had tried kangaroo but just 4.7% eating it at least monthly (14). Bryce Appleby, in his study of kangaroo consumption in the home based on interviews with 28 residents of Wollongong in 2010, specifically noted the absence of kangatarians—then a very new concept. A study of 261 Sydney university students in 2014 found that half had tried kangaroo meat and 10% continued to eat it with any regularity. Only two respondents identified themselves as kangatarian (Grant 14–15). Kangaroo meat advocate Michael Archer declared in 2017 that “there’s an awful lot of very, very smart vegetarians [who] have opted for semi vegetarianism and they’re calling themselves ‘kangatarians’, as they’re quite happy to eat kangaroo meat”, but unless there had been a significant change in a few years, the surveys did not bear out his assertion (154).The ethical calculations around eating kangaroo are complicated by factors beyond the strictly environmental. One Tweeter advised Justin: “‘I’m a kangatarian’ isn’t a pickup line, mate”, and certainly the reception of his declaration could have been very cool, especially as it was delivered to a self declared animal warrior (N’Tash Aha). All of the studies of beliefs and practices around the eating of kangaroo have noted a significant minority of Australians who would not consider eating kangaroo based on issues of animal welfare and animal rights. The 1997 study found that 11% were opposed to the idea of eating kangaroo, while in Grant’s 2014 study, 15% were ethically opposed to eating kangaroo meat (Des Purtell and Associates iv; Grant 14–15). Animal ethics complicate the bargains calculated principally on environmental grounds.These ethical concerns work across several registers. One is around the flesh and blood kangaroo as a charismatic native animal unique to Australia and which Australians have an obligation to respect and nurture. Sheep, cattle and pigs have been subject to longterm propaganda campaigns which entrench the idea that they are unattractive and unintelligent, and veil their transition to meat behind euphemistic language and abattoir walls, making it easier to eat them. Kangaroos are still seen as resourceful and graceful animals, and no linguistic tricks shield consumers from the knowledge that it is a roo on their plate. A proposal in 2009 to market a “coat of arms” emu and kangaroo-flavoured potato chip brought complaints to the Advertising Standards Bureau that this was disrespectful to these native animals, although the flavours were to be simulated and the product vegetarian (Black). Coexisting with this high regard to kangaroos is its antithesis. That is, a valuation of them informed by their designation as a pest in the pastoral industry, and the use of the carcasses of those killed to feed dogs and other companion animals. Appleby identified a visceral, disgust response to the idea of eating kangaroo in many of his informants, including both vegetarians who would not consider eating kangaroo because of their commitment to a plant-based diet, and at least one omnivore who would prefer to give up all meat rather than eat kangaroo. While diametrically opposed, the end point of both positions is that kangaroo meat should not be eaten.A second animal ethics stance relates to the imagined kangaroo, a cultural construct which for most urban Australians is much more present in their lives and likely to shape their actions than the living animals. It is behind the rejection of eating an animal which holds such an iconic place in Australian culture: to the dexter on the 1912 national coat of arms; hopping through the Hundred Acre Wood as Kanga and Roo in A.A. Milne’s Winnie-the-Pooh children’s books from the 1920s and the Disney movies later made from them; as a boy’s best friend as Skippy the Bush Kangaroo in a fondly remembered 1970s television series; and high in the sky on QANTAS planes. The anthropomorphising of kangaroos permitted the spectacle of the boxing kangaroo from the late nineteenth century. By framing natural kangaroo behaviours as boxing, these exhibitions encouraged an ambiguous understanding of kangaroos as human-like, moving them further from the category of food (Golder and Kirkby). Australian government bodies used this idea of the kangaroo to support food exports to Britain, with kangaroos as cooks or diners rather than ingredients. The Kangaroo Kookery Book of 1932 (see fig. 1 below) portrayed kangaroos as a nuclear family in a suburban kitchen and another official campaign supporting sales of Australian produce in Britain in the 1950s featured a Disney-inspired kangaroo eating apples and chops washed down with wine (“Kangaroo to Be ‘Food Salesman’”). This imagining of kangaroos as human-like has persisted, leading to the opinion expressed in a 2008 focus group, that consuming kangaroo amounted to “‘eating an icon’ … Although they are pests they are still human nature … these are native animals, people and I believe that is a form of cannibalism!” (Ampt and Owen 26). Figure 1: Rather than promoting the eating of kangaroos, the portrayal of kangaroos as a modern suburban family in the Kangaroo Kookery Book (1932) made it unthinkable. (Source: Kangaroo Kookery Book, Director of Australian Trade Publicity, Australia House, London, 1932.)The third layer of ethical objection on the ground of animal welfare is more specific, being directed to the method of killing the kangaroos which become food. Kangaroos are perhaps the only native animals for which state governments set quotas for commercial harvest, on the grounds that they compete with livestock for pasturage and water. In most jurisdictions, commercially harvested kangaroo carcasses can be processed for human consumption, and they are the ones which ultimately appear in supermarket display cases.Kangaroos are killed by professional shooters at night using swivelling spotlights mounted on their vehicles to locate and daze the animals. While clean head shots are the ideal and regulations state that animals should be killed when at rest and without causing “undue agonal struggle”, this is not always achieved and some animals do suffer prolonged deaths (NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption). By regulation, the young of any female kangaroo must be killed along with her. While averting a slow death by neglect, this is considered cruel and wasteful. The hunt has drawn international criticism, including from Greenpeace which organised campaigns against the sale of kangaroo meat in Europe in the 1980s, and Viva! which was successful in securing the withdrawal of kangaroo from sale in British supermarkets (“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised”). These arguments circulate and influence opinion within Australia.A final animal ethics issue is that what is actually behind the push for greater use of kangaroo meat is not concern for the environment or animal welfare but the quest to turn a profit from these animals. The Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia, formed in 1970 to represent those who dealt in the marsupials’ meat, fur and skins, has been a vocal advocate of eating kangaroo and a sponsor of market research into how it can be made more appealing to the market. The Association argued in 1971 that commercial harvest was part of the intelligent conservation of the kangaroo. They sought minimum size regulations to prevent overharvesting and protect their livelihoods (“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation”). The Association’s current website makes the claim that wild harvested “Australian kangaroo meat is among the healthiest, tastiest and most sustainable red meats in the world” (Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia). That this is intended to initiate a new and less controlled branch of the meat industry for the benefit of hunters and processors, rather than foster a shift from sheep or cattle to kangaroos which might serve farmers and the environment, is the opinion of Dr. Louise Boronyak, of the Centre for Compassionate Conservation at the University of Technology Sydney (Boyle 19).Concerns such as these have meant that kangaroo is most consumed where it is least familiar, with most of the meat for human consumption recovered from culled animals being exported to Europe and Asia. Russia has been the largest export market. There, kangaroo meat is made less strange by blending it with other meats and traditional spices to make processed meats, avoiding objections to its appearance and uncertainty around preparation. With only a low profile as a novelty animal in Russia, there are fewer sentimental concerns about consuming kangaroo, although the additional food miles undermine its environmental credentials. The variable acceptability of kangaroo in more distant markets speaks to the role of culture in determining how patterns of eating are formed and can be shifted, or, as Elspeth Probyn phrased it “how natural entities are transformed into commodities within a context of globalisation and local communities”, underlining the impossibility of any straightforward ethics of eating kangaroo (33, 35).Kangatarianism is a neologism which makes the eating of kangaroo meat something it has not been in the past, a voluntary restriction based on environmental ethics. These environmental benefits are well founded and eating kangaroo can be understood as an Anthropocenic bargain struck to allow the continuation of the consumption of red meat while reducing one’s environmental footprint. Although superficially attractive, the numbers entering into this bargain remain small because environmental ethics cannot be disentangled from animal ethics. The anthropomorphising of the kangaroo and its use as a national symbol coexist with its categorisation as a pest and use of its meat as food for companion animals. Both understandings of kangaroos made their meat uneatable for many Australians. Paired with concerns over how kangaroos are killed and the commercialisation of a native species, kangaroo meat has a very mixed reception despite decades of advocacy for eating its meat in favour of that of more harmed and more harmful introduced species. Given these constraints, kangatarianism is unlikely to become widespread and indeed it should be viewed as at best a temporary exigency. As the climate warms and rainfall becomes more erratic, even animals which have evolved to suit Australian conditions will come under increasing pressure, and humans will need to reach Kübler-Ross’ final state of grief: acceptance. In this case, this would mean acceptance that our needs cannot be placed ahead of those of other animals.ReferencesAmpt, Peter, and Kate Owen. Consumer Attitudes to Kangaroo Meat Products. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 2008.Appleby, Bryce. “Skippy the ‘Green’ Kangaroo: Identifying Resistances to Eating Kangaroo in the Home in a Context of Climate Change.” BSc Hons, U of Wollongong, 2010 <http://ro.uow.edu.au/thsci/103>.Archer, Michael. “Zoology on the Table: Plenary Session 4.” Australian Zoologist 39, 1 (2017): 154–60.“Assn. 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