Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Greater New York Gospel Mission"

In August 1742, a little-known scene of the Great Awakening was unfolding in the Mahican villages that dotted the Housatonic Valley region of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New York. On August 10, the colorful Moravian leader, Count Ludwig von Zinzendorf, arrived in the village of Shekomeko to check on the progress of the newly founded mission. Six months earlier, he had overseen the baptism of the first three villagers. Their baptized names—Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob—expressed the Moravians’ grand hopes that the men would be patriarchs to a new nation of believers. Zinzendorf was now in Shekomeko to witness as these three men assumed the Christian offices of elder, teacher, and exhorter. Twenty miles away and two days later, melancholic missionary David Brainerd preached the Presbyterian gospel of salvation in hopes of saving the residents of Pachgatgoch from Moravian heresy.

This essay integrates Moravian studies, missiology and historical theology. It begins with a brief survey of the historiography of Moravian missions in colonial North America. It then surveys various reasons for periodic hostility against Moravians in New York and Pennsylvania between roughly 1740 and 1790. It recovers the ethnic and cultural diversity, prejudices and defensive actions of colonists that were a significant component of life in these contested spaces and turbulent times, thus demonstrating that so-called ‘religious’ persecution remains a complicated phenomenon. It suggests Moravians might have avoided certain instances of misperception and consequent ‘persecution’ had they adapted themselves culturally in ways they did not. Moravians were often perceived by other colonial Europeans as a threat to the security and stability of developing locales, and remained largely on the social periphery in colonial North America as a consequence of being both wrongly and rightly understood. As an international and transnational religious community pursuing its own global dispersal for the sake of mission, Moravian political neutrality and perceived ‘foreignness’ was misunderstood in times of war by English and Dutch colonists, especially, as sympathy for the enemy or even evidence of espionage, though the religious and secular fear of their being Catholic seems to have been eventually resolved. Because Moravians in the British colonies fraternised with Native Americans for the sake of mission and were part of an international fellowship also befriending Caribbean slaves, they were sometimes slandered by colonists who feared them as instigators of rebellion by these marginalised populations. Finally, the Moravian sense of being set apart by God from the broader society and called to suffer for the sake of their righteous difference and gospel influence, when acted upon, provoked hostility from colonists who perceived them as a threat to local balances of power, denominational order or family cohesion.

Luvelle Brown, superintendent of the Ithaca City School District in New York, talks with James F. Lane about his work on leadership, equity, and transforming instruction. As an educator, he’s committed to promoting excellence for students who have been denied opportunities. As a district leader, he’s sought to bring greater diversity to leadership. He encourages educators to find joy in their mission and commit to doing the work.

In the summer of 1989, an extended strike by the various “Baby Bell” telephone companies, including those of New York, Massachusetts, California, and thirteen other states in the Northeast, Midwest, and West Coast, brought to public attention the importance of health and hospital insurance to the nation's workers. In what theLos Angeles Timesheadline proclaimed was a “Phone Strike Centered on the Issue of Health Care,” workers at NYNEX, Pacific Bell, and Bell Atlantic went out on strike over management's insistence that the unions pay a greater portion of their hospital insurance premiums. In contrast to their willingness to grant wage concessions throughout most of the 1980s, the unions and their membership struck to protect what was once considered a “fringe” benefit of union membership. What had been a trivial cost to companies in the 1940s and 1950s had risen to 7.9 percent of payroll in 1984 and 13.6 percent by 1989. Unable to control the industry that had formed around hospitals, doctors, drug companies, and insurance, portions of the labor movement redefined its central mission: the fringes of the previous forty years were now central concerns. In the words of one local president engaged in the bitter communication workers strike: “‘It took us 40 years of collective bargaining’ to reach a contract in which the employer contributed [substantially to] the costs of health care, ‘and now they want to go in one fell swoop backward.’”

Emblazoned across the front page of The New York Times on Sunday, 15 November 1981 was a large photograph of hundreds of US soldiers from the army's 82nd Airborne Division parachuting into the vast western desert of the Sinai Peninsula. The photo was eerily reminiscent of the images from October 1956 when Israeli soldiers dropped into the same desert as part of their effort, along with British and French forces, to topple the government of Egyptian President Jamal ʿAbd al-Nasir. But the American soldiers were on a much different mission. Rather than attempting to bring down Egypt's government, they were there to participate, alongside Egyptian forces, in “Operation Bright Star,” the largest American military exercise in the Middle East since World War II. During the next ten days, more than 6,000 US soldiers participated in the “war games,” which stretched from Egypt to Sudan, Somalia, and Oman, at an estimated cost of more than 50 million dollars (157 million dollars in current figures). On 25 November, the penultimate day of the operation, a half dozen American B-52s flying from North Dakota dropped a cluster of bombs over the Egyptian desert and then returned home on a thirty-two-hour journey without stopping, demonstrating the vast reach of the American military.

An increasing number of minority youth experience contact with the criminal justice system. But how does the expansion of police presence in poor urban communities affect educational outcomes? Previous research points at multiple mechanisms with opposing effects. This article presents the first causal evidence of the impact of aggressive policing on minority youths’ educational performance. Under Operation Impact, the New York Police Department (NYPD) saturated high-crime areas with additional police officers with the mission to engage in aggressive, order-maintenance policing. To estimate the effect of this policing program, we use administrative data from more than 250,000 adolescents age 9 to 15 and a difference-in-differences approach based on variation in the timing of police surges across neighborhoods. We find that exposure to police surges significantly reduced test scores for African American boys, consistent with their greater exposure to policing. The size of the effect increases with age, but there is no discernible effect for African American girls and Hispanic students. Aggressive policing can thus lower educational performance for some minority groups. These findings provide evidence that the consequences of policing extend into key domains of social life, with implications for the educational trajectories of minority youth and social inequality more broadly.

Dialogue has a unique place in Dutch society. In 2001, in response to the 9/11 attacks in New York, the first Day of Dialogue was held in Rotterdam. The event was organised by the municipality with the aim of creating greater social cohesion and mutual understanding between local people of different backgrounds, using the principles of Appreciative Inquiry (AI). In 2008, this became a week-long event, which has since been replicated in 100 municipalities throughout the Netherlands by a network of local dialogue organisations. In some cities, these organisations now hold dialogue meetings all year round. Utrecht in Dialogue (UID) is one of these organisations, working with government, business and civil society partners to create events that speak to Utrecht residents since 2008. True to its mission, UID welcomes loyal participants, first-timers, speakers of different mother tongues, long-time Utrecht residents, newcomers: anyone who wants to engage in this dialogue practice. When the COVID-19 pandemic arrived in 2020, UID moved all dialogues online and continued to coordinate Zoom dialogues on at least a weekly basis. Thanks to the online format, a growing contingent joined meetings from other places in the Netherlands and even abroad. Several participants would never attend a face-to-face meeting. Yet even as the virtual format gives rise to a more geographically dispersed audience, UID remains highly local in its focus on community cohesion and mutual understanding; the community-building strategy is centred around the city districts, as are the topic choices and partner network. This article explores these structured online dialogues as a place-based practice, by means of ethnographic observation of ten dialogue meetings. The research thus contributes to an understanding of the role of online dialogue in creating local community cohesion, of online and offline dialogue and to the specific practice of AI dialogue in the Netherlands.

Abstract Background In August 2018, New York City health authorities notified CDC of two students with pneumonia and rash following mission trips to Mexico. Send-out Coccidioides serology tests took 7 days for results to return. Both students and five additional travelers from four states were diagnosed with coccidioidomycosis. A seroepidemiologic survey implicated soil-disturbing activities at a single site as a likely source. Given the time to diagnosis observed, we examined the use of a novel one-hour lateral flow assay (LFA). Methods We interviewed and collected sera from people who traveled with seven case-patients during June‒July 2018 and performed LFA, enzyme immunoassay (EIA), and immunodiffusion (ID). We asked travelers about exposures and symptoms and compared test results with reports of ≥1 coccidioidomycosis symptom(s) within 6 weeks of travel. Results Of 133 travelers, we interviewed 108 (81%) and collected sera from 75 (56%). Majority were male teenagers. One-third (34%, 37/108) reported symptoms, and of those, 43% (16/37) sought healthcare. Four were hospitalized, including one in intensive care, for a median of 7 days (range 3–12). Only six (6%) had previously heard of coccidioidomycosis. One-third (32%, 24/75) tested LFA positive, 10 (13%, 10/75) EIA positive, and eight (11%, 8/75) ID positive. Seventy-one percent (17/24) with positive LFA reported symptoms, compared with 83% (10/12) with positive EIA, 100% with positive ID (8/8), and 31% (16/51) with negative LFA. Of 51 travelers with negative LFA, we observed one positive EIA and no positive ID. Conclusion In this outbreak that resulted in a high attack rate and prolonged hospitalizations, the rapid one-hour LFA appeared as a useful screening tool compared with send-out testing, which took at least 7 days to return. The proportion of symptomatic LFA-positive travelers was nearly as high as for those with positive EIA, and we observed agreement with EIA and ID-negative results. Whether 12 people with positive LFA but negative EIA and ID truly had infection is unclear. Further evaluation to examine sensitivity and specificity of LFA are needed. Additionally, greater education is needed for groups traveling to coccidioidomycosis-endemic areas. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

The estimation of the vertical components of built-up areas from free Digital Elevation Model (DEM) global data filtered by multi-scale convolutional, morphological and textural transforms are generalized at the spatial resolution of 250 meters using linear least-squares regression techniques. Six test cases were selected: Hong Kong, London, New York, San Francisco, Sao Paulo, and Toronto. Five global DEM and two DEM composites are evaluated in terms of 60 combinations of linear, morphological and textural filtering and different generalization techniques. Four generalized vertical components estimates of built-up areas are introduced: the Average Gross Building Height (AGBH), the Average Net Building Height (ANBH), the Standard Deviation of Gross Building Height (SGBH), and the Standard Deviation of Net Building Height (SNBH). The study shows that the best estimation of thenetGVC of built-up areas given by the ANBH and SNBH, always contains a greater error than their correspondinggrossGVC estimation given by the AGBH and SGBH, both in terms of mean and standard deviation. Among the sources evaluated in this study, the best DEM source for estimating the GVC of built-up areas with univariate linear regression techniques is a composite of the 1-arcsec Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM30) and the Advanced Land Observing Satellite (ALOS) World 3D–30 m (AW3D30) using the union operator (CMP_SRTM30-AW3D30_U). A multivariate linear model was developed using 16 satellite features extracted from the CMP_SRTM30-AW3D30_U enriched by other land cover sources, to estimate the gross GVC. A RMSE of 2.40 m and 3.25 m was obtained for the AGBH and the SGBH, respectively. A similar multivariate linear model was developed to estimate the net GVC. A RMSE of 6.63 m and 4.38 m was obtained for the ANBH and the SNBH, respectively. The main limiting factors on the use of the available global DEMs for estimating the GVC of built-up areas are two. First, the horizontal resolution of these sources (circa 30 and 90 meters) corresponds to a sampling size that is larger than the expected average horizontal size of built-up structures as detected from nadir-angle Earth Observation (EO) data, producing more reliable estimates for gross vertical components than for net vertical component of built-up areas. Second, post-production processing targeting Digital Terrain Model specifications may purposely filter out the information on the vertical component of built-up areas that are contained in the global DEMs. Under the limitations of the study presented here, these results show a potential for using global DEM sources in order to derive statistically generalized parameters describing the vertical characteristics of built-up areas, at the scale of 250x250 meters. However, estimates need to be evaluated in terms of the specific requirements of target applications such as spatial population modelling, urban morphology, climate studies and so on.

The proponents of this research developed their interests to look into every good points a community-based relapse prevention program being implemented by a particular local community among low-risk drug-users surrenderers. This included appreciating the design of the program and how it impacted the participants and the community of Barangay Salapan, San Juan City. All these being viewed from the underlying principles of restorative justice, in the pursuit of describing how the sanctity and dignity of human life is being restored using the five stages of appreciative inquiry as method of analysis. The rehabilitation program being implemented by the local community and supported by the local government provided a silver lining for the victims of the prohibited drugs. Initially, it helped redeem their lost personal sense of dignity, social respect and acceptance, and become a productive and significant individual members of their particular families and their beloved community. It was emphasized that the restoration of the sanctity and dignity of life demands greater openness, volunteerism, respect sincerity and discipline from each of the persons involved in the rehabilitation program. It was noted also that all the sectors of the local community should be united and unselfishly support the program regardless of political color or affiliation, religious background, economic interests and social biases, so that the sacredness and dignity of life which is very primal as a value will be constructively attained. References Brabant, K. V. (2015). Effective advising in state building and peacebuilding contexts-how: appreciative inquiry. Geneva,International Peacebuilding Advisory Team Byron, W. (1998). The building blocks of catholic social teaching. AmericaCaday, F. (2017). Causes of drug abuse among college students: The Philippine experience. Ifugao State University, Philippines. The International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities InventionCoghlan, A., Preskill, H. and Catsambas, T.T. An overview of appreciative inquiry in evaluation. Retrieved from http://www.rismes.it/pdf/Preskill.pdf.Cooperrider, D. and Whitney, D. (2005). A positive revolution in change: Appreciative inquiry. Case Western Reserve University, The Taos InstituteDangerous Drugs Board, Office of the President. (2016). Oplan Sagip, Guidelines on voluntarily surrenderer of drug users and dependents and monitoring mechanism of barangay anti-drug abuse campaigns. Board Regulation No. 4. Office of the President. Republic of the Philippines.Gómez, M.P.M., Bracho, C.A. and Hernández, M. (2014). Appreciative inquiry, a constant in social work. Social Sciences, SciencePublihing Group. Spain John Paul II. (1987). Solicitudo Rei Socialis. Libreria Editrice Vaticana Helliwell, J. F. (2011). Institutions as enablers of wellbeing: TheSingapore prison case study. British Columbia. University of British Columbia. International Journal of WellbeingHimes, K. (2001). Responses to 101 questions on social catholic teaching manwah. Paulist Press St. Columban’s Mission Society. Mazo, G. N., (2017). Transformational rehabilitation: Communitybased intervention to end the drug menace. International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah, 5(12), 183-190. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1133854.Morales, S.,Corpus, R. and Oliver, R. (2013). Appreciative inquiry approach on environmental stewardship on the issues of the West Philippine Sea. Polytechnic University of the Philippines. National Youth Congress 2013 of the PhilippinesMikulich, A. (2012). Catholic social thought and restorative justice. Jesuit Social Research InstitutePloch, A. (2012). Why dignity matters: Dignity and the right (or not) to rehabilitation from international and national perspectives. New York University Journal of International Law and Politics. New York University School of Law.Pope Francis. (2015). Laudato si. Vatican City. Leberia Editrice Vaticana.Sakai, K.(2005). Research on the trends in drug abuse and effective measures for the treatment of the drug abusers in asian countries an analysis of innovative measures for the treatment of drug abusers. Tokyo, Japan. United Nations Asia and Far East Institute (UNAFEI)Sanchez, Z.M. and Nappo, S.A. (2008). Religious intervention and recovery from drug addiction. Rev Saúde Pública. Universidade Federal de São Paulo. São Paulo, SP, BrasilSandu, A. and Damian, S. (2012). Applying appreciative inquiry principles in the restorative justice field. Romania. Lumen Publishing House.Shuayb, M., Sharp, C., Judkins, M. and Hetherington M. (2009). Using appreciative inquiry in educational research: possibilities and limitations. Report. Slough: NFER.Yip, P., Cheung, S.L., Tsang, S.,Tse, S., Ling, W.O., Laidler, K., Wong, P., Law, and F., Wong, L.(2011). A study on drug abuse among youths and family relationship. University of HongKong

Presbyterians and Congregationalists arrived in colonial America as Dissenters; however, they soon exercised a religious and cultural dominance that extended well into the first half of the nineteenth century. The multi-faceted Second Great Awakening led within the Reformed camp by the Presbyterian James McGready in Kentucky, a host of New Divinity ministers in New England, and Congregationalist Charles Finney in New York energized Christians to improve society (Congregational and Presbyterian women were crucial to the three most important reform movements of the nineteenth century—antislavery, temperance, and missions) and extend the evangelical message around the world. Although outnumbered by other Protestant denominations by mid-century, Presbyterians and Congregationalists nevertheless expanded geographically, increased in absolute numbers, spread the Gospel at home and abroad, created enduring institutions, and continued to dominate formal religious thought. The overall trajectory of nineteenth-century Presbyterianism and Congregationalism in the United States is one that tracks from convergence to divergence, from cooperative endeavours and mutual interests in the first half the nineteenth century to an increasingly self-conscious denominational awareness that became firmly established in both denominations by the 1850s. With regional distribution of Congregationalists in the North and Presbyterians in the mid-Atlantic region and South, the Civil War intensified their differences (and also divided Presbyterians into antislavery northern and pro-slavery southern parties). By the post-Civil War period these denominations had for the most part gone their separate ways. However, apart from the southern Presbyterians, who remained consciously committed to conservatism, they faced a similar host of social and intellectual challenges, including higher criticism of the Bible and Darwinian evolutionary theory, to which they responded in varying ways. In general, Presbyterians maintained a conservative theological posture whereas Congregationalists accommodated to the challenges of modernity. At the turn of the century Congregationalists and Presbyterians continued to influence sectors of American life but their days of cultural hegemony were long past. In contrast to the nineteenth-century history of Presbyterian and Congregational churches in the United States, the Canadian story witnessed divergence evolving towards convergence and self-conscious denominationalism to ecclesiastical cooperation. During the very years when American Presbyterians were fragmenting over first theology, then slavery, and finally sectional conflict, political leaders in all regions of Canada entered negotiations aimed at establishing the Dominion of Canada, which were finalized in 1867. The new Dominion enjoyed the strong support of leading Canadian Presbyterians who saw in political confederation a model for uniting the many Presbyterian churches that Scotland’s fractious history had bequeathed to British North America. In 1875, the four largest Presbyterian denominations joined together as the Presbyterian Church in Canada. The unifying and mediating instincts of nineteenth-century Canadian Presbyterianism contributed to forces that in 1925 led two-thirds of Canadian Presbyterians (and almost 90 per cent of their ministers) into the United Church, Canada’s grand experiment in institutional ecumenism. By the end of the nineteenth century, Congregationalism had only a slight presence, whereas Presbyterians, by contrast, became increasingly more important until they stood at the centre of Canada’s Protestant history.

Abstract As the English colonies in North America developed greater stability in the eighteenth century, members of the colonial Church of England attempted to remake the old patterns with new social, cultural, and geographic materials, not realizing quite how impossible this task would be. By the opening of the American Revolution, the colonial church had developed in ways quite distinct from the “home church” in terms of polity and practice as its leaders and members worked with a new geographic context, the lack of a bishop, the development of a slave society, competing Christian denominations, and conflicts with Native Americans, while attempting to establish British orderliness in this new disorderly world. This chapter investigates the establishment of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Mohawk Anglicanism and exile after the American Revolution, enslaved Black Anglicans, and divisions in church styles in different colonies relating to different styles of establishment.

Abstract This chapter moves from the national frame to the local frame to examine how a particular Social Gospel leader, Charles Stelzle, carried out the Federal Council of Churches’ “social service” mission within his home congregation. Stelzle named his ministry the “Labor Temple” and placed it in the midst of a diverse, working-class neighborhood in Manhattan. However, by offering free social services, education, and meeting spaces to immigrants, Stelzle rendered wage earners dependent, or at least desirous, of the resources he and the Presbytery of New York had to give away. While ministers defended their preaching as “free speech,” they derided the “radical” speech among their patrons. Ultimately, Federal Council ministers encouraged the public to entrust them as leaders in the world of social service, but they also used their ministries to sharply patrol the appropriate boundaries of working-class Christian belief and political behavior.

Abstract In June 1963, an audience of more than two thousand New Yorkers turned out to see a “Salute to Southern Freedom” benefit concert for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) at Carnegie Hall, featuring the SNCC Freedom Singers and gospel singer Mahalia Jackson. The Freedom Singers was a quartet of young African American vocalists, organized by SNCC for fund-raising purposes, that had debuted in a concert with Pete Seeger the previous November. Robert Shelton’s New York Times review of the concert hinted that the audience displayed an even greater interest in the Freedom Singers than the renowned Jackson, attributing this to the fact that the Freedom Singers’ songs “echoed with the immediacy of today’s headlines the integration battle in the South.” The Freedom Singers conveyed to its audiences the texture of the civil rights movement’s daily confrontations, Shelton noted, “in a stirring fashion, musically and morally.”1

Abstract The story of a modern urban Holiness congregation is presented here to serve two purposes. First, the overview of a local church whose congregational history spans the greater part of the twentieth century should help to corroborate at least a few of the general insights and issues presented in this study as characteristic of the exilic motif in African American religious life. Second, this account illustrates some of the practical concerns and challenges engaged by pastors of Holiness-Pentecostal people whose worship and work is informed by the call to be saints–“in the world, but not of it.” The Third Street Church of God had its earliest origins in the Christian witness of a family who migrated to Washington, D.C., from Charlotte, North Carolina, during the first decade of the twentieth century: Sister Minnie Lee Duffy; her brother, Elder James E. Lee; her sister, Sister Viola Lee Cyrus; her mother, Sister Cherry Lites Lee Johnson; and her aunt and uncle Brother and Sister Doc Lites. This first Church of God mission in the nation’s capital was established in 1910 in a small room in the home of Sister Cherry Lites Lee Johnson on Six and One-Half Street, Southwest. They held church in their home and invited ministers passing through Washington to speak to their small but growing congregation. On one such occasion, Elder Charles T. Benjamin, a traveling evangelist based in New York, was invited to return and subsequently became the shepherd of that small flock.