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1
Schweitzer, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany: on the Way to June 22, 1941". Contemporary Europe 99, n.º 6 (1 de novembro de 2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.
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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War
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Pryakhin, V. F. "Soviet Diplomatic Efforts to Prevent Hungary’s Alignment with Germany in World War II (1939– 1941)". MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, n.º 6 (16 de janeiro de 2024): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-69-91.
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The history of Soviet-Hungarian interactions from the establishment of diplomatic relations until Hungary joined World War II alongside the Axis powers offers valuable insights into the dynamics between small and great powers, as well as the efforts of small European states, particularly Hungary, to navigate their national interests in foreign policy amidst Nazi Germany's encroachments. This period was defined by two primary factors: the Hungarian political elite, led by Miklós Horthy, sought to join a quasi-"crusade" against Comintern Soviet Russia, while simultaneously striving to avoid deep involvement in major conflicts between the great powers. This dual approach aligned with the policies of Hitler's Western appeasers, who aimed to redirect German expansion eastward. In this geopolitical scenario, American and Western European actors (including Great Britain and France) were relegated to the role of observers, anticipating a prolonged conflict between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union that would drain both. Hungary, as strategized by Budapest, hoped to secure a position among these observers, avoiding direct conflict participation, and to later engage in territorial reconfiguration post-World War II. However, the reality in Europe by the early 1940s diverged significantly, with Western powers (the USA and Great Britain) unable to redirect Hitler's global domination ambitions eastward. Facing an existential threat, these powers were compelled to enter the war. Against this backdrop, Soviet diplomacy endeavored to deter Hungary's alliance with Nazi Germany. Although ultimately unsuccessful, examining these diplomatic efforts offers valuable lessons in the context of the current evolution towards a multipolar world.
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Bredikhin, A. V., e A. O. Babik. "THE “FOLKLAND ISSUE” EVOLUTION: FROM THE ORIGINS TOWARD BRITISH COLONIZATION (1740s - 1843)". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, n.º 1 (7 de abril de 2020): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-1-93-100.
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The article is devoted to the origins and evolution of the “Falkland issue” in the system of international relations, which is discussion about the nationality of the eponymous archipelago, as well as the islands of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands with adjacent marine areas. According to the study, the “Falkland issue” is a term of the equation, where the numerator contains the territorial ambitions of Great Britain and Argentina, and the denominator shows the value of the resources access to which is represented by the archipelago of the same name. It is argued that the foundation for the “Falkland issue” was laid half a century before the appearance of Argentina on the political map of the world- in the 1740s, when the creators of British foreign policy for the first time in practical terms raised the question of creating a military base in the Southern Atlantic. The British Empire, which had the imperative of constant territorial expansion, needed a bridgehead to strengthen its influence in the Latin American region, which was subordinate to the Spanish and Portuguese crowns competing with the Windsor.
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Gajic, Aleksandar. "Тhe impact of Werner Sombart`s Merchants and Heroes on the conception of geopolitical dualism of tellurocracy and thalassocracy". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n.º 171 (2019): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971423g.
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This paper examines the connection between the war pamphlet ?Merchants and Heroes? (1915) of Werner Sombart, one of the greatest European sociologists of the 20th century, and geopolitical theories about the conflict between land and sea powers. Although Sombart?s pamphlet emphasizes the spiritual-moral and cultural-sociological dualism between Germany and England in the First World War, where the first represents the characteristics of heroes and idealists and the other of merchants and opportunists, the paper shows that this conflict was primarily a war for the territories - a geopolitical conflict, and, only secondary, a cultural-normative conflict. Historical anal?ysis shows that German geostrategic actions before the Great War (in their colonial policy) and during the Great War were not in opposition, but very similar to Great Britain`s policies. Therefore, it can be assumed that the war between Germany and Great Britain 435 broke out because of the rivalries based on their similarities, both in actions and pretensions. Moreover, Wilhelmine Germany was almost copying Britain?s colonial expansion, so it became the greatest threat to Great Britain`s geostrategic interest. Further, the research established the links between the views of Sombart and Karl Schmitt and, later, with the oversized opposition between land and sea powers as ?the second law of geopolitics? in the views of some geopolitical thinkers during the 20th century. The paper shows that the sources of both views are the same and that they lie in the German romantic-idealistic youth subculture movements at the turn of the 20th century adopted in academic circles before the Great War, primarily in the philosophy of Kurt Hiller and sociology of George Simmel, from which they were accepted by Werner Sombart.
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Kutepova, Maryna. "Preconditions and stages of devolution in the UK". Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, n.º 03 (28 de maio de 2022): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2021-2022.03.022.
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The article analyses preconditions and stages of devolution in the UK. It is shown, that the decentralization of public administration in the UK means the devolution of central government and increasing the responsibility of local government in the expansion and development of various forms of interaction between state and society. In this context, devolution is primarily a process of transferring power from the central to the lower level. Devolution has become the most important event of recent decades in the political and socio-economic development of Great Britain. In contrast to decentralization, devolution aims at a more substantial transformation of the territorial system of government – the transfer of not only executive powers but also some legislative ones.
Thus, the decentralization of power, which has signs of devolution in Britain, is complex and ambiguous process. The process of devolution in the UK is characterized by asymmetry, as evidenced by the lack of legislative powers of England. In this context, it is stated that the procedure of interaction between public authorities at different levels is not well established. Today, there are a significant number of control functions, levers of administrative and financial pressure on central offices, as well as the lack of clear recommendations by which local authorities could determine what is within their competence and address urgent issues more effectively.
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Nurislamov, Ruslan R. "INTERNAL POLITICAL SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN IN THE MIDDLE OF 1937 AND THE PROSPECTS OF NAZI TERRITORIAL EXPANSION (ON THE REPORTS OF ECONOMIC INFORMATION BUREAU “HAMBURG-BREMEN”)". Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), n.º 1 (2018): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2018-1-22-29.
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Sergeev, E. Yu. "British Edition of the Monroe Doctrine versus ‘Com- munist Militarism’: Collisions between the USSR and the UK in Eastern Countries in the mid-1920s". Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, n.º 3 (4 de dezembro de 2023): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-125-159.
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The new US foreign policy concept in the Western hemisphere introduced by the American President J. Monroe in December 1823 has become a milestone both in the country’s history and in the theory and practice of international relations in general. For Great Britain, the principles of the Monroe Doctrine acquired new relevance after the end of the First World War. The prospect of unfettered Bolshevik expansion into British colonies and dependent territories in Asia and Africa became a matter of particular concern for the UK ruling circles. It was this threat that forced the military and political elites of Great Britain to turn to the experience of their overseas counterparts and develop a set of measures that can be described as the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine. These measures were directed right against the Bolsheviks’ attempts to revolutionize the national liberation movement and to use it to undermine the ‘colonial rear’ of the imperialist powers. British decision-makers interpreted these attempts as a Bolsheviks’ endeavor to revive the foreign policy practices of the Russian Empire and denoted them as ‘communist militarism’. It is through the lens of the collision of the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine and the concept of ‘communist militarism’ that this study examines the dynamics of the Soviet-British confrontation in Central Asia in the mid-1920s. Special attention is paid to the struggle that took place between the two countries in Iran (Persia), Afghanistan, northwest India, Xinjiang and Tibet. This competition for influence over local rulers took a variety of forms: from information and propaganda campaigns to rivalry in the field of infrastructure and logistics projects. At the same time, it was accompanied by a constant clash of interests of various factions within the USSR and Great Britain, which prevented them from pursuing a coherent policy in the region. Together, these circumstances endowed the Soviet-British rivalry in Central Asia in the 1920s with a number of unique features that does not allow it to be interpreted as just yet another round of the ‘Great Game’.
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ADAMOVA, N. E. "PERCEPTION OF RUSSIAN PANSLAVISM IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES N THE BEGINNING OF THE EASTERN CRISIS OF THE 1870S". LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, n.º 2023, №5 (16 de maio de 2024): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-5-49-71.
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During the Eastern Crisis of the 1870s, the British political elites followed with particular attention the Panslavic ideas expressed in Russia and often perceived them as a threat of the Russian Empire’s expansion into the Balkan Peninsula. However, at the very beginning of the Eastern Crisis, the British Parliament’s attitude to the Russian Panslavism was neutral or even positive and it had a considerable impact on British-Russian relations. Britain’s perception of Russian Panslavism during this short but significant period has not been researched yet. This article uses the materials of parliamentary debates to trace the transformation of images of Russian Panslavism in the British political discourse in 1876 and to analyze the mechanisms of their construction. The author identifies three models of interpretation of Russia’s “Slavic interests”, first, as “Slavic sympathies” of the Russian population, second, as Russia’s “territorial ambitions”, and third, as “Russian intrigues”, which allegedly instigated Slav uprisings against the Ottoman Empire. In the summer of 1876, the interpretation of Panslavism as sincere sympathies of Russian society for its Slavic brothers received the greatest weight in the British political discourse. This interpretation contributed to the formation of a more positive image of Russia and even a temporary change in the pro-Turkish policy of the British government. However, by the late 1876, British politicians increasingly began to suspect the Russian government of “subversive Panslavism”. The formation of images of Russian Panslavism in the political discourse of Great Britain was influenced not only the traditional patterns of British foreign policy, but also by the internal political struggle that escalated during the “Bulgarian agitation”. Panslavism was also interpreted ambiguously due to the lack of information, so politicians often based their judgments on stereotypes about Russia, the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan peoples. Finally, parliamentarians’ views were also affected by a rethinking of their own British identity. British politicians revisited issues of relevance to Britain’s own attitudes to the sovereignty of empires, the uprisings of colonized peoples, moral responsibility and Britain’s international mission.
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Petrov, Alexander. "Aggravation of the Colonial Struggle in the Pacific Ocean in 1760—1770s". ISTORIYA 14, n.º 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028746-9.
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The article is devoted to the struggle for colonies in the North Pacific in the context of the interaction between Russia, Great Britain and Spain in the second half of the 18th century, with an emphasis on the voyage of J. Cook to the coast of Alaska. The activity of Russia and the Western European powers related to the intensification of efforts in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean is considered. The article notes that the region studied by us has long attracted the attention of European countries. The factors that contributed to the development of the North-West of America are revealed. The authors show that it was a very complex and multifaceted process, in which various levels of state power, up to the emperors, participated. The importance of the initiative of private commercial companies in the colonization of territories is noted. The authors of the article draw attention to the fact that the expansion of the Spanish Empire became possible due to Madrid’s fears about the strengthening of Russia in the North Pacific. In turn, Great Britain carried out active intelligence activities, which resulted in a phase of military conflict at the end of the 18th century. On the basis of Russian and foreign documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the authors of the article try to show the validity of the fears of the Madrid court regarding Russian colonization, as well as the ambitions of London in this region. Promotion of Russia to the northwest of America was due to economic and political reasons. The access to the Pacific Ocean of Russian private structures was caused by the desire to collect yasak from the indigenous peoples, as well as to obtain furs, which were highly valued in world markets. The article notes the changes in the position of Great Britain, Spain and Russia in relation to the colonies in the 18th century. It is concluded that, in general, the policy of Spain and Great Britain was aimed at curbing the Russian advance in the Pacific Ocean. Russian-Anglo-Spanish relations in the Northwest Pacific at the end of the 17th century and the first half of the 18th century made a significant contribution to the subsequent active colonization of the North Pacific. The article was written using an interdisciplinary approach based on a wide range of sources from domestic and foreign archives.
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Arabadzhyan, Zaven A. "Eastern Persia as an Arena of Rivalry and Possible Cooperation between Russia and the United Kingdom in the Late 19th – early 20th Centuries". Oriental Courier, n.º 4 (2023): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310029242-4.
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In the 19th century after the end of the Napoleonic wars, the contradictions between Russia and the United Kingdom gradually increased both in Europe and in Asia. In Asia, the possessions of both empires gradually approached each other. This happened as the territory of British India grew in the direction of the North-West and the territorial formations in Central Asia joined the Russian Empire. It was about a possible large-scale clash between the two powers, the main theater of which was supposed to be Afghanistan. However, according to the existing plans, the eastern part of Persia (Iran) could become the scene of hostilities, and both sides tried to strengthen their positions in this area. In this regard, Russian military and diplomatic representatives in Khorasan (the northeastern province of Persia) and Central Asia reported on the extraordinary activity of the British in this part of the country, directed against Russian interests. The government was asked to take measures to counter the British expansion, but these calls did not receive support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. At the same time, Russia had plans to build a railway line to Persian ports in the Persian and Oman Gulfs. Several routes were worked out along which the road could be laid. This would make it possible to take control of a significant part of the trade between Europe and India. The construction of such a route would undermine the monopoly of Great Britain, which owned the Suez Canal, to control the trade of Europe and India, and depreciate the German plan to create a Berlin-Istanbul-Baghdad railway.
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LYTVYN, Mykola. "UKRAINE AS AN OBJECT OF GLOBAL GEOPOLITICS: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND LESSONS OF THE RESOLUTION OF THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS IN MARCH 14, 1923". Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 37 (2023): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2023-37-80-94.
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The report reconstructs how one hundred years ago the world's largest powers, primarily France, Great Britain, Japan, the Kingdom of Italy, and the United States, began to build a new Versailles-Washington system of international relations, which consolidated territorial changes as a result of the First World War and the collapse of the German, Ottoman, and Austrian-Hungarian and Russian empires. The geopolitical prerequisites and consequences of the Resolution of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923 regarding Eastern Galicia are analyzed. It has been proven that the principle of self-determination of peoples, proclaimed by world leaders, did not become the basis of post-war national-state demarcation, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe. Therefore, with the support of the Entente, the Ukrainian ethnic territory (conciliar Ukrainian People's Republic) was redistributed by Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Bolshevik Russia, which concluded the Peace of Brest with defeated Germany and was in international isolation for some time. The countries of the West did not believe in the state efforts of the disunited political elite of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Ukraine and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, as well as in the monarchical plans of the Hetmanate, which manoeuvre between German and White Guard post-war strategies. The Entente countries assigned the role of a sanitary border against the possible expansion of Bolshevik Russia (later the USSR) to the revived Poland in 1918, with which France concluded a political agreement and a military convention in 1921. The postwar Eastern European borders, in particular between Poland and the USSR along the Zbruch River, were «legitimized» by the Peace of Riga in 1921, as well as by the resolution of the Entente Council of Ambassadors in 1923, which marked the foreign policy defeat of both the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, as well as the end of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1914–1923 It was established that Warsaw ignored the international demand to grant national-territorial autonomy to Ukrainians, instead dividing the region into three voivodships even before the specified resolution. Keywords: Ukraine, East Galicia, Poland, countries of the Entente, geopolitics, military occupation, political parties.
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Hendrix, Melvin K. "Africana Resources in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England". History in Africa 14 (1987): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171852.
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Beginning in the latter part of the sixteenth century British naval and shipping interests gradually emerged as one of the major maritime forces operating in African waters and, by the end of the eighteenth century, British shipping dominated the export slave trade. The establishment of colonial plantation economies in the Americas, the global expansion of British political and commercial interests resulting from the Napoleonic Wars, and the anti-slave trade suppression campaign in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century all brought British seafarers into intimate association with African peoples. This relationship became more intense with the scramble for colonial territories throughout the continent in the late nineteenth century.As a direct consequence of this extensive political and economic relationship a voluminous amount of documentary material exists. One of the principal depositories of this material is the National Maritime Museum (NMM) of Great Britain located in Greenwich, southeast of Central London. This essay reviews some of the documentary holdings found in the Library of the NMM, resources that scholars might find useful in reconstructing British maritime activities in relation to peoples of African descent. Located within the Museum its holdings include printed books and other printed materials, maps and atlases, rare and original manuscripts, ship's plans and drawings, collections on shipwrecks, piracy, and boats, together with various photographic and art collections. While the Library is free and open to the public, it is helpful to contact the Secretary of the NMM with a letter of introduction prior to a first visit.
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Maria M., Koskina. "The Main Directions of Russian Policy in the Struggle for Spheres of Influence in the North Pacific Ocean at the Beginning of the 18th Сentury". Humanitarian Vector 17, n.º 3 (outubro de 2022): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2022-17-3-17-26.
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The article is devoted to the study of the origins of the colonial struggle of European powers for spheres of influence in the Asia-Pacific region in the late 17th ‒ first half of the 18th century. The international situation around the process of opening and developing the northern Pacific Ocean, the fear of metropolises to lose their spheres of influence stand out as one of the main reasons for the advancement of countries in the region. The reasons for the study of the North Pacific Territories are systematized, economic, political and scientific prerequisites are noted. In the first half of the 18th century, the Pacific Ocean became the arena of geopolitical interests of leading powers. On the one hand, this period was characterized by an Anglo-French colonial confrontation. On the other hand, the interest of these countries in the north of the Pacific Ocean was not so pronounced in comparison with the positions of Russia and Spain in the region. Nevertheless, at the intersection of Asia and America, there was a clash of interests of several countries, expressed in direct and potential expansion. It was in the first half of the 18th century that the formation of international relations on the study of the North of the Pacific Ocean and the emergence of the struggle of powers for spheres of influence in the Asia-Pacific region were traced. The article examines the view of Spain, France, Great Britain and Russia on the course of colonization of North America. The Russian Empire seems to be the main participant in geopolitics in the north of the Asia-Pacific region. The main directions of Russia’s policy in the struggle for spheres of influence in the region are systematized and analyzed. The development of Russian-British, Russian-French and Russian-Spanish relations on the study of these territories in the first half of the 18th century is studied, the interaction of countries on the process of studying the North Pacific region and the further development of the west coast of North America is analyzed.
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Lanskoy, Grigorii. "Fundamental and applied aspects of geopolitical studies in USA and their influence on contemporary practice of international relations". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 16, n.º 2 (2023): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.203.
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Paper is devoted to methodology and content of geopolitical studies realizing in United States of America. In their complex are analyzing historical and political studies of theoretical and practical type oriented to analysis of forms and directions of expansion and governance of different territories by state power institutions. In quality of examples having from point of contemporary development of international relations evident actuality in paper are selected monographs and articles devoted to external policy of Russian Empire in period of second half of 19th and beginning of 20th century. In content of these historiographical sources were precisely presented basic and partially stereotype forms of attraction by American authors of tendencies of development of other countries with mobilizational type of transformation and traditional for studies of these authors strategies forecasting of political and in large meaning social evolution of these countries. In quality of fundamental aspects diversified in these scientific and partly journalistic works in paper are presented points about global backwardness, forced and in this occasion temporary overcoming of existing evolutionary problems and final impossibility of successful concurrence of Russia and other countries with catching type of development with United States of America, Great Britain and mostly industrially developing states of continental Europe. To applied aspects of geopolitical studies realizing in USA in paper were referred interpretations of concrete historical events projected and presented in them and also their choice and systematization. This definition of studying object is conditioned by methodological connection between scientific analysis of facts and from one part by development of international relations and from other part by realizing by many authors decision of task of explaining external political strategy of state on base of ideologically determined historiographical discourse caused from one part by development of international relations and from other part by specific features of expert social mind.
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ISAEVA, T. B., e V. M. PASHIN. "WELSH TOPONYMS AS REFLECTION OF LINGUISTIC AND ETHNOCULTURAL LEGACY OF THE CELTS WITHIN THE TERRITORY OF WALES". Bulletin of Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University named after V.P. Astafiev 54, n.º 4 (30 de dezembro de 2020): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25146/1995-0861-2020-54-4-249.
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Statement of the problem. The Celtic languages are formed as one of the primary groups within the Indo-European language family. The 6th – 7th centuries saw the exodus of the Celts, as well as the Celtic language by the Germanic tribes and their languages from the territory of Britain pushed. Along with that we had our special interest riveted on linguistic artifacts which support the assumption about some Celtic tribes to staying within certain territories, particularly, within the territory of Wales, where during historical conquests, a considerable number of the Celtic tribes were pushed back to avoid the fate of being enslaved by the Anglo-Saxons. The object of linguistic analysis was the contemporary toponyms of Wales, including the linguistic and ethnic-cultural legacy of the Celts within the diachrony. The purpose of the article is to reveal and show the Celtic substrate in contemporary Welsh oikonymy within the territory of Wales as a proof of the preservation of the ancient lingo-social legacy of the Celts. The research methodology includes method of searching for particular toponymical units, which include the Celtic substrate, inductive method in finding a great number of oikonyms for creation of categorical classification according to the meaning of the name, comparative historical method, and the method of etymological analysis. Research results. The preservation of ancient ethnic-cultural legacy of the Celts and its distinctive interpretation are needed for understanding the movement of the English language expansion on a certain territory during the ancient period and immersion into the lingo-cultural, lingo-cognitive image of the world reflected in oikonyms. As a result of exploring the Celtic toponymic layer, it was found out that the north-western part of Wales was less influenced by the Anglo-Saxon invaders in diachrony and the local population of Celtic origin were able to preserve their unique ethnic-cultural identity. The conclusion. All names of places in Wales, especially the ones that are located in the north-western part remain unchanged from ancient times. Despite the attempts to push out the Celtic language and pressure on the part of the Anglo-Saxon invaders the expansion of the English language was halted by the courageous actions of the ancestors of the contemporary Welsh people. Today, this is reflected in the prevailing Celtic substrate among genuine Wales’ toponyms.
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Papenko, Nataliia. "Colonial Policy of German Empire in China and Oceania in the Last Third of XIX – Beginning of XX Century". European Historical Studies, n.º 13 (2019): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182.
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The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
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Volska, Olena. "APPLICATION OF FOREIGN EXPERIENCE IN IMPROVING THE MANAGEMENT PROCESS OF MARITIME TRANSPORT ENTERPRISES". Proceedings of Scientific Works of Cherkasy State Technological University Series Economic Sciences, n.º 67 (22 de dezembro de 2022): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24025/2306-4420.67.2022.278759.
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The article deals with the management process of maritime transport enterprises of Ukraine. Emphasis is placed on the activities of the Administration of Sea Ports of Ukraine. It is determined that in modern business conditions, the process of improving the functioning of seaport administrations, which are a component of the transport infrastructure of the state's economy, is gaining relevance. In this regard, seaports are the object of close attention on the part of state authorities, and their effective functioning is the object of scientific research both in Ukraine and in the world. It is noted that in our country there has been a significant decentralization of powers in the maritime transport management system, which has both positive consequences (attraction of private capital in the development of port infrastructure, the beginning of the separation of the functions of port activities from infrastructure management to management of the efficiency of port activities), and negative consequences – the reduction of the number of units of the fleet under the flag of Ukraine and the deterioration of the system for ensuring the safety of navigation.
The search for ways to build a rational management system in the field of maritime transport, taking into account increasing its efficiency and ensuring safety, is a general problem, which can be solved using the best world experience. The article examines the experience of maritime administrations in the leading maritime states of the world (Great Britain, USA, Germany and Sweden).
Taking into account foreign experience, it can be concluded that the main task of the Administration of seaports of Ukraine is to create favorable conditions for the competitiveness of ports, which will lead to the growth of the gross domestic product, the formation of which is significantly influenced by the work of the port sector, where the maximum opportunities for exporting transport services and transit potential of countries are concentrated. However, having a unique competitive advantage in its geopolitical position, Ukraine does not have sufficient competitiveness of port services. The development of regional seaport complexes can have a significant impact on the economic growth of territorial entities, entrepreneurial activity and competition in the market, the influx of investments and qualified personnel, and the development of innovative technologies. The main role in the development of seaports can belong to public management using the mechanism of public-private partnership, as in the advanced countries of Europe. Sea ports must be considered as a system that is heterogeneous in relation to regions, it is formed due to significant differences in the area of geographical location, provision of resources, the structure of the economy, the achieved development of various spheres of the economy, the conditions for entering the market environment, the rates of transformation of forms of ownership, etc. It is the application of leading foreign experience that will help to restore the activities of Ukrainian seaports in the post-war period, a period of rapid economic growth and expansion of investment opportunities.
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Chibani, Daniel. "Great Britain’s Ulterior Motives in Abolishing Ottoman Slavery". General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (11 de abril de 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3653.
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This essay seeks to provide an alternative perspective of Great Britain’s involvement in the abolition of the Ottoman slave trade during the 19th and 20th centuries. Contemporary scholars often cite Britain’s involvement in the abolition of Ottoman slavery as a means of establishing moral superiority on the world stage. While there is some validity to this, a critical analysis of Britain’s motives towards abolishing the Ottoman slave trade reveals Britain’s vast economic, political, and territorial interests obtained from Ottoman abolition. Britain conquered vast regions in East and North Africa such as Egypt and Sudan which justified these conquests as necessary in the fight against slavery while simultaneously profiting from these regions through colonization and legitimate trade. Not only would Britain hinder the Ottoman slave trade through such territorial acquisitions, but they would simultaneously control and monitor strategic economic zones such as the Red Sea, Tunisia, the Persian Gulf, and the Gulf of Aden. While Britain is often portrayed as the morally superior emancipator and the Ottomans as the inferior enslavers, Britain’s facade of moral superiority is tainted when considering their ulterior motives.
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Anderson, Nicholas D. "Push and Pull on the Periphery: Inadvertent Expansion in World Politics". International Security 47, n.º 3 (1 de janeiro de 2023): 136–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00454.
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Abstract Why do great powers engage in territorial expansion? Much of the existing literature views expansion as a largely intentional activity directed by the leaders of powerful states. Yet nearly 25 percent of important historical instances of great power expansion are initiated by actors on the periphery of the state or empire without authorization from their superiors at the center. Periphery-driven “inadvertent expansion” is most likely to occur when leaders in the capital have limited control over their agents on the periphery. Through their actions, peripheral agents effectively constrain leaders from withdrawing from these newly captured territories because of sunk costs, domestic political pressure, and national honor. When leaders in the capital expect geopolitical consequences from regional or other great powers, such as economic sanctions, militarized crises, or war, they are far less likely to authorize the territorial claims. A mixed-methods research strategy combines new quantitative data on great power territorial expansion with three qualitative case studies of successful (and failed) inadvertent expansion by Russia, Japan, and France. Inadvertent expansion has not completely gone away, particularly among smaller states, where government authority can be weak, control over states’ apparatuses can be loose, and civil-military relations can be challenging.
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Goldstein, Erik. "Great Britain and Greater Greece 1917–1920". Historical Journal 32, n.º 2 (junho de 1989): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012188.
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The First World War saw the collapse of the old order in the Eastern Mediterranean with the disintegration of the Ottoman empire, an event which threatened to create a dangerous power vacuum. Great Britain for the pastcentury had attempted to prevent just such a crisis by supporting the maintenance of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman state. Britain had a number of crucial strategic concerns in the Eastern Mediterranean, in particular the Suez Canal and the Straits. The former was the more critical interest and Britain was determined to keep this essential link to its Indian empire firmly under its own control. As to the Straits Britain, which was concerned about over-extending its strategic capabilities, was content to see this critical waterway dominated by a friendly state. The question inevitably arose therefore as to what would replace the Ottoman empire. One alternative was Greece, a possibility which became increasingly attractive with the emergence of the supposedly pro-British Eleftherios Venizelos as the Greek leader in early 1917.
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Benson, J. F., e K. G. Willis. "Implications of Recreation Demand for Forest Expansion in Great Britain". Regional Studies 27, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1993): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343409312331347345.
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Isenberg, Andrew C., e Thomas Richards. "Alternative Wests". Pacific Historical Review 86, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2017): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.1.4.
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The mid-nineteenth century territorial growth of the United States was complex and contradictory. Not only did Mexico, Britain, and Native Americans contest U.S. territorial objectives; so, too, did many within the United States and in some cases American western settlers themselves. The notion of manifest destiny reflects few of these complexities. The authors argue that manifest destiny was a partisan idea that emerged in a context of division and uncertainty intended to overawe opponents of expansion. Only in the early twentieth century, as the United States had consolidated its hold on the North American West and was extending its power into the Caribbean and Pacific, did historians begin to describe manifest destiny as something that it never was in the nineteenth century: a consensus. To a significant extent, historians continue to rely on the idea to explain U.S. expansion. The authors argue for returning a sense of context and contingency to the understanding of mid-nineteenth-century U.S. expansion.
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Smith, N. H., J. Dale, J. Inwald, S. Palmer, S. V. Gordon, R. G. Hewinson e J. M. Smith. "The population structure of Mycobacterium bovis in Great Britain: Clonal expansion". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 100, n.º 25 (1 de dezembro de 2003): 15271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2036554100.
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Naldi, Gino. "The Status of the Disputed Waters Surrounding Gibraltar". International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 28, n.º 4 (2013): 701–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341295.
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Abstract The long-standing dispute between Spain and the United Kingdom over the British overseas territory of Gibraltar was characterized in 2012 by repeated Spanish incursions into Gibraltar’s territorial sea. Spain claims these waters as Spanish historic waters that were never ceded to Great Britain under the Treaty of Utrecht 1713, and therefore insists that Gibraltar has no territorial sea. The United Kingdom maintains that Gibraltar’s entitlement to a territorial sea is in keeping with international law. Although the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht are open to interpretation, the Spanish position does not appear to be compatible with the law of the sea.
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Urquhart, Ryan, Andy Newing, Nicholas Hood e Alison Heppenstall. "Last-Mile Capacity Constraints in Online Grocery Fulfilment in Great Britain". Journal of Theoretical and Applied Electronic Commerce Research 17, n.º 2 (10 de maio de 2022): 636–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jtaer17020033.
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Forecast growth in e-commerce home-delivery demand provides retailers with opportunities for expansion and increased levels of investment. To maximise these growth opportunities, retailers face operational and logistical challenges related to order fulfilment and the last mile. In contrast to other sectors, many grocers operate a store-based delivery model rather than a separate distribution channel. Under this model, orders are picked from store shelves and store-based fleets of delivery vehicles are used for last-mile fulfilment (delivery to the consumers’ home). With very rare access to commercial data from Sainsbury’s, the second largest grocer in Great Britain, we analyse the geographical variations of online groceries fulfilment capacity at store, region, and rural–urban geography levels, exploring the interrelated impact of capacity constraints related to storage and delivery in limiting the further growth of these services. The spatial extent of delivery service areas are found to considerably vary between stores and the existing store network presents barriers to further capacity expansion in some regions. We argue factors associated with the last mile are an important capacity constraint/enabler in the e-groceries sector and suggest that the effective expansion of these services requires further research into online service area delineation to maximise delivery efficiency and capacity. The approach used here is readily transferable to other online service delivery providers in both GB and elsewhere.
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Gough, Barry M. "British-Russian rivalry and the search for the Northwest Passage in the early 19th century". Polar Record 23, n.º 144 (setembro de 1986): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400007129.
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ABSTRACTBritish-Russian rivalry along the North Pacific littoral after 1815 was at once an extension of 18th century ambitions, commercial and geopolitical, and an enlargement of the interests of both nations in the existence of a Northwest Passage. John Barrow in Britain and Adam John von Krusenstern in Russia exhibited the opposing yet complementary interests of the two powers. British Admiralty activities resulted partly from a fear of Russian pre-emption, partly from ambitions for territorial and commercial aggrandizement. The Russian government supported the Russian American Company, and consolidated its overseas empire in Alaska. This paper describes die maritime activities and plans of both nations concerning the North Pacific and Northwest Passage, explaining political and territorial ambitions of the two powers that underlay the exploration, and their expansion of territorial empire and commerce in this area.
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Fraser, Jennifer. "Imperial contradictions in Arthur Conan Doyle’s The Sign of Four". SURG Journal 5, n.º 2 (22 de abril de 2012): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v5i2.1595.
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Despite Britain’s rapid territorial expansion and its marked success in establishing international colonies, the early nineteenth century British public held widely divergent views concerning imperialist endeavors. While the colonies retained their element of exoticism and decadence, attracting the British public to the idea of colonial enterprise, native insurrections against British imperial rule inspired fear within the British public. By calling the loyalties of colonial natives into question, and casting doubt upon the overall security of Britain, popular support of territorial expansion began to wane. To understand these contradictory popular responses to British imperialism, this article will undertake an analysis of Arthur Conan Doyle’s popular piece of mystery fiction: The Sign of Four, a literary work written in the context of the Indian Mutiny of 1857. By reflecting contemporary attitudes held in response to British Imperialism, The Sign of Four provides a medium through which popular contradictory responses towards British imperialism can be critically examined.
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Melachroinos, Konstantinos A., e Nigel Spence. "The Territorial Impact of the Knowledge Economy: Intangibles and Regional Inequality in Great Britain". European Planning Studies 21, n.º 10 (outubro de 2013): 1491–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09654313.2012.722951.
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Balina, T. A., A. A. Balina, S. E. Gasumova e T. D. Popkova. "FEATURES OF SOCIAL PROBLEMS OF YOUNG PEOPLE IN RUSSIA, GREAT BRITAIN AND CHINA". Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series Biology. Earth Sciences 30, n.º 2 (30 de julho de 2020): 231–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9518-2020-30-2-231-243.
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The state youth policy requires deep study and justification by representatives of social sciences, including sociology and socio-economic geography, which allows us to synthesize various methods of studying society and its well-being. Social geography, having a spatial approach, allows us to determine the territorial features of the course of social phenomena, to identify cause-and-effect relationships between them, to study the general and specific features of the development of territorial communities and population strata. Using the example of Great Britain, China and Russia, the current social problems of young people in countries with different types of socio-economic development are revealed through a comparative analysis of socio-demographic processes. In the context of concepts of well-being, the article considers various aspects of social dependency as a new and little-studied phenomenon. It is revealed that the UK, which implements the liberal principle of public welfare policy, has extensive experience in social work with young people, and the pioneering research of NEET-youth is of international significance. In China social dependency has acquired specific forms, which is largely determined by the principle of egalitarianism, the consequences of demographic policy and traditional mentality. The analysis of modern problems of Russian youth has shown that the rejection of the paternalistic model of social protection of the population had a negative impact on the situation of young people. The article analyzes the results of statistical, sociological research, expert evaluation, included interviews, etc., which revealed the social problems of Russian, British and Chinese youth, including the phenomenon of dependency. It was revealed that the study of dependency in the framework of youth policy and social work will help to activate the younger generation, accelerate its inclusion in society, and improve technologies for solving social problems.
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Schlosser, Stephan, Daniele Toninelli e Michela Cameletti. "Comparing Methods to Collect and Geolocate Tweets in Great Britain". Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 7, n.º 1 (25 de janeiro de 2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc7010044.
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In the era of Big Data, the Internet has become one of the main data sources: Data can be collected for relatively low costs and can be used for a wide range of purposes. To be able to timely support solid decisions in any field, it is essential to increase data production efficiency, data accuracy, and reliability. In this framework, our paper aims at identifying an optimized and flexible method to collect and, at the same time, geolocate social media information over a whole country. In particular, the target of this paper is to compare three alternative methods to collect data from the social media Twitter. This is achieved considering four main comparison criteria: Collection time, dataset size, pre-processing phase load, and geographic distribution. Our findings regarding Great Britain identify one of these methods as the best option, since it is able to collect both the highest number of tweets per hour and the highest percentage of unique tweets per hour. Furthermore, this method reduces the computational effort needed to pre-process the collected tweets (e.g., showing the lowest collection times and the lowest number of duplicates within the geographical areas) and enhances the territorial coverage (if compared to the population distribution). At the same time, the effort required to set up this method is feasible and less prone to the arbitrary decisions of the researcher.
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Stanić, Damir. "Osmansko zaposjedanje napuštenih utvrda uz Hrvatsku i Primorsku krajinu 1620-ih – 1640-ih". Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 53, n.º 2 (19 de dezembro de 2021): 69–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.53.18.
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After more than a century of expansion, the Ottoman advance into HungarianCroatian territory was finally halted during the Long Turkish War of 1593-1606, i.e., after the conclusion of the Peace of Zsitvatorok in 1606. From that moment onward, the border zone between the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire became more stable and did not endure major territorial changes until the beginning of the Great Vienna War of 1683-1699. However, although no major territorial shifts occurred until the 1680s, there was still some territorial adjustments on both opposing sides. Even though such changes were not considered insurmountable problems sufficient to break the peace agreement and spark open warfare, they had great socio-political significance from the Croatian standpoint. From the 1620s to the 1640s, the Ottomans occupied a series of abandoned fortifications between opposing empires adjacent to the Croatian Military Frontier, which, according to the Zsitvatorok Treaty, had to be completely abandoned. This development caused quite a stir among the Habsburgs, heavily burdened by the conflicts of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648), and then prompted a limited Habsburg military response. In this paper I shall analyse the manner in which this Ottoman expansion unfolded and the reactions from the Habsburg side.
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Tan, E., N. Warren, A. Darnton e J. Hodgson. "Modelling mesothelioma mortality in Great Britain using the two-stage clonal expansion model". Occupational and Environmental Medicine 68, Suppl_1 (1 de setembro de 2011): A60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2011-100382.194.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "French and English Methods of Colonial Expansion in the Maghreb on the Example of the Franco-Moroccan Crisis of the Late 1840s — Early 1850s". ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025637-9.
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The article is devoted to the Franco-Moroccan crisis of the late 1840s — early 1850s, in which Great Britain was directly involved. This historical event is not covered at all in Russian/Soviet historiography and only in the few works of French and English scientists. The research is based on the study of published documents of archives and works of historians of France and Great Britain of the late 19th — early 20th centuries — the heyday of European colonial empires. The analysis of the causes, course and consequences of the crisis allows the author to compare the methods of colonial expansion used by France and Great Britain when creating their colonial empires in the 19th century. The article shows that both European empires were interested in subjugating the sultanate, but if France sought to include Morocco in its colonial empire, then Britain, using economic and political pressure, gradually turned the North African country into its obedient puppet. The author concludes that Morocco's loss of independence was only a matter of time — when France and Britain could agree on the terms of this seizure. Thus, the fact that the sultanate of Morocco remained independent throughout the 19th century was explained by the conflicting interests of European empires in this region, and not by the success of the policy of the authorities of this country.
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Кушнір, С. О., e О. А. Кісенко. "STATE AND PROSPECTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND GREAT BRITAIN IN THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR". Visnik Zaporiz kogo nacional nogo universitetu Ekonomicni nauki, n.º 3 (59) (23 de janeiro de 2024): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/2414-0287-2023-3-59-10.
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This article considers the prospects of economic relations between Great Britain and Ukraine in the agricultural area. Both countries have significant potential in this field, which creates unique opportunities for cooperation and development. Ukraine, which is one of the leading producers of grain, oil and other agricultural products, is one of the guarantee givers of food security in the world. On the other hand, Great Britain has a great demand for quality organic products, what Ukraine can use to expand the export range of agricultural production. Cooperation between two countries may involve the exchange of technologies, the expansion of sales markets and joint projects in the cultivation of organic products. However, in order to achieve success, it is important to develop infrastructure, bring production in line with international quality and safety standards, as well as intensify business contacts and facilitate the exchange of information between agricultural enterprises of both countries. Taking into account the potential and advantages, agricultural cooperation between Great Britain and Ukraine can contribute to sustainable economic development and ensuring food security.
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Umidjon, Umidjon. "Takaful: Principles, Practices, and Global Growth". Journal of Sustainable Development and Green Technology 4, n.º 2 (2024): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54216/jsdgt.040202.
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This article explores Takaful, an Islamic insurance scheme adhering to Sharia principles. It examines its unique features compared to conventional insurance and its role within Islamic banking. Additionally, it highlights Takaful’s expansion globally, especially in countries like Malaysia, Pakistan, Indonesia, Turkey, UAE, and Great Britain.
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Tilly, Charles. "The Rise of the Public Meeting in Great Britain, 1758–1834". Social Science History 34, n.º 3 (2010): 291–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011275.
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This article conducts an analysis of public meetings in Great Britain between 1758 and 1834. The profound changes in frequency and character, the enormous increase of public meetings and the sharp decline in the relative frequency of violent gatherings, serve as an indicator of the expansion of the public sphere and its capacity to shape the social process. The article explains the rise of the public meeting and why it became so central to British political life during the nineteenth century through four intertwined changes: the development of British capitalism, the growing importance of Parliament, the multiplied opportunities for political entrepreneurs, and the effect of public contention itself.
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Sobczyński, Marek. "Cypr – wyspa wielokrotnie podzielona granicami politycznymi". Studia Polityczne 48, n.º 2 (25 de setembro de 2020): 177–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2020.48.2.08.
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The article analyses the transformations of political divisions of the third largest island in the Mediterranean Sea – Cyprus (with an area of only 9285 km2). In almost all historical periods, the island’s political unity was rare, and its territorial divisions are almost the norm. One can also observe the deepening process of territorial diversifi cation of Cyprus, which, paradoxically, has reached its apogee nowadays. Currently, it is possible to distinguish as many as 17 separate territorial fragments with different international status on the island.In Cyprus, there are currently two states and two colonial territories (Great Britain) and an internationalised area, as well as one territory with unknown status (Varoşa). No political unit in Cyprus has territorial continuity. One of these countries is a full member of the European Union and so the other territories are therefore in special relations with this organisation. The process of the political and territorial unification of the island, which has been going on for several decades, is suspended in practice and the hopes that are stirred up every few years that it will reach the final this time always turn out to be premature.
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Levy, P. E. "Biomass expansion factors and root : shoot ratios for coniferous tree species in Great Britain". Forestry 77, n.º 5 (1 de maio de 2004): 421–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/forestry/77.5.421.
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Gente, Magali. "The expansion of the nuclear family unit in Great Britain between 1910 and 1920". History of the Family 6, n.º 1 (abril de 2001): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1081-602x(01)00063-x.
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Makarov, R. V. "The League of Nations Mandate in Iraq – Result of Expansion Policy of Great Britain". Oriental Studies 2012, n.º 59 (30 de setembro de 2012): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/skhodoznavstvo2012.59.082.
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Mihnea, Diana. "The Agrarian Reform and the City: The Great Expansion of Sibiu during the Interwar Years". Annales Universitatis Apulensis Series Historica 24, n.º 1 (15 de outubro de 2020): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/auash.2020.24.1.2.
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During the 1920s, the city of Sibiu expanded by approximately 250 hectares, with an area that was three times larger than its historical core. This great expansion was the result of the application of the agrarian reform, whose laws allowed and encouraged the creation of new building plots in the cities of Transylvania, Banat, Crișana and Maramureș. Although this was the largest territorial growth of the city up until that time, it was not controlled by the municipality and its Technical Office. In fact, the city authorities were excluded from most stages of the decision-making process. All the decisions were taken by the central and local institutions of the Ministry of Agriculture and Domains that were in charge with the application of the agrarian reform. The territorial expansion was not based on any large-scale studies regarding the needs of the city or the impact on its future development. In fact, the proportions and the directions of the city’s expansion were dictated mostly by the number of accepted requests for building plots and by the position of the areas that could be expropriated and that were suitable to be parcelled. The creation of the large new allotments was simultaneous with the efforts of the municipality to draft a systematisation plan that was now urgently necessary, given the rapidly changing situation of the city, and it was imposed by the new administrative legislation of Romania. So, shortly after the parceling plans were issued and the new building plots were distributed to those entitled, a preliminary systematization plan – drafted between 1926 and 1928 – proposed the revision of the new allotments and the modification of the procedure for assigning the building plots according to a system that would allow a gradual territorial growth of the city. Hence, during the second half of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s there were ample negotiations over the new urban territory, involving not only the Ministry of Agriculture and Domains, but also the Ministry of Interior and the Superior Technical Council. In the end, after almost a decade of negotiations, only minor adjustments were made to the allotments and the provisions of the systematisation plan were only partly applied.
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Kutepova, Maryna. "DEVELOPMENT OF CONTEMPORARY DEVOLUTION PROCESSES IN GREAT BRITAIN". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Public Administration 15, n.º 1 (2022): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-9193.2022/15-4/9.
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The main purpose of the article is to analyze the devolutionary processes in Great Britain, which have intensified and institutionalized since the late twentieth century and continue to the present days, as well as their impact on the political and socio-economic development of its member countries – England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. Theoretical and methodological basis of the study are scientific methods and methodological approaches to understanding the process of interaction of public authorities under conditions of devolution. An important condition of the chosen research strategy is the observance of the principles of objectivity, multifactoriality and systematicity. The study is based on methodological principles of a systematic approach. Using a systems approach makes it possible to study the interaction of public authorities in the UK in the context of devolution as a single system. Based on the fact that devolution involves the creation of certain institutions, as well as institutional adaptation to a management system that adapts to new conditions, the main methodological approach to analysis was the institutional approach. The article emphasizes that for a long time the United Kingdom has been a model of decentralized political governance based on the culture of civil society and the representation of local interests in the national government. To a large extent, Britain's sustainable development depends on a periodic political compromise. It can alleviate the main contradiction of the British political system – the dichotomy of the principles of the supremacy of parliament and regional self-government. It is proved that the decentralization of public administration in the UK means the devolution of central government and increasing the responsibility of local government in the expansion and development of various forms of interaction between state and society. In general, the process of decentralization of power in the UK is complex and ambiguous one. The process of devolution in the UK is characterized by asymmetry, as evidenced by the lack of legislative powers of England. In this context, it is stated that the procedure of interaction between public authorities at different levels is not well established. Today there is a significant number of control functions, levers of administrative and financial pressure on central offices, as well as the lack of clear recommendations by which local authorities could determine what is within their competence and address urgent issues more effectively.
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Atkins, Norton E., Keith E. Walley e Liam A. Sinclair. "Commercial practice of out-wintering dairy heifers in Great Britain". Journal of New Zealand Grasslands 82 (18 de outubro de 2020): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33584/jnzg.2020.82.429.
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The majority of dairy cattle in Great Britain (GB) are housed during winter but replacement heifers are out-wintered on some farms, a practice that may reduce the need for high capital-cost housing and facilitate herd expansion. Dairy farmers that were out-wintering replacement heifers in GB in 2012 were surveyed to determine current practice and attitudes. A typical system involved heifers strip grazing pasture or a crop, with baled grass silage as supplementary feed; strongly resembling outdoor wintering systems in New Zealand. Many used more than one grazed forage; predominantly, pasture on 68%, kale on 53% and fodder beet on 33% of farms. Supplementary feed was 44% of the diet in younger, and 35% in older heifers. Although farms were approximately three times larger than the national average and 60% were expanding, expanding herd size was not the primary reason for out-wintering, with the main reasons being to reduce cost and improve animal health and welfare. Farmers that out-wintered heifers typically reported good animal average dairy gain of 0.6 kg/d and high body condition, however, this contrasts with some measured performance in GB. Farmers may benefit from accurate feed allocation and monitoring heifer live weight during winter to ensure high performance.
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Todd, David. "Beneath Sovereignty: Extraterritoriality and Imperial Internationalism in Nineteenth-Century Egypt". Law and History Review 36, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2018): 105–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000530.
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The rise of extraterritoriality in the nineteenth-century has been described as a transitional phase that laid the ground for the construction of territorial sovereignty. Yet in Egypt, where a particularly extensive extraterritorial regime emerged in the mid-century, the expansion of European jurisdiction underneath national sovereignty became entrenched with the creation of international mixed courts in the 1870s. This outcome, the article argues, was the product of a complex compromise between European empires, which upheld different conceptions of extraterritoriality, and the government of Egypt. While Britain refashioned its own extraterritorial judicial system as a means of promoting legal reforms in the Ottoman world, France aggressively pursued the expansion of extraterritorial rights as an instrument of informal domination and economic exploitation. The creation of an international type of jurisdiction, less susceptible to French political pressures but applying a French system of law, proved acceptable to all parties, although it severely constrained Egyptian sovereignty from within, even after Britain took over the reins of government in 1882. Extraterritoriality was not merely a transition, but an original feature of the global legal order, arising out of modern imperialism and imperial rivalry and yet conducive to the forging of new instruments of international law and governance.
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Goddard, Stacie E. "When Right Makes Might: How Prussia Overturned the European Balance of Power". International Security 33, n.º 3 (janeiro de 2009): 110–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.3.110.
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From 1864 to 1871, Prussia mounted a series of wars that fundamentally altered the balance of power in Europe. Yet no coalition emerged to check Prussia's rise. Rather than balance against Prussian expansion, the great powers sat on the sidelines and allowed the transformation of European politics. Traditionally, scholars have emphasized structural variables, such as mulitpolarity, or domestic politics as the cause of this “underbalancing.” It was Prussia's legitimation strategies, however—the way Prussia justified its expansion—that undermined a potential balancing coalition. As Prussia expanded, it appealed to shared rules and norms, strategically choosing rhetoric that would resonate with each of the great powers. These legitimation strategies undermined balancing coalitions through three mechanisms: by signaling constraint, laying rhetorical traps (i.e., framing territorial expansion in a way that deprived others states grounds on which to resist), and increasing ontological security (i.e., demonstrating its need to secure its identity in international politics), Prussia effectively expanded without opposition. An analysis of Prussia's expansion in 1864 demonstrates how legitimation strategies prevented the creation of a balancing coalition.
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Holman, Brett. "The Phantom Airship Panic of 1913: Imagining Aerial Warfare in Britain before the Great War". Journal of British Studies 55, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2016): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.173.
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AbstractIn late 1912 and early 1913, people all over Britain reported seeing airships in the night sky, yet there were none. It was widely assumed that these “phantom airships” were German Zeppelins, testing British defenses in preparation for the next war. The public and press responses to the phantom airship sightings provide a glimpse of the way that aerial warfare was understood before it was ever experienced in Britain. Conservative newspapers and patriotic leagues used the sightings to argue for a massive expansion of Britain's aerial forces, which were perceived to be completely outclassed by Germany's in both number and power. In many ways this airship panic was analogous to the much better known 1909 dreadnought panic. The result was the perfect Edwardian panic: the simultaneous culmination of older fears about Germany and the threat of espionage, invasion, and, above all, the loss of Britain's naval superiority. But, in reality, there was little understanding about the way that Zeppelins would be used against Britain in the First World War—not to attack its arsenals and dockyards, but to bomb its cities.
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XHAFERI, Abla. "Eastern Crisis and Georgia". Jus & Justicia 16, n.º 1 (2022): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/xegc2970.
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The Eastern crisis is an early issue. It is based on the clash of interests of the great powers in the territories of Southeast Europe. Its return to the nineteenth century came due to the weakening of the Ottoman Empire and the resistance of the peoples who were under this empire, as well as the growing interests of the great powers of Europe. Germany appeared in the Near and Middle East, which affected the interests of France, Britain and Russia. It entered into agreements with Austria-Hungary, Italy and then Turkey, while France made alliances with England, Russia and the United States. Under the Treaty of Kainarja, the Ottoman Empire was forced to relinquish part of its possessions. With this treaty, Russia for the first time secured significant territorial gains, which provided it with access to the Black Sea. These would then inevitably lead to its empowerment. Georgia in this period was a battlefield according to the interests of the Ottoman, Russian and Persian empires, but also of other great powers, such as Britain, France, etc. A series of Russo-Turkish wars for territory took place. Behind them, what benefited most, was Russia, which annexed Georgia, while Turkey Islamized the population of the lands in possession, part of which later emigrated to the Ottoman Empire.
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Elliott, J. Alex, Peter Henrys, Maliko Tanguy, Jonathan Cooper e Stephen C. Maberly. "Predicting the habitat expansion of the invasive roach Rutilus rutilus (Actinopterygii, Cyprinidae), in Great Britain". Hydrobiologia 751, n.º 1 (24 de janeiro de 2015): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10750-015-2181-9.
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Sang, Nguyen Van, Le Thanh Nam e Luu Trang. "Independent or Annexation: The Texas Issue in the British-American Relations (1836 - 1846)". Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, n.º 5 (5 de setembro de 2021): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0134.
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This article presents the annexation of Texas in the relations between Great Britain and the United States from 1836 to 1846. The first part presents an overview of the territory, history of exploration and development of Texas from the early stages of history until the formation of the republic in 1836. The next section of the article refers to the interests of Great Britain and the United States in Texas. The final section provides the British-American diplomacy from 1836 to 1846 on the annexation of Texas. On the basis of the exploitation of correspondences, treaties and other material sources, the article contributes to clarifying the Anglo-American relations relating to the annexation of Texas and the expansion history of the United States during the first half of the XIX century. Received: 3 June 2021 / Accepted: 19 July 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021
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Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: II, Britons And Americans". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (dezembro de 1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679390.
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In my address last year I tried to offer some explanations for the great change of direction in Britain's territorial empire in the second half of the eighteenth century: the failure of empire over much of North America coinciding with the beginnings of great acquisitions in India. I would like now to look more closely at the American débâcle. In trying to account for it, I stressed the yawning gap between British ambitions as they developed from mid-century and any capacity to realise them in the colonies, where, in the absence of a strong imperial presence or adequate machinery to enforce metropolitan wishes, the effective working of the empire depended on the willingness of local populations to co-operate. In the 1760s the majority of the colonial elites refused to co-operate with what they regarded as new departures from the long-established constitutional conventions of the empire. British attempts to resolve the ensuing crisis by armed coercion were to be frustrated in seven years of unsuccessful war.