Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Great Britain – Relations – France"
Siga este link para ver outros tipos de publicações sobre o tema: Great Britain – Relations – France.
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores trabalhos (teses / dissertações) para estudos sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja as teses / dissertações das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
1
Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
Texto completo da fonte
2
Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
3
Serodes, Fabrice. "Au-dela des lieux communs : dirigeants francais et britanniques face a l'anglophobie de Fachoda a Mers el-Kebir". Thesis, University of Salford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492388.
Texto completo da fonte
4
Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
Texto completo da fonte
5
Nielsen, Steen Aage. "Anglo-French relations, 1958-1963 : a study of great power rivalry with special reference to NATO and Europe". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324617.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis is the study of Great Power nvaliy during 1958-1963, a period of both increasing political and economic cooperation in Western Europe and transatlantic relations within NATO against a background of the Cold War France and Britain are the focus of our analysis. The two states show the same characteristics in this period: Both powers had come out of World War H as victors and, despite having been much weakened by the war, had won an international status a Great Powers thanks to a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council. They were both colonial powers tiying to adjust to a new world order based on East-West bipolarity and the domination of the two super-powers. Against a background of international decline from pre-war power, both France and Britain were looking for new ways to secure their rank and international influence through both NATO and the EEC, while trying to adapt to a changed bi-polar and post-colonial world order. NATO and Europe are therefore the main issue area of this thesis, which is structured as a series of studies into the main areas of Anglo-French rivalry in the above period. We show that the real reasons for failed negotiations - whether over the Free Trade Area, tripartism in NATO, or British membership of the EEC - are to be found in Great Power rivahy for a leading place in Europe. We thus contend that Anglo-French political rivalry ultimately led to a breakdown of negotiations, rather than any of the negotiations themselves breaking down, and that NATO affairs and European affairs were closely linked. Each state failed to accept the other within its respective sphere of influence, since each had mutually exclusive interests, a factor which in the end, despite sincere efforts in both Paris and London, wrecked Anglo-French cooperation on Europe and NATO and thus prevented the two states from working together on restoring their declining international rank.
6
Balint, Robert. "The ecclesiastical policy of King Henry III of England : episcopal appointments, 1226-1272". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16347.
Texto completo da fonte
7
Heuser, Beatrice. "Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
8
Kurth, Audrey Ellen. "The great powers and the struggle over Austria, 1945-1955". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f40b09b1-bf96-40d4-b725-8bc5c0a1018a.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Austrian State Treaty, achieved after ten years of occupation of Austria by France, Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union, is a frequently cited example of the triumph of painstaking diplomacy between the great powers, but it can more accurately be depicted as the result of unilateral actions by the negotiating countries, particularly the Soviet Union. Careful examination of the records of the negotiations as well as available policy documents of the participants reveals that the highly publicized negotiations gradually became a sophisticated charade for the benefit of European and domestic audiences, while the critical decisions were made elsewhere. Indeed, as Europe grew increasingly polarized very little actual bargaining occurred between East and West; the Austrian negotiations became merely a forum for unilateral action. Thus, in describing the search for Austrian independence, the thesis is not simply a reiteration of the three hundred and seventy-nine meetings of the Foreign Ministers and Foreign Ministers' Deputies for Austria. Rather, it is a uniquely encapsulated version of the course of the Gold War in the ten critical years following the Second World War. The purpose of the thesis is to study, through the prism of British and American documents, the behaviour of the four great powers in the struggle to determine the future of Austria. Examining allied behaviour towards this small but strategically important country, and understanding how the Austrians came to choose a third way between East and West, sheds light upon the great power arrangements in Europe which have persisted to this day.
9
Coudray, Pierre Louis. "Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique". Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandis que le deuxième se penche sur l’image des soldats irlandais dans la presse des deux côtés de la Manche à la même période. Le troisième explique comment ces hommes sont devenus au fil du temps une troupe reconnue par ses pairs dans l’armée royale, tandis que le quatrième explore les stratégies mises en place par les militaires irlandais et leurs familles pour intégrer la société d’accueil. Ces deux chapitres montrent également le déclin de la présence effective d’Irlandais dans la Brigade. La question de la mémoire de la bataille de Fontenoy est au coeur du cinquième et du sixième chapitre qui étudient minutieusement la part des Irlandais dans la journée du 11 mai 1745 et le rôle des écrits du XIXe siècle dans la naissance d’une identité militaire proprement irlandaise. L’étude se focalise sur des sources contemporaines des faits pour le premier et des documents anglais, français et irlandais datant du XIXe siècle pour le secondThis PhD is a chronological study of the military presence of Irishmen in Franceunder the Ancien Regime linked to an analysis of the myth surrounding the Irish Brigade in the18th century. Based on primary sources, some of which have been hitherto unpublished, the firstfour chapters propose an historical framework of the Irish military community and thesometimes difficult but progressive acculturation of its members. The first chapter focuses onthe writings of the French elite as well as popular literature from England about the Irish in the“War of the three kings”, while the second one is about the image of the Irish soldiers in thepress on both sides of the Channel during the same period. The third one explains how thesemen came to be recognised by their peers as a valuable unit in the French royal army and thefourth one explores the tactics used by Irish militarymen and their families to integrate intoFrench society. These two chapters also show the gradual decline of the actual presence ofIrishmen within the ranks of the Brigade. The question of the memory attached to the battle ofFontenoy is at the very core of the fifth and sixth chapters where the part played by Irishmenon the 11th of May 1745 is minutely studied. The birth of a distinct Irish military identity in19th century writings is also discussed. The study focuses on 18th century sources for the fifthchapter and 19th century sources from France, England and Ireland for the sixth
10
Taylor, Craig David. "'La querelle Anglaise' : diplomatic and legal debate during the Hundred Years War, with an edition of the polemical treatise 'Pour ce que plusieurs' (1464)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39d8aa2a-182a-44ec-afb4-cc922b6b8305.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This dissertation offers a study of the fifteenth century French polemical treatises written by authors such as Jean de Montreuil, Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Noël de Fribois and Robert Blondel, together with an edition of perhaps the most important of these works, Pour ce que plusieurs (1464). This treatise may have been written by Guillaume Cousinot II, who had been personally involved in the events surrounding the attack upon Fougères in 1449, a subject addressed in highly partial terms by this text; moreover, Cousinot had visited the Lancastrians in exile in Scotland, which might explain how Sir John Fortescue was able to learn of Jean Juvénal's Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant roy (1446), and how Pource que plusieurs in turn drew upon the pamphlets of Fortescue. The polemical texts went beyond moral and chivalric discussion of the war, to address the complex legal and historical issues underpinning the conflict. In response to the English claim to the French throne, Jean de Montreuil adopted the Salic Law, a highly dubious and problematic authority, but one that achieved great fame particularly through the influence of Pour ce que plusieurs. Similarly, the polemical writers rejected English demands for Aquitaine and Normandy in full sovereignty by arguing that no French king could alienate the sovereign rights of the crown. In the sixteenth century, both of these principles were elevated to the status of Fundamental Laws. These texts were not intended to serve as propaganda, but were generally produced by royal officials to serve as manuals for their fellow administrators and diplomats, and perhaps also for the king and other members of the court involved in negotiations with the English. Only in exceptional circumstances were such works disseminated beyond the narrow circles of the government and court, though royal officials did draw upon them when speaking at public assemblies.
11
Pépin, Guilhem. "The relationship between the kings of England and their role as dukes of Aquitaine and their Gascon subjects : forms, processes and substance of a dialogue (1275-1453)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670166.
Texto completo da fonte
12
Blang, Eugenie M. "To urge common sense on the Americans: United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968". W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
13
Desplat, Juliette. "La relation triangulaire entre la France, la Grande-Bretagne et l’Egypte d’un point de vue politico-culturel, 1869-1922". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030057.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
De l’ouverture du canal de Suez en 1869 à l’indépendance unilatéralement octroyée à l’Egypte en 1922, en passant par Fachoda et l’Entente cordiale, la France et la Grande-Bretagne furent incontestablement les deux puissances dominantes sur les rives du Nil.Les siècles d’hostilité endémique entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne donnèrent naissance,en Egypte, à une rivalité sans précédent et à une lutte d’influences sans merci dans les domaines politique et culturel.Cet antagonisme franco-britannique trouva son point d’orgue dans les années 1869-1922,durant lesquelles s’opposèrent les deux systèmes impérialistes qui, radicalement différents, se heurtèrent pourtant conjointement à l’émergence du nationalisme égyptien, porteur d’une volonté inébranlable de voir l’Egypte accéder à l’indépendance et recouvrer la propriété intellectuelle de sa civilisation millénaire.C’est ce combat lent et fastidieux d’une Egypte colonisée jusque dans son histoire antique que relate l’étude de la relation triangulaire entre la France, la Grande-Bretagne et l’Egypte d’un point de vue politico-culturel entre 1869 et 1922From the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 to the independence unilaterally bestowed upon Egypt in 1922, and all the way through Fashoda and the Entente Cordiale, France and Great Britain were the two dominant, unchallenged Powers on the banks of the Nile.Centuries of endemic hostility between France and Great Britain resulted, in Egypt, in an unprecedented rivalry and a merciless fight for domination in the political and cultural fields.This Anglo-French antagonism reached its climax between 1869 and 1922, during which timetwo imperialist systems were opposed. Although drastically different and perpetually atvariance, they were confronted jointly to the emergence of Egyptian nationalism, which putforth its utmost strength to obtain complete independence for Egypt and to allow the countryto recover the intellectual ownership of its time-honoured civilisation.The study of the triangular relation between France, Great Britain and Egypt from a politicoculturalpoint of view from 1869 to 1922 tells the tale of Egypt’s long and tedious fight tobreak free from a long period of colonisation which had reached as far as the material remainsof its ancient history
14
Smittenaar, Richard. "Keeping Europe in order : conservative international political thought in Victorian Britain, 1854-1880". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/35983.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Conservative international thought in Victorian Britain is a prominent landmark in the landscape of international thought which has up to now gone unmapped. In illuminating this body of thought, the thesis addresses weaknesses present in three different historiographies. As the first detailed study of conservative international thought in Victorian Britain, the thesis rectifies a marked bias in Victorian intellectual history towards the study of liberal and radical thought. Furthermore, by analysing the political thought of major representatives of the conservative educated classes, this thesis provides context for the history of conservative high politics, thereby leading us to view these in a different light. Finally, this study, by providing a historically nuanced account of the evolution of major themes of international relations theory in mid-Victorian Britain, functions as a corrective to the self-history of the academic field of International Relations. The thesis makes its argument by analysing conservative contributions in periodicals, pamphlets, and newspapers to British public debates on international affairs, from the Crimean War (1854-56) until the Eastern Question crisis of 1876-80. The general claim of this thesis is that there existed a distinctly conservative perspective on the international sphere. The core elements of this conservative perspective were the primacy of statesmen in setting foreign policy; of interests, military force, and stature in determining the course of international politics; and of order and equilibrium as its normative content. Conservative authors used this constellation of ideas in the major debates of the mid-Victorian era on international affairs, both as a means to make sense of events, and as a counterpoint to liberal narratives - with which Victorian international thought is all too often identified. In recovering the international political thought of Victorian conservatives, this thesis illuminates an important but neglected aspect of how international relations were understood and conceptualised in mid-Victorian Britain.
15
Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
Texto completo da fonte
16
Baratier-Negri, Laurence. "Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et la Grande-Bretagne : le couple franco-britannique sur la scène internationale de 1974 à1981". Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040048.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Les années 70 voient l’émergence d’un monde multipolaire qui exige de nouvelles échelles de négociations. Quelle place le bilatéral peut-il jouer dans la réorganisation des relations internationales ? La question interpelle tout particulièrement deux puissances européennes « moyennes » aux ambitions mondiales : la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Les chocs monétaire, économique et énergétique dans un contexte de mondialisation accélérée, rendent indispensable la coordination entre les Etats et justifient des solutions régionales : Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, qui voit dans l’intégration européenne le moyen de préserver le poids de l’Europe et de la France dans le monde, doit composer avec les Britanniques qui adhèrent à la CEE en 1973. Aux défis économiques s’ajoutent des déséquilibres politiques : inconnues de la détente, divergences transatlantiques, recul du leadership américain, apparition de nouveaux acteurs sur l’échiquier mondial. Pour sauvegarder l’équilibre européen, le consensus est plus que jamais nécessaire. L’arrivée au pouvoir au milieu des années 70 en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne et aux États-Unis, d’une nouvelle génération de dirigeants, favorise la restructuration des modes de concertation. La création par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing du Conseil européen et du G7 cristallise cette évolution et offre de nouvelles perspectives aux relations bilatérales. Celles-ci s’inscrivent de plus en plus dans le système des relations internationales par un jeu d’échelles qui permet de coordonner les stratégies. Le sommet franco-britannique créé en 1976 prend toute sa dimension en tant que relais entre gouvernance européenne et gouvernance mondialeThe 70’s see the emergence of a multipolar world that requires new scales of negotiations. What role can bilateralism play in the reorganization of global relations? The question especially calls out two medium-sized European powers with worldwide ambitions: France and Great Britain.The monetary, economical, and energy crises in a context of accelerated globalization make the coordination between states vital and justify regional solutions. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who sees in the European integration the mean to preserve the weight of Europe and France in the world, has to compose with the British who join the EEC in 1973. To the economic challenges are added political imbalances: the unknowns of Détente, transatlantic divergences, the decline of the American leadership, and the emergence of new key players on the world stage. In order to protect the European balance, the consensus is more necessary than ever. The coming to power, in the mid 70’s, of a new generation of political leaders in France, Great Britain, Germany, and the US promotes the restructuring of dialogue. The creation of the European Council and the G7 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing crystallizes this evolution and offers new perspectives to bilateral relations. These fit more and more into the international relation system by an interplay of scales that allows the coordination of the strategies. The Franco-British summit introduced in 1976 comes into full view as a relay between the European governance and the worldwide governance
17
Baratier-Negri, Laurence. "Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et la Grande-Bretagne : le couple franco-britannique sur la scène internationale de 1974 à1981". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040048.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Les années 70 voient l’émergence d’un monde multipolaire qui exige de nouvelles échelles de négociations. Quelle place le bilatéral peut-il jouer dans la réorganisation des relations internationales ? La question interpelle tout particulièrement deux puissances européennes « moyennes » aux ambitions mondiales : la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Les chocs monétaire, économique et énergétique dans un contexte de mondialisation accélérée, rendent indispensable la coordination entre les Etats et justifient des solutions régionales : Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, qui voit dans l’intégration européenne le moyen de préserver le poids de l’Europe et de la France dans le monde, doit composer avec les Britanniques qui adhèrent à la CEE en 1973. Aux défis économiques s’ajoutent des déséquilibres politiques : inconnues de la détente, divergences transatlantiques, recul du leadership américain, apparition de nouveaux acteurs sur l’échiquier mondial. Pour sauvegarder l’équilibre européen, le consensus est plus que jamais nécessaire. L’arrivée au pouvoir au milieu des années 70 en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne et aux États-Unis, d’une nouvelle génération de dirigeants, favorise la restructuration des modes de concertation. La création par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing du Conseil européen et du G7 cristallise cette évolution et offre de nouvelles perspectives aux relations bilatérales. Celles-ci s’inscrivent de plus en plus dans le système des relations internationales par un jeu d’échelles qui permet de coordonner les stratégies. Le sommet franco-britannique créé en 1976 prend toute sa dimension en tant que relais entre gouvernance européenne et gouvernance mondialeThe 70’s see the emergence of a multipolar world that requires new scales of negotiations. What role can bilateralism play in the reorganization of global relations? The question especially calls out two medium-sized European powers with worldwide ambitions: France and Great Britain.The monetary, economical, and energy crises in a context of accelerated globalization make the coordination between states vital and justify regional solutions. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who sees in the European integration the mean to preserve the weight of Europe and France in the world, has to compose with the British who join the EEC in 1973. To the economic challenges are added political imbalances: the unknowns of Détente, transatlantic divergences, the decline of the American leadership, and the emergence of new key players on the world stage. In order to protect the European balance, the consensus is more necessary than ever. The coming to power, in the mid 70’s, of a new generation of political leaders in France, Great Britain, Germany, and the US promotes the restructuring of dialogue. The creation of the European Council and the G7 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing crystallizes this evolution and offers new perspectives to bilateral relations. These fit more and more into the international relation system by an interplay of scales that allows the coordination of the strategies. The Franco-British summit introduced in 1976 comes into full view as a relay between the European governance and the worldwide governance
18
Gallo, Ezequiel J. "Great Britain - River Plate relations 1806-1826". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335676.
Texto completo da fonte
19
Depoortere, Rolande A. "La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.
Texto completo da fonte
20
Taylor, John Walter. "Cross-channel relations in the late Iron Age : relations between Britain and the Continent during the La Tène period". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670370.
Texto completo da fonte
21
Pundik, Ron. "Relations between Great Britain and Jordan 1946-1951". Thesis, University of London, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510117.
Texto completo da fonte
22
Stables, Richard. "Relations between Britain and Kuwait, 1957-1963". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3680/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines Anglo-Kuwaiti patron-client relations between 1957-1963 using substantial archival material from Britain and the United States. The thesis has contributed to the literature of Anglo-Kuwaiti relations and to the theory of international clientelism. The theoretical model was applied to both primary and secondary source material linked to Anglo-Kuwaiti relations. This combined with a traditional diplomatic historical approach to the thesis, produced a number of conclusions and highlighted a number of themes that dominated Anglo-Kuwaiti relations. The themes that dominated the actors in this period included the increased internationalisation of the Gulf, the importance of Kuwaiti oil and sterling deposits to Britain, Arab nationalism and the influence of Nasser, the problem of over-flying rights, strategic concerns, Cold War tensions, the decline in British power and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Another important theme explored throughout the thesis is Kuwait's emerging statehood, implemented by the al-Sabah by the joining of Kuwait to various international organisations. Insecurity often evoked foreseeable policy responses from the client, and many actions of other states produced likely, if not always predictable, reactions of both patron and client. The model of clientelism gave substance to these decisions. In the case of the client, Kuwait, goals of internal autonomy with external security were both expected and observed. The c1ientelist model depicted clearly Anglo-Kuwaiti relations. The principle argument of the thesis developed from the contention that patrons facing a decline in power in the international system use clientelism to bolster their economic position. But a reduction in asymmetry of power with the client ensures that the relationship declines. In the case of Britain and Kuwait, as British power declined, its interests in Kuwait became more economic and financial than political and strategic. In a broader context a transformation of this s011 is generally to be looked for as a great power declines.
23
Ross, Christopher Nicholas. "Lord Curzon, the 'Persian question', and geopolitics, 1888-1921". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609030.
Texto completo da fonte
24
Khalid, Amr. "Aspects of Islam and social coexistence : the case of Britain". Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683357.
Texto completo da fonte
25
Ioannidis, Eudoxia. "British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
26
Millman, Brock 1963. "The Anglo-Turkish alliance 1939-1940 : anatomy of a failure". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39377.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
It is the contention of this thesis that the Tripartite Alliance came at the end of a period during which Britain and Turkey attempted to reconcile their often conflicting interests in order to ensure common security in the Near East. Between 1934-1939, contrary to the usual belief, the dynamics of Anglo-Turkish relations most often led Turkey to seek a formal relationship, which Britain, for reasons of its own, was reluctant to grant. Once conceded, in May 1939, with the proclamation of the Joint Guarantee, the fledgling Anglo-Turkish condominium promptly began to sicken, and by June 1940, had failed altogether. The primary reasons for this collapse were four. Firstly, the political under-pinnings of the alliance never seemed sufficient to permit either partner to consider advantageous the activation of the alliance once made. Secondly, the Alliance was afflicted by certain powerful dilemmas within Britain's global strategy which prevented British planners from coming to any lasting consensus regarding Turkey's role in imperial defence. Thirdly, if the alliance were to be made effective, sufficient and timely assistance--chiefly, material and economic assistance--would have to be provided the Turkish partner. During this early period, both Britain and France remained unable or unwilling to provide anything like the level of assistance required. Finally, the numerous inter-allied Staff conversations, which were a principle feature of the Alliance's early years, failed to produce a single viable option for the fruitful deployment of common forces against any possible enemy. Without such a plan, the entry of Turkey to the war would have been worse than ill-advised; it would have been pointless.Once the Alliance had definitely foundered on these rocks, in the infinitely more menacing conditions existing after June 1940, it was entirely unlikely that Turkey would permit the activation of an alliance no longer consistent, by any reading, with its essential interests. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
27
Morrison, Samantha Claire. "An examination of the familial homicide offence created by section 5 of the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004 and proposals for reform". Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42923.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines the criminal offence of familial homicide created by section 5 of the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004. This offence imposes liability on the defendant if he either caused or allowed the death of the victim, and it does not have to be shown which of these alternatives applies. The offence was created to respond to a loophole in the law under which if it could not be proven which of the defendants killed the victim, or that they were acting together to cause death, they could be acquitted. However, the offence created issues of its own. This thesis builds on the positive aspects of the offence in terms of convicting culpable defendants whilst addressing its weaknesses and the issues it creates for underlying criminal theory. The thesis discusses the theory regarding causation, omissions, mens rea, and accessorial liability which are all affected by the new offence. It also considers domestic violence as it is prevalent within this context. The two main changes to the law proposed by this thesis relate to causation and omissions liability. A more gradated law of causation is necessary, and thus a theory of direct and indirect causation is advanced. It also argues that a new personal association duty is needed, expanding the traditional exceptions to omissions liability. Regarding accessorial liability, this thesis argues that in situations where it is unclear who kills the victim and who allows his death, the familial homicide offence which blurs the distinction between the parties is appropriate because it ensures that culpable defendants are no longer escaping liability. However, where the role of each party is clear the law needs to be reformed. This thesis proposes, that the current approach towards mens rea and domestic violence should remain unchanged.
28
Dyson, Stephen Benedict. "Prime minister and core executive in British foreign policy process, outcome and quality of decision /". Online access for everyone, 2004. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2004/s%5Fdyson%5F112304.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
29
Christie, Ross. "'Britain's crisis of confidence' : how Whitehall planned Britain's retreat from the extra-European world, 1959-1968". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2018.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis attempts to give an account of how Whitehall planned Britain's withdrawal from extra-European commitments in the years 1959-1968, demonstrating that foreign policy development was essentially a cross-departmental process, involving a synthesis of views articulated by the Treasury, Board of Trade, Ministry of Defence, Colonial Office, Commonwealth Relations Office, as well as the Foreign Office. More specifically, the thesis is concerned with the direct effects of the interplay of different departmental policies on British retrenchment from Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East. Most accounts of how ministers and officials approached the subject of withdrawal from international commitments lack any substantive analysis of documentary evidence, a fact attributable to the 'thirty-year rule'. Many academic works also contain a reference to 'delusions of grandeur' as the main explanation as to why Whitehall guided a tentative course in extracting Britain from its remaining overseas obligations. By examining Whitehall's attempts to review future policy, usually on an inter-departmental basis, this thesis questions the commonly held assumption that an outdated imperial sentiment permeated the political establishment until economic reality, namely the devaluation of sterling in November 1967, forced Britain to confront the fragility of its position. Developing and expanding upon previous scholarship, this thesis makes a contribution to historical knowledge by providing the first sustained and unified study of how the highest echelons of Whitehall framed Britain's long-term strategic aims in the late 1950s and 1960s. This thesis is a contribution to administrative, diplomatic and military history, and provokes a number of questions. To what extent, for example, did economic considerations inform the decisions of leading policy-makers? Did a misjudgment over the strength of British 'power' lead to the pursuit of inappropriate foreign policy objectives? How was foreign policy affected by defence policy? What influence did the Treasury exert over high foreign policy? Did the influence of civil servants vary according to policy issues and the personalities involved? In what ways did the views of the departments responsible for economic matters differ from those in charge of defence policy on the priority attached to military expenditure? To what extent did the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence disagree on matters regarding Britain's overseas commitments and possessions? In answering such questions, this thesis casts new light on how Whitehall, between 1959 and 1968, reduced the scope of Britain's international commitments, redirecting the central thrust of British foreign policy away from extra-European commitments towards Europe.
30
Samokhvalov, Vsevolod. "Russian-European relations in the Balkans and the Black Sea region". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708856.
Texto completo da fonte
31
Uberoi, Varun. "Multicultural nation-building : a Canadian way to foster unity amongst British citizens". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670077.
Texto completo da fonte
32
Akinyeye, O. A. "Guarding the gateways British and French defence policies in West Africa, 1886-1945 /". Akoka, Yaba-Lagos, Nigeria : University of Lagos Press, 2003. http://books.google.com/books?id=lPpyAAAAMAAJ.
Texto completo da fonte
33
Lauro, Giovanna. "Preventing forced marriage : a comparative analysis of France and Great Britain". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34224256-4817-49fb-8b4c-4e5e9acb708c.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This study aims at ascertaining via a cross-country/cross-city comparison why different national contexts characterized by allegedly opposite ideologies concerning the incorporation of immigrants (namely, the British Race Relations/multicultural model and French republicanism) have led to the adoption of similar policy tools in the prevention of forced unions amongst young people of ethnic minority background. In order to do so, the study will examine French republican and British multicultural rhetoric and policies aimed at the prevention of forced marriage at different institutional levels, with a focus on the preventive role played by the educational sector and within a historical institutionalist theoretical framework. The comparison begins with a consideration of French and British national rhetoric and policies against forced marriage from 1997 to 2008 to develop an adequate framework for the analysis of the preventive role attributed to educational policies in four major localities (the capital cities, Paris and London, and the second two largest cities per population size, Lyon and Birmingham). Despite differences in the policies and rhetoric adopted by multicultural Britain and republican France to tackle forced unions, the study hypothesizes a common trend in the ways French and British public authorities conceptualize the practice of forced marriage - intended mainly as the product of cultural difference. Similarities in the conceptualization of the practice, in turn, have contributed to the identification of similar policy tools despite dissimilar institutional contexts. Such a hypothesis contrasts with one of the key claims of historical institutionalism, according to which dissimilar institutions lead to different policy outcomes across different countries. The study will introduce the role of ideas – in the form of frames (Bleich 2003) – as a tool to explain the reasons why French and British policies aimed at the prevention of forced unions have led to similar policy outcomes despite dissimilar institutional contexts.
34
Lehin, Barbara. "Cinema and society : Thatcher's Britain and Mitterand's France". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1249/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines the representation of society in British and French cinemas of the 1980s. In this comparative study, the choice of this particular decade was motivated by the coming to power of the Conservative Party in Britain and the Socialist Party in France. Since the two governments adopted 'extreme' policies increasing the strengths and weaknesses traditionally found in their film industries, British cinema struggled even harder while French cinema enjoyed a strong financial support from the state. A significant feature of these two national cinemas in relation to films about society was the predominance of the realist vein in Britain and the comedy genre in France. This generic discrepancy was highly influential in the way the two national cinemas referred to social issues in the 1980s and most scholars have argued that British cinema widely discussed the state of its society whereas, on the whole, French cinema avoided to do so. What this research hopefully demonstrates is that, despite different generic approaches, British and French cinemas equally contributed to depict their contemporary societies. To analyse how these two societies were represented on screen, three main areas are studied thematically: first people in power (public institutions and individuals), second the world of work, and third the family. After a brief summary of social issues in Britain and France in relation with the aforementioned themes, discussions of their filmic representations are based on the films themselves, the textual analysis of films taken as case studies and their critical reception. I will argue that in the 1980s, British cinema offered the overall image of a class-bound society where individuals - living side by side - were unable to escape their social fate. The paradox of this cinema made by a majority of left-wing filmmakers was that ultimately it favoured a rather traditional view of society. By contrast, my research shows that the idea of friendship and solidarity prevailed over economic and social hardship in French cinema. Although this depiction of society was largely consensual, it nevertheless opened the debate for social alternatives.
35
Prince, Graham. "The yellow peril in Britain, 1890-1920 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63845.
Texto completo da fonte
36
Packard, Edward Frederick. "Whitehall, industrial mobilisation and the private manufacture of armaments : British state-industry relations, 1918-1936". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/46/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the complex relationship between the British government and the domestic military-naval arms industry from the armistice in 1918 until the period of rearmament in the 1930s. Challenging traditional 'declinist' assumptions, it offers a multifaceted interpretation of the industry's strengths and weaknesses and its place in national security. In this regard, British governments always prioritised national interests over the private armament manufacturers' particular concerns and never formulated a specific policy to help them adjust to peacetime conditions. Indeed, the wartime experience of industrial mobilisation – the mass production of war material by ordinary firms – made specialist arms producers appear less important in supply planning: a view that proved more important than disarmament and retrenchment in damaging state-industry relations and, together with Britain's liberal economic traditions, helped to foster an enduring but exaggerated sense of relative weakness. Faced with the government's apparent indifference, the overextended arms industry underwent comprehensive internal reorganisation, led by Vickers and supported hesitantly by the Bank of England. This reduced the overall number of manufacturers but it also brought modernisation and a comparatively efficient nucleus for emergency expansion. Internationally, British firms retained a large share of the global arms market despite rising competition. Policymakers rarely accepted widespread public criticism that private armaments manufacture and trading were immoral but believed that the League of Nations' ambition to enforce all-encompassing international controls posed a far greater risk to British security. Although the government imposed unilateral arms trade regulations to facilitate political objectives, and was forced to address outraged popular opinion, neither seriously damaged the manufacturers' fortunes as the country moved towards rearmament. Indeed, the arms industry was never simply a victim of government policy but instead pursued an independent and ultimately successful peacetime strategy, before rearmament led to a cautious renewal of state-industry relations.
37
Blevins, Jeff T. (Jeff Taylor). "The British Foreign Office Views and the Making of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente, From the 1890s Through August 1907". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279078/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.
38
Cozens, Joseph Thomas. "The experience of soldiering : civil-military relations and popular protest in England, 1790-1805". Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16495/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Over the past three decades, historians of the long eighteenth century have emphasized both the stability of the British state and the progressive growth of national sentiment over the period. The enormous mobilization of manpower during the French Wars is often characterized as the culmination of this evolution. Arming to fight the French, it is argued, was a formative process, which encouraged greater social cohesion, and forged an overarching sense of national identity. This thesis will contend that the ‘Nation-in-Arms’ interpretation has been constructed at a considerable remove from the culture and lives of common people. Adopting a ‘history from below’ approach, it will re-evaluate the popular experience of mass arming, by focusing upon two relatively neglected branches of the armed forces, the army and militia. Three central themes have been selected for investigation: The recruitment process, the experience of soldiering in the home garrison, and the role of armed force in maintaining public order. It will be shown that, between 1790 and 1805, the government was faced by a mixture of popular ambivalence and hostility towards the raising of the army and militia. It will be demonstrated that economic privation was the preeminent cause of enlistment and that, once recruited, soldiers and militiamen retained their working-class attitudes, and viewed their service primarily as a contractual form of labour. The extent to which armed service was viewed as conditional and negotiable will be emphasized through an examination of the military crimes of mutiny and desertion. Finally, an analysis of military deployments during industrial protests and food riots will demonstrate that, during the French Wars, the state became much more reliant upon armed force for maintaining public order. By adopting a ‘history from below’ approach, the limits of social stability and social cohesion will be tested, and a richer, more variegated, understanding of the popular experience of mass-arming will be offered.
39
Peterson, Jody L. "Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
40
Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. "The British government's reception of, and reaction to, information from intra-German opposition to Hitler and other sources, 1938-1939 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68142.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
From 1938 to the outbreak of war in 1939, German opponents of Hitler made numerous contacts with the British government. While the information sent came from a variety of sources, most of the reports landed on the desk of Sir Robert Vansittart, the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office. His "internal-exile" to the position of Chief Diplomatic Advisor, as well as his personality conflicts with his successor, Sir Alexander Cadogan, and Lord Halifax, led to inefficient use of the information received from Germany. German warnings of Hitler's plans and ambitions, when listened to at all, were awkwardly and ineffectively incorporated into British foreign policy.
41
Mason, Andrea 1976. "Opponents of Hitler in search of foreign support : the foreign contacts of Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsäcker and Adam von Trott zu Solz, 1937-1940". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29516.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.
42
Lee, Kam Hing. "The sultanate of Aceh : relations with the British, 1760-1824 /". Kuala Lumpur ; New York : Oxford University Press, 1995. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0605/94032205-d.html.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Revision of the author's thesis (M.A.)--University of Malaya, 1968.Maps of Sumatra in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries on endpapers. Includes bibliographical references (p. [329]-339) and index.
43
Brough, Gideon John. "Medieval diplomatic history : France and the Welsh, 1163-1417". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/42434/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines French efforts to project their power onto Britain during the Middle Ages, engaging the Welsh as their partners. The subsequent chapters contribute fresh analysis on a range of leaders and periods. This has been done using new theories, particularly military ones, and pushes the boundaries of this area of studies. The concepts of ‘bracketing alliances’ and the strategy of ‘cultivate and eradicate’ have been introduced and applied to this research. In addition, the thesis includes works not commonly found in such a study; reaching outside the field to help clarify points of analysis. For example, Sun Tzu has been included to demonstrate that medieval rulers were practising the most effective methods of warfare, as we recognise them today. Also, by applying modern diplomatic theory, such as ‘Soft Power’, this research not only gives these ideas a wider conceptual use but also connects and makes relevant medieval events to the modern world. On a broader level, these French-Welsh links demand wider exposure, whether from the perspective of the French attempting to articulate their power within Britain or the Welsh playing a role on the continental stage. This thesis presents new perceptions of these leaders, the conflicts of their times, their diplomatic initiatives and the power relations of the age. Its primary thrusts, therefore, are the dissection of the form and impact of these diplomatic and military relations, focussing on French efforts to project their power onto Britain at moments when friendship was co-ordinated with Welsh leaders. In recognition of the many subjects researched, and to borrow shamelessly from William of Malmesbury, and certainly others, I give note; ‘uolo enim hoc opus esse multarum historiarum breuiarium.’1
44
Jensdóttir, Sólrún B. "Anglo-Icelandic relations during the First World War". New York : Garland Pub, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/13823571.html.
Texto completo da fonte
45
Elliot-Cooper, Adam. "The struggle that has no name : race, space and policing in post-Duggan Britain". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efad2ea-75e2-4a54-a479-b3b2b265e827.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.
46
Scott, Sarah. "British foreign policy towards Syria : its importance, its distinctiveness and its relations to the policy of other actors in the region". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9903.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis explores the dynamics involved in shaping the Anglo-Syrian relationship. It argues that to understand UK relations towards Syria over the past century, they have to be viewed in the broader context of British policy on Middle East regional issues, and wider foreign policy priorities. With no direct interests invested in Syria, it is both Britain's continued involvement in Middle East affairs and Syria's standing as a key regional power that assures a continuing relationship. Consequently, the stance of leading UK politicians on the issues of post-World War regional order, international terrorism, military interventionism, arms sales, dictatorship and democratisation have circumscribed UK policy options in relation to Syria. Using the tools of Neoclassical realism this study considers British foreign policy behaviour, in terms of Britain's attempt to mobilize the power to protect its interests. It reviews Britain's international behaviour in part by how it is affected by changes in the international system, as Britain has declined from being a great imperial power, to a European power. Alliances are a key tool Britain has used to manage its decline, and this study identifies the impact that this has had on Anglo-Syrian relations with particular reference to the US and EU. Finally, it demonstrates that understanding how the foreign policy process works in Britain is key to understanding its international behaviour. In this it takes into account elite perceptions both of what these interests are and how best Britain can achieve them. This adds a layer of understanding as to why foreign policy outcomes do not always conform with what would be predicted purely in terms of the pursuit of the national interest.
47
Bàtonyi, Gàbor. "Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1932". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4364e5ed-bbf2-44c3-8d4b-587cb14f69cc.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis is a study of British policy towards three Central European states in the wake of World War I. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the continual British attempts to promote a union or at least economic cooperation in 'Danubia'. The first section concerns Anglo-Austrian relations. Chapter I. deals with British plans for the federalisation of the Habsburg Monarchy during the war. Chapter II. compares the Austrian policy of the British Delegation in Paris, the Foreign Office in London, and the Military Representative in Vienna. Chapter III. explains British involvement in the reconstruction of Austria. Chapter IV. traces the reasons for British disentanglement from Austrian affairs after the failed * Eastern Locarno'. The second section deals with the x special relationship' between London and Budapest. Chapter I. highlights the role of two British individuals in exploding the x Hungarian myth' in London. Chapter II. shows how the Bolshevik Revolution affected British diplomatic activities in Hungary. Chapter III. documents British involvement in the establishment of the Horthy regime. Chapter IV. analyses the impact of Anglo-French rivalry in Budapest on the whole of Central Europe. Chapter V. elaborates on British economic policy and the rehabilitation of the 'Pariah of the New Europe'. Chapter VI. illustrates the gradual cooling in Anglo-Hungarian relations. The third section concerns Czechoslovakia. Chapter I. examines the conflict between Czechophiles and Czechophobes in London. Chapter II. is an account of British efforts to prevent French domination in Prague. Chapter III. deals with the manoeuvres of Benes in London and Paris, and the cooling in Anglo-Czech relations. Chapter IV. explores the origins of British indifference towards Czechoslovakia, which resulted in the Munich crisis. The thesis concludes that Britain lost interest in Central Europe because of its failed efforts to promote reconcilation in the Danubian triangle.
48
Kelly, Saul Mark Barrett. "Great Britain, the United States and the question of the Italian colonies, 1940-1952". Thesis, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283688.
Texto completo da fonte
49
Jenks, Timothy David. "Naval engagements : patriotism, cultural politics, and the Royal Navy 1793 - 1815 /". Oxford [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0616/2006021302.html.
Texto completo da fonte
50
Stewart, Ian. "Titans of the early world : Celtic ideas and national thought in Britain, Ireland, and France, 1700-1900". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3687/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis provides a coherent history of Celtic ideas in the modern era. Combining intellectual and cultural history in a transnational framework, it has two main aims. The first is to chart the transformation of perceptions of the Celts from those of a sought-after European ancestor to those of a marginalised people living on the ‘fringes’ of western Europe over the longue durée of 1700-1900. The second aim is to illustrate the wider intellectual, cultural, and political ramifications of this protracted ideological shift. I examine the scholarship of antiquarians, historians, philologists, race scientists, and other intellectuals of all stripes, before investigating how Celtic cultural nationalist movements grew out of these ideas and remained anchored in them. With the racialisation of nations and the cultural shift wherein the nation became a salient political consideration in the period c.1780-c.1820, Celtic ideas were no longer mere passive descriptors of nations, their particular pasts, and their places within wider European history, but active connectors of peoples with both their history and their supposed national destiny. Developments in scholarship combined with the changing imperatives of national thought led to the emergence of an archetypal Celtic image around 1830, where ‘the Celts’ became usefully politicised by both English chauvinists and Celtic nationalists alike. This era also saw the beginnings of Pan-Celticism, where race, far from being used to castigate the Celts, became a central pillar around which members of the different Celtic nations rallied. Tracing Celtic ideological vicissitudes over this longue durée serves as a case-study for how national thought and its conceptual relatives evolved over the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, following the early-modern squabbles over Celtic ancestry through to the early-twentieth century Pan-Celtic movement, the version of Celticism we have inherited more or less intact today.