Bibliografias temáticas / Great Britain – Relations – France

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 4 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013914-3.

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The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.
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Lungu, E. V. "Constitutional Legal Relations Constructs in the Law of Germany, Great Britain and France". Lex Russica 76, n.º 2 (2 de março de 2023): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2023.195.2.113-121.

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The science of constitutional law lacks universal theoretical approach to constitutional legal relations; each state independently determines the goals, object and subject of constitutional legal relations. At the same time, the same subjects in different conditions existing in different national legal systems can act as objects and subjects of legal relations. The constitutional legal relations constructs under consideration do not consider a nation as an equal participant in these legal relations. Their role in all of the presented constructs is limited both in terms of the circle of persons and the possibilities to enter into constitutional legal relations as a subject. It can be argued that, despite the difference in approaches to the object and subject composition of legal relations, in Germany, Great Britain and France, such legal relations between public authorities can exist only in a normally developing state (a state that is not under pressure from any crisis or epidemic).The author draws her conclusion based on an analysis of the basic constructs of legal relations, which in Russian legal science are usually referred to as constitutional legal relations. The author’s choice of constructs developed in Germany, Great Britain and France is due to the wide spread in the world of scientific views formed within the framework of the national scientific schools of these states, as well as the influence of the philosophy of law of Germany and France on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Russia.The author pays special attention to the prevalence of Karl Schmitt’s views on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Europe and North America in terms of intolerance of dissent, the assumption of constitutional dictatorship, the strengthening of executive power at the expense of the legislature.
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Kharkovsky, Ruslan. "Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s)". ISTORIYA 13, n.º 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.

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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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Gipson, Ronnie R. "Signposts Signify Troubled Waters Ahead for Taiwan-U.S. Relations". American Journal of Trade and Policy 9, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2022): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v9i2.624.

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The issue of Taiwan's independence and protection is reminiscent of Poland’s position in the late 1930s, facing unbridled aggression from Nazi Germany. Great Britain and France promised to declare war if Germany attacked Poland. However, after Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939, neither Great Britain nor France deployed troops to Polish soil to rebuff the attack and restore Poland’s sovereignty. The promise of assistance was an empty promise that the Polish people paid dearly. History teaches us that an ambiguous assistance policy will not stop naked aggression. A firmer stance and a more transparent approach are warranted from a diplomatic standpoint. This article is an essay that sets forth and supports the premise that the United States should clarify and strengthen its position of support for Taiwanese independence. Preprint (November 18, 2021). Available at SSRN: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3939120
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Chernomorova, T. "Regional Innovation Policies in Great Britain". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 4 (2012): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-93-104.

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United Kingdom (along with the United States and France) is among the countries that in their innovation policies focus on the leadership in science, on the implementation of large-scale projects, on covering all stages of the innovation cycle, usually with a significant amount of research and innovative capacity-building in the military field. The article is devoted to the development of science, technology and innovation in the UK, which is one of the main priorities of the economic policy of the British government. According to announced plans, the country should maintain and strengthen its leading position in the field of advanced technologies.
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Englund, Jon, e Stephen Aubin. "The JCS and congress: Lessons from France and Great Britain". Comparative Strategy 6, n.º 3 (janeiro de 1987): 305–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495938708402717.

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Nesterova, T. P. "Ethiopia and Great Powers in Final Stage of Italo-Ethiopian War (March — May 1936)". Nauchnyi dialog 12, n.º 8 (30 de outubro de 2023): 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-438-454.

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This article examines the political situation that emerged in international relations after Germany’s remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, and the impact this event had on the development of the Italo-Ethiopian War in both political and military spheres. Published diplomatic documents from Italy, France, the Soviet Union, and the League of Nations are studied. It is argued that the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland significantly diminished the interest of major powers in the Italo-Ethiopian War and brought to the forefront their desire for “Italy’s return to Europe,” as both France and Britain were interested in involving Italy in countering Germany and protecting Austria’s independence. Based on the examined documents, it is concluded that France and Britain sought to resolve the conflict through concessions from Ethiopia, as a realistic approach to international relations led to the belief that Ethiopia could not achieve a military victory, especially after its attempt to strike at Italy’s armed forces resulted in defeat at the Battle of Maychew. The capture of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and the exile of Emperor Haile Selassie I effectively destroyed any prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, despite Ethiopia’s attempts to act through the structures of the League of Nations.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany: on the Way to June 22, 1941". Contemporary Europe 99, n.º 6 (1 de novembro de 2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.

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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War
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Katkova, S. "THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE NATIONAL PUBLIC RELATIONS INDUSTRY IN ITALY". East European Scientific Journal 5, n.º 4(68) (14 de maio de 2021): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/essa.2782-1994.2021.5.68.32.

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The article notes the main characteristics for different schools of PR (such as schools of the USA, Great Britain, France and Germany), but it is devoted to a retrospective analysis of the institutionalization of the professional public relations industry in Italy in the 1950s-1980s. The formation and development of the professional PR-community is considered through the prism of socio-economic and political conditions in the country.
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Trusova, Mariya A. "The evolution of Western Powers’ perceptions of the Soviet-German relations in 1918–1924". Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, n.º 1 (21 de março de 2024): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-73-79.

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On the basis of the study of the Documents of foreign policy of Great Britain, France and the United States the author identifies the main stages of Soviet and German relations in the socalled Rapallo period. Eachstage has its own features of the perception and their prospects by these countries. The author concludes that Western countries’ assessments of German-Soviet relations are interdependent and interconnected with their foreign policy and foreign economic decisions.
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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.

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Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.

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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
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Serodes, Fabrice. "Au-dela des lieux communs : dirigeants francais et britanniques face a l'anglophobie de Fachoda a Mers el-Kebir". Thesis, University of Salford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492388.

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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Nielsen, Steen Aage. "Anglo-French relations, 1958-1963 : a study of great power rivalry with special reference to NATO and Europe". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324617.

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This thesis is the study of Great Power nvaliy during 1958-1963, a period of both increasing political and economic cooperation in Western Europe and transatlantic relations within NATO against a background of the Cold War France and Britain are the focus of our analysis. The two states show the same characteristics in this period: Both powers had come out of World War H as victors and, despite having been much weakened by the war, had won an international status a Great Powers thanks to a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council. They were both colonial powers tiying to adjust to a new world order based on East-West bipolarity and the domination of the two super-powers. Against a background of international decline from pre-war power, both France and Britain were looking for new ways to secure their rank and international influence through both NATO and the EEC, while trying to adapt to a changed bi-polar and post-colonial world order. NATO and Europe are therefore the main issue area of this thesis, which is structured as a series of studies into the main areas of Anglo-French rivalry in the above period. We show that the real reasons for failed negotiations - whether over the Free Trade Area, tripartism in NATO, or British membership of the EEC - are to be found in Great Power rivahy for a leading place in Europe. We thus contend that Anglo-French political rivalry ultimately led to a breakdown of negotiations, rather than any of the negotiations themselves breaking down, and that NATO affairs and European affairs were closely linked. Each state failed to accept the other within its respective sphere of influence, since each had mutually exclusive interests, a factor which in the end, despite sincere efforts in both Paris and London, wrecked Anglo-French cooperation on Europe and NATO and thus prevented the two states from working together on restoring their declining international rank.
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Balint, Robert. "The ecclesiastical policy of King Henry III of England : episcopal appointments, 1226-1272". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16347.

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Heuser, Beatrice. "Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.

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When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
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Kurth, Audrey Ellen. "The great powers and the struggle over Austria, 1945-1955". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f40b09b1-bf96-40d4-b725-8bc5c0a1018a.

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The Austrian State Treaty, achieved after ten years of occupation of Austria by France, Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union, is a frequently cited example of the triumph of painstaking diplomacy between the great powers, but it can more accurately be depicted as the result of unilateral actions by the negotiating countries, particularly the Soviet Union. Careful examination of the records of the negotiations as well as available policy documents of the participants reveals that the highly publicized negotiations gradually became a sophisticated charade for the benefit of European and domestic audiences, while the critical decisions were made elsewhere. Indeed, as Europe grew increasingly polarized very little actual bargaining occurred between East and West; the Austrian negotiations became merely a forum for unilateral action. Thus, in describing the search for Austrian independence, the thesis is not simply a reiteration of the three hundred and seventy-nine meetings of the Foreign Ministers and Foreign Ministers' Deputies for Austria. Rather, it is a uniquely encapsulated version of the course of the Gold War in the ten critical years following the Second World War. The purpose of the thesis is to study, through the prism of British and American documents, the behaviour of the four great powers in the struggle to determine the future of Austria. Examining allied behaviour towards this small but strategically important country, and understanding how the Austrians came to choose a third way between East and West, sheds light upon the great power arrangements in Europe which have persisted to this day.
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Coudray, Pierre Louis. "Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique". Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.

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Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandis que le deuxième se penche sur l’image des soldats irlandais dans la presse des deux côtés de la Manche à la même période. Le troisième explique comment ces hommes sont devenus au fil du temps une troupe reconnue par ses pairs dans l’armée royale, tandis que le quatrième explore les stratégies mises en place par les militaires irlandais et leurs familles pour intégrer la société d’accueil. Ces deux chapitres montrent également le déclin de la présence effective d’Irlandais dans la Brigade. La question de la mémoire de la bataille de Fontenoy est au coeur du cinquième et du sixième chapitre qui étudient minutieusement la part des Irlandais dans la journée du 11 mai 1745 et le rôle des écrits du XIXe siècle dans la naissance d’une identité militaire proprement irlandaise. L’étude se focalise sur des sources contemporaines des faits pour le premier et des documents anglais, français et irlandais datant du XIXe siècle pour le second
This PhD is a chronological study of the military presence of Irishmen in Franceunder the Ancien Regime linked to an analysis of the myth surrounding the Irish Brigade in the18th century. Based on primary sources, some of which have been hitherto unpublished, the firstfour chapters propose an historical framework of the Irish military community and thesometimes difficult but progressive acculturation of its members. The first chapter focuses onthe writings of the French elite as well as popular literature from England about the Irish in the“War of the three kings”, while the second one is about the image of the Irish soldiers in thepress on both sides of the Channel during the same period. The third one explains how thesemen came to be recognised by their peers as a valuable unit in the French royal army and thefourth one explores the tactics used by Irish militarymen and their families to integrate intoFrench society. These two chapters also show the gradual decline of the actual presence ofIrishmen within the ranks of the Brigade. The question of the memory attached to the battle ofFontenoy is at the very core of the fifth and sixth chapters where the part played by Irishmenon the 11th of May 1745 is minutely studied. The birth of a distinct Irish military identity in19th century writings is also discussed. The study focuses on 18th century sources for the fifthchapter and 19th century sources from France, England and Ireland for the sixth
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Taylor, Craig David. "'La querelle Anglaise' : diplomatic and legal debate during the Hundred Years War, with an edition of the polemical treatise 'Pour ce que plusieurs' (1464)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39d8aa2a-182a-44ec-afb4-cc922b6b8305.

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This dissertation offers a study of the fifteenth century French polemical treatises written by authors such as Jean de Montreuil, Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Noël de Fribois and Robert Blondel, together with an edition of perhaps the most important of these works, Pour ce que plusieurs (1464). This treatise may have been written by Guillaume Cousinot II, who had been personally involved in the events surrounding the attack upon Fougères in 1449, a subject addressed in highly partial terms by this text; moreover, Cousinot had visited the Lancastrians in exile in Scotland, which might explain how Sir John Fortescue was able to learn of Jean Juvénal's Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant roy (1446), and how Pource que plusieurs in turn drew upon the pamphlets of Fortescue. The polemical texts went beyond moral and chivalric discussion of the war, to address the complex legal and historical issues underpinning the conflict. In response to the English claim to the French throne, Jean de Montreuil adopted the Salic Law, a highly dubious and problematic authority, but one that achieved great fame particularly through the influence of Pour ce que plusieurs. Similarly, the polemical writers rejected English demands for Aquitaine and Normandy in full sovereignty by arguing that no French king could alienate the sovereign rights of the crown. In the sixteenth century, both of these principles were elevated to the status of Fundamental Laws. These texts were not intended to serve as propaganda, but were generally produced by royal officials to serve as manuals for their fellow administrators and diplomats, and perhaps also for the king and other members of the court involved in negotiations with the English. Only in exceptional circumstances were such works disseminated beyond the narrow circles of the government and court, though royal officials did draw upon them when speaking at public assemblies.
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Livros sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Antoine, Capet, ed. Britain, France, and the Entente Cordiale since 1904. Basingstoke [England]: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Milner, Susan. Comparative employment relations: France, Germany and Britain. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Ruoff, E. G. Calamitious conflict: The neighbors, Great Britain, France, Mexico, Canada. [United States]: E.G. Ruoff, 2005.

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Bell, P. M. H. France and Britain, 1900-1940: Entente and estrangement. London: Longman, 1996.

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Glyn, Stone, e Otte Thomas G. 1967-, eds. Anglo-French relations since the late eighteenth century. London: New York, 2008.

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Woodhouse, Roger. British policy towards France, 1945-51. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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1959-, Maclean Mairi, e Trouille Jean-Marc 1956-, eds. France, Germany, and Britain: Partners in a changing world. New York: Palgrave, in association with Anglo-German Foundation for the Study of Industrial Society, 2001.

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Philippe, Chassaigne, e Dockrill M. L, eds. Anglo-French relations, 1898-1998: From Fashoda to Jospin. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2002.

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éd, Bonnaud Laurent, ed. France-Angleterre: Un siècle d'Entente cordiale, 1904-2004. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004.

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The collapse of the Anglo-French alliance, 1727-1731. Gloucester [U.K.]: A. Sutton, 1987.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Lescent-Giles, Isabelle. "The ‘Mésentente Cordiale’: Economic Relations between France and Great Britain since 1945". In Anglo-French Relations 1898–1998, 138–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907127_12.

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Barozet, Emmanuelle, Marcelo Boado e Ildefonso Marqués-Perales. "The Measurement of Social Stratification: Comparative Perspectives Between Europe and Latin America". In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 171–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_6.

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AbstractThis chapter analyses compared social stratification in three Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) and four European countries (Finland, France, Spain, Great Britain). We focus on both external and internal borders of social classes, as well as on the challenges posed by their analysis for sociology. We compare social classes using EGP6 in relation to a variety of social indicators, to examine how social classes vary among countries. We include debates on production models and welfare state policies to understand the specific configurations and compare the conditions of some of the INCASI countries regarding social stratification. Lastly, we apply a latent class analysis to validate the number of social classes and to recognise class boundaries.
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Roberts, B. C. "Great Britain". In Industrial Relations in Europe, 100–136. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-5.

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Roberts, David B., e Cinzia Bianco. "Great Britain–Gulf relations". In External Powers and the Gulf Monarchies, 56–73. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018. | Series: Rethinking Asia and international relations: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315110394-4.

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Panigyrakis, George G. "The role of Public Relations Managers in Consumer PRODUCTS Companies in Great Britain, Ireland, France and Greece: A Comparison Study of Demographic Individual Characteristics and Job-Related Attitudes". In Proceedings of the 1994 Academy of Marketing Science (AMS) Annual Conference, 167–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13162-7_42.

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Bermant, Azriel. "Israel and Great Britain". In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations, 290–303. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-27.

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Marlowe, John. "Great Britain and Mohamed Ali". In Anglo - Egyptian Relations 1800-1956, 30–60. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003347071-2.

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Aridan, Natan. "Israel and Great Britain 1948–1973". In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations, 104–17. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-11.

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Gregory, Abigail, e Jan Windebank. "Gender Relations: Progress and Policy". In Women's Work in Britain and France, 144–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598515_6.

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Davis, Richard. "Britain, France and the German Problem". In Anglo-French Relations Before the Second World War, 127–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403932754_10.

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Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Ragulskaya, M., e E. Tekutskaya. "Solar-terrestrial relations: solar activity and the COVID-19 pandemic". In ASTRONOMY AT THE EPOCH OF MULTIMESSENGER STUDIES. Proceedings of the VAK-2021 conference, Aug 23–28, 2021. Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51194/vak2021.2022.1.1.130.

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COVID-19 pandemic took the start at the lows of the 11-year and quasi-century solar cycle. The genogeographic character-istics of the population have become one of the significant factors determining the development of the local epidemics. Thelargest number of victims per 1 million inhabitants is recorded in the territories with a dominant haplogroup R1b: Italy,Spain, France, Belgium, Great Britain, and the United States. The R1a haplogroup is characterized by the rapid develop-ment of the COVID-19 pandemic with low mortality and a large number of asymptomatic patients (Russia, Germany, andIran). The level of herd immunity achieved through vaccination also depends on the genetic makeup of the population andsolar activity. Its value is highest for countries with a dominant haplogroup R1b (about 80% for haplogroup R1b versus40% for haplogroup N). The resulting effect can be associated with the generation of reactive oxygen species and affectedhuman adaptive capabilities.
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Khizriyev, A. Kh. "The Creation of the United Saudi State in the Context of International Relations in the 1920s-1930s". In IV Международный научный форум "Наследие". SB RAS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-6049863-7-0-66-71.

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The article studies the most crucial period in the history of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) – the emergence of the third Saudi state. This event was one of the immediate results of World War I since the winners – Great Britain and France – redrawn the Middle East map after the Ottoman Empire's dissolution. Its founder, Abdel-Aziz ibn Saud, played a vital role in creating the Saudi state. His personal leadership and diplomatic qualities influenced the success of restoring the Saudi state in the Arabian Peninsula. Nevertheless, the great powers were the main actors in this event and used it to create a political balance in the Middle East and gain their goals and interests in the region. Despite their prominent role in this process, they failed to obtain any significant benefits since the emergence of the Saudi state, and the policy of King Abdel-Aziz opened the door for the infiltration of American oil companies into the Middle East. Competing with British companies, they succeeded and eventually strengthened the political and economic influence of the USA in the Arab world.
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Lasitsa, Lubov. "Stereotypes Of Russian Students About Great Britain And France". In Philological Readings. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.04.02.29.

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Mahendra, Gerald Fatya, e Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "Culture and National Identity Analysis: The Background of Great Britain Involvement in Iran’s Nuclear Deal". In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279104840488.

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MacLeod, N., V. Barry, N. Cowton, M. McGuckin e V. Temerko. "The design and development of a 2000MW HVDC interconnector between Great Britain and France". In 15th IET International Conference on AC and DC Power Transmission (ACDC 2019). Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/cp.2019.0001.

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Lin, Regina. "The Relations between Infrastructure Investments and Imbalance Regional Economic Development in Great Britain". In 24th Annual European Real Estate Society Conference. European Real Estate Society, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres2017_261.

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Bokorová, Patricia, Denisa Čiderová e Tímea Fusatá. "THE GLOBALISATION, SPILLOVER AND SUSTAINABILITY PROFILE OF FRANCE AND THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND". In 17th International Bata Conference for Ph.D. Students and Young Researchers. Tomas Bata University in Zlín, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7441/dokbat.2021.07.

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Перова, Полина Валерьевна. "THE SPECIFICS OF THE INTERACTION OF PRIVATE MILITARY-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX FIRMS IN GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY". In Socio-economics sciences & humanities (Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки): сборник статей LXX International scientific conference (Санкт-Петербург, Июнь 2023). Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/230626.2023.69.87.002.

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Представляется проблема взаимодействия экономических субъектов, часто находящихся в подчинении у конкурирующих политических надсистем. В качестве основных исторических примеров для анализа выделены связи фирм ВПК Германии и Великобритании. The problem of interaction of economic entities, often subordinate to competing political suprasystems, is presented. As the main historical examples for the analysis, the relations of the military-industrial complex firms of Germany and Great Britain are highlighted.
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Marinković, Milica. "THE ESTABLISHMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF RAILWAYS IN FRANCE". In International scientific conference challenges and open issues of service law. Vol. 2. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxmajsko2.035m.

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The author gives an overview of the origin and development of railways in France. Created first for the needs of the mining industry, the railway quickly found its way into all branches of industry. Not only did the railway help the development of industry, but some economic branches, such as tourism, would not even exist in the form we know today without the railway. The development of railways and economy went hand in hand. By analyzing legal texts and decrees, as well as scientific papers from the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries, the author gives a picture of the place of the railway in the economic and personal life of France and the French. The state of France changed several different regimes during the 19th century, but the railway network, as a strategic asset, was continuously expanded over the decades. Unlike other liberal countries of the 19th century, such as Great Britain and the United States of America, in France the state apparatus had an active role in planning and regulating the railways.
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Musca, Rossano, e Lazar Bizumic. "Primary Frequency Control in the Power System of Continental Europe including the Dynamics of the HVDC Link France-Great Britain". In 2020 AEIT International Annual Conference (AEIT). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/aeit50178.2020.9241172.

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Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Great Britain – Relations – France"

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Tritten, James J., e Luigi Donolo. A Doctrine Reader: The Navies of United States, Great Britain France, Italy, and Spain (Newport Paper, Number 9). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, dezembro de 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada568951.

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Drury, J., S. Arias, T. Au-Yeung, D. Barr, L. Bell, T. Butler, H. Carter et al. Public behaviour in response to perceived hostile threats: an evidence base and guide for practitioners and policymakers. University of Sussex, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/vjvt7448.

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Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.
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