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1
Smith, Evan. "National Liberation for Whom? The Postcolonial Question, the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the Party’s African and Caribbean Membership". International Review of Social History 61, n.º 2 (29 de julho de 2016): 283–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000249.
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AbstractThe Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had a long tradition of anti-colonial activism since its foundation in 1920 and had been a champion of national liberation within the British Empire. However, the Party also adhered to the idea that Britain’s former colonies, once independent, would want to join a trade relationship with their former coloniser, believing that Britain required these forms of relationship to maintain supplies of food and raw materials. This position was maintained into the 1950s until challenged in 1956–1957 by the Party’s African and Caribbean membership, seizing the opportunity presented by the fallout of the political crises facing the CPGB in 1956. I argue in this article that this challenge was an important turning point for the Communist Party’s view on issues of imperialism and race, and also led to a burst of anti-colonial and anti-racist activism. But this victory by its African and Caribbean members was short-lived, as the political landscape and agenda of the CPGB shifted in the late 1960s.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., e Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES". Historical Search 2, n.º 2 (25 de junho de 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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McConnel, Katie. "The Centrepiece of Colonial Queensland's Celebration and Commemoration of Royalty and Empire: Government House, Brisbane". Queensland Review 16, n.º 2 (julho de 2009): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005080.
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Her Majesty's birthday was right royally celebrated last evening by His Excellency the Governor on the occasion of the annual birthday ball at government house.‘Royalty’ and ‘Empire’ were, throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. of supreme significance to all the Australian colonies. While each colony was well integrated within the Imperial framework, they remained largely reliant on the economic and geopolitical management of the British Empire. Though different colonial/national identities developed in Australia, the colonies' economic, military and diplomatic dependence on Britain strongly orientated them towards the Queen and ‘home’. Colonial Governors served as the vital link between the colonies and both the Imperial government and the Queen of the British Empire. Appointed by Britain and entrusted with the same rights, powers and privileges as the Queen, the role of Governor was one of great influence and authority.
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Newman, Simon P. "Freedom-Seeking Slaves in England and Scotland, 1700–1780*". English Historical Review 134, n.º 570 (outubro de 2019): 1136–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez292.
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Abstract This essay explores the experiences of enslaved people who sought to escape their bondage in England and Scotland during the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century. It argues that, while the conditions of their servitude in Britain may appear closer to those of white British servants than those of enslaved plantation labourers in the colonies, the experiences of these people were conditioned by the experiences of and the threat of return to colonial enslavement. For some successful Britons an enslaved serving boy was a visible symbol of success, and a great many enslaved men, women, youths and children were brought to Great Britain during the eighteenth century. Some accompanied visiting colonists and ships’ officers, while others came to Britain with merchants, planters, clergymen and physicians who were returning home. Some of the enslaved sought to seize freedom by escaping. Utilising newspaper advertisements placed by owners seeking the capture and return of these runaways (as well as advertisements offering enslaved people for sale), the essay demonstrates that many such people were regarded by their masters and mistresses as enslaved chattel property. Runaways were often traumatised by New World enslavement, and all too aware that they might easily be sold or returned to the horrors of Caribbean and American slavery: improved work conditions in Britain did not lessen the psychological and physical effects of enslavement from which they sought to escape.
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Ghammaz, Saif Al Deen Lutfi Ali Al. "Revisiting William J. Shakespeare’s The Tempest From a Colonial and Postcolonial Lens". Theory and Practice in Language Studies 13, n.º 6 (1 de junho de 2023): 1373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1306.05.
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The current paper shows colonialism as a concept and how European countries have created colonies in Australia, Asia, Africa, and America, capturing and overexploiting the colonies’ natural resources and dominating the colonies’ natives. The new nation discoveries accomplished by Europeans stuck in Shakespeare’s mind, naming these discoveries the “New World”. Shakespeare’s The Tempest approaches Prospero’s colonial attitude and Caliban’s postcolonial standpoint. With that being said, this paper aims to demonstrate that Shakespeare stands in the middle making no approval or disapproval of the European colonization. The Tempest by Shakespeare can be reviewed from a colonial and postcolonial lens. Fanon (1991) establishes that violence-based struggle is a component of the decolonization process represented by Caliban. Towards the end of the paper, key related interpretations of India’s overexploitation by Great Britain are adopted to make a piece of evidence that one of the deadly sins of European history rests in colonialism.
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Saul, Samir. "Les pouvoirs publics métropolitains face à la Dépression: La Conférence économique de la France métropolitaine et d’Outre-Mer (1934–1935)". French Colonial History 12 (1 de maio de 2011): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938215.
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Abstract With the Depression eroding France’s foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to convene an imperial conference in order to seek solutions based on the consolidation of economic ties with the Empire, Inspiration came partly from the conference held in Ottawa in 1932 by Great Britain and its Dominions. The aim of the Paris gathering was to promote increased exports to the colonies as a substitute to foreign markets lost during the downswing. Likewise, importers were encouraged to buy from the colonies, rather than from foreign countries, thereby raising the purchasing power of the colonial population and its ability to import French goods. Although the program to institute a coordinated imperial economy appeared logical in principle, its implementation was complicated by economic realities and the non-complementary character of the metropolitan and the colonial economies.
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STANZIANI, ALESSANDRO. "Local Bondage in Global Economies: Servants, wage earners, and indentured migrants in nineteenth-century France, Great Britain, and the Mascarene Islands". Modern Asian Studies 47, n.º 4 (28 de fevereiro de 2013): 1218–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000698.
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AbstractThis paper compares the definitions, practices, and legal constraints on labour in Britain, France, Mauritius, and Reunion Island in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It argues that the way in which indentured labour was defined and practised in the colonies was linked to the definition and practice of wage labour in Europe and that their development was interconnected. The types of bondage that existed in the colonies were extreme forms of the notion, practices, and rules of labour in Europe. It would have been impossible to develop the indenture contract in the British and French empires if wage earners in Britain and France had not been servants. The conceptions and practices of labour in Europe and its main colonies influenced each other and were part of a global dynamic.
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Khakhalkina, Elena. "Windrush Generation in the Context of the Modern Development of Multiracial Great Britain". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 6 (2022): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018792-9.
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The author focuses on events related to the understanding of the role and place of immigrants from the West-India in modern multiracial society in Britain that have been largely unexplored in Russian historical scholarship. The first part of the article provides a brief historical outline relating to the arrival in the United Kingdom in 1948 of the ship “Empire Windrush”, which symbolised the beginning of mass immigration into the country. The second part of the article analyses the parliamentary discussions on the commemorative events of the 70th anniversary and the social and political scandal that arose on the eve of the celebration. The author pays particular attention to clarifying the controversial question in the political discourse in the United Kingdom as to what the true reason was for the surge of immigration from colonies and countries that gained their sovereign status after the Second World War. The third part provides an overview of the settlement of the scandal and the problem of monetary compensation to the affected citizens. Sources include debates in both Houses of Parliament, Cabinet documents, and statistical data. Historical-genetic, comparative and structural-functional analysis became the research methods. The author concludes that the wide public and political resonance of the anniversary celebrations and all related events reflects the complexity and multifaceted nature of the problem of migrant integration and the reconfiguration of the existing model of national identity of Great Britain, the “outlier” element of which is the attitude towards the colonial and post-colonial past of the country. Against the backdrop of debates in Parliament, there was a demand from various ethnic groups, including those represented in the political establishment, for recognition of their real contribution to the development of the United Kingdom, an inclusive environment, and multiracial diversity. The outlined topics clarify the features of the migration picture in Great Britain and bring about an understanding of fundamental questions about the essence of British identity.
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Taylor, James. "A social history of company law: Great Britain and the Australian colonies, 1854–1920". Business History 52, n.º 5 (agosto de 2010): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2010.500167.
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Schwanda. "The Protestant Reception of Jan Hus in Great Britain and the American Colonies". Journal of Moravian History 16, n.º 2 (2016): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.16.2.0065.
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PICKARD, JOHN. "Wire Fences in Colonial Australia: Technology Transfer and Adaptation, 1842–1900". Rural History 21, n.º 1 (5 de março de 2010): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793309990136.
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AbstractAfter reviewing the development of wire fencing in Great Britain and the United States of America in the early nineteenth century, I examine the introduction of wire into Australia using published sources only. Wire was available in the colonies from the early 1850s. The earliest published record of a wire fence was on Phillip Island near Melbourne (Victoria) in 1842. Almost a decade passed before wire was used elsewhere in Victoria and the other eastern colonies. Pastoralists either sought information on wire fences locally or from agents in Britain. Local agents of British companies advertised in colonial newspapers from the early 1850s, with one exceptional record in 1839. Once wire was adopted, pastoralists rejected iron posts used in Britain, preferring cheaper wood posts cut from the property. The most significant innovation was to increase post spacings with significant cost savings. Government and the iron industry played no part in these innovations, which were achieved through trial-and-error by pastoralists. The large tonnages of wire imported into Australia and the increasing demand did not stimulate local production of wire, and there were no local wire mills until 1911.
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Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: II, Britons And Americans". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (dezembro de 1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679390.
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In my address last year I tried to offer some explanations for the great change of direction in Britain's territorial empire in the second half of the eighteenth century: the failure of empire over much of North America coinciding with the beginnings of great acquisitions in India. I would like now to look more closely at the American débâcle. In trying to account for it, I stressed the yawning gap between British ambitions as they developed from mid-century and any capacity to realise them in the colonies, where, in the absence of a strong imperial presence or adequate machinery to enforce metropolitan wishes, the effective working of the empire depended on the willingness of local populations to co-operate. In the 1760s the majority of the colonial elites refused to co-operate with what they regarded as new departures from the long-established constitutional conventions of the empire. British attempts to resolve the ensuing crisis by armed coercion were to be frustrated in seven years of unsuccessful war.
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Baker, Charles Richard. "What can Thomas Jefferson’s accounting records tell us about plantation management, slavery, and Enlightenment philosophy in colonial America?" Accounting History 24, n.º 2 (15 de maio de 2018): 236–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373218772589.
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Thomas Jefferson was the third President of the United States of America and the principal author of the Declaration of Independence of the American Colonies from Great Britain. Less well known is that he was a meticulous record keeper. He kept daily records of every receipt and expenditure that he made, no matter how small, for a period of over 60 years. Most of these records have survived and are located in various libraries throughout the United States. Two questions are raised in this article: first, what can Jefferson’s accounting records tell us about plantation management in colonial America? Second, what do these accounting records reveal about Jefferson’s perspectives on eighteenth-century Enlightenment philosophy? This article investigates original archives in an effort to answer these questions.
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Shkitin, D. I. "The Problem of Sources and Proved Knowledge in History: Operation “Legacy” and Transfer of Power in India". History 18, n.º 8 (2019): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-18-28.
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Great Britain implemented a model of transfer of power in India by granting independence to the country while preserving its place in the Commonwealth of Nations. The key element was handing over governance by Imperial authorities to local forces by legal means. The transfer of power led to the building of nation-states in former British India. The completion of the process marked a new stage for contemporary India and enabled Indian political institutions to operate on the basis of the British Empire’s legacy since that time. Therefore, the legacy’s values were important features of the power transfer. However, the Imperial legacy had material representation in numerous official documents kept in colonial offices. Some documents being witnesses of the British governance were eliminated by Britain’s ‘Operation Legacy.’ During the Operation, some of the official papers were incinerated, while others retained under the title of ‘legacy papers’. A connection between the transfer of power and Operation Legacy has not been explored to date, but one may exist. Some questions are: could the two processes, one of which had finished in 1947 and the other had commenced, supposedly, in 1947, be interconnected? Could the transfer of power have influenced Operation Legacy, and could Operation Legacy, in turn, have become a part of other colonial power transfers by Britain after Indian independence? The article aims to investigate how Britain’s experience in India influenced its developing Operation Legacy in other colonies and whether it later changed the practices of transfer of power. The author discusses why the first indications of a well-organized Operation Legacy emerged in Ceylon in late 1947, when Ceylon sought independence. This became known as the result of the internal inquiry by the Foreign Office, also known as the Cary Report.
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van der Eng, Pierre. "Exploring Exploitation: The Netherlands and Colonial Indonesia 1870–1940". Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, n.º 1 (março de 1998): 291–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007138.
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Studies of the economic relations between Great Britain and its colonies, such as Hopkins (1988) and O'Brien (1988), have revitalised controversy about the relevance of economic factors in the history of imperialism. Some have denigrated the relevance of the Hobson-Lenin thesis that capitalists required new overseas investment opportunities to postpone the collapse of capitalism, and the argument that colonies were a paying proposition. This article assesses the economic relations between the Netherlands and its colony Indonesia. It aims to raise the profile of this connexion in the controversy mentioned above, and to explore whether and to what extent the economic relationship may be crucial to explaining «metropolitan» economic development and «peripheral» underdevelopment.
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Chipfakacha, Chido T. "The Death of Queen Elizabeth, the Death of the British Empire". Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 12, n.º 2 (15 de fevereiro de 2024): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol12n26170.
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The life of Elizabeth Windsor famously kmown by her title Queen Elizabeth the second, is one of mixed realites she is the longest reigning British Monarch in history having set on the throne for 70 years. The reign of Elizabeth was born from the greatest times of the British Empire with many colonies and a great reputation of the empire after the defeat of the Germans in World war 2. Queen Elizabeth has been credited in overseeing the end of colonisation from the British empire by many African states who were under British colonial rule. She facilitated for negotiations in some cases between liberation war movements and the colonial governments on peaceful ways of transfering power. Her Queen`s government even went on to sanction Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia when it declared independence from Britain, the sanctions were as a result that her majesty`s government would only accept independence if it was given to the majority black africans of Rhodesia. The British economy under her rule had prospered beyond unimaginable dought with the British pound being the most powerful currency, the attractiveness of the pound attracted great minds from across the globe which helped improve the British economy and advanced its technological base. The common wealth of nations an organisation the Queen championed has had success in cooperation between Britain its former colonies and other countries that were not British colonies have since joined the organisation because of its successes. This paper seeks to show how the British economy, social base and its political prowess has suffered from the days that the Queen became sick to her subsequent death and the aftermath. Policies like the Brexit that was carried out during her old age and its impact of Britain will be visited upon in this article, the Irish referendum, the removal of the British Mornach as heard of state by carribean nations that belonged to the British realm. The paper seeks to show how Elizabeth Windsor was the glue that bonded British modern society and the survival of the British monarch without her is under threat.In her life Queen Elizabeth worked with 15 British Prime Ministers from diverse parties sharing diferent ideologies this showed her to be a democratic monarch. This paper will expand on the front of the death of monarchs and empires in the modern era and Elizabeth Winsdor being the last great monarch.
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Charles, Doris D. "Rob McQueen, A Social History of Company Law: Great Britain and the Australian Colonies 1854–1920". Law Teacher 44, n.º 1 (10 de fevereiro de 2010): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069400903541500.
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Petrov, Alexandr. "The Struggle for Oregon in the Last Third of the Eighteenth – First Quarter of the Nineteenth Century". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 3 (2023): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025911-0.
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In the article, the authors examine the circumstances of the rivalry for Oregon in the 1770s and the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Historians of Russian America and those who study early US history have paid little attention to this issue, at a time when it was in Oregon that the rivalry between Britain, Russia, France and the United States for possession of the new colonies was ignited. The Spanish, who established their colonies in America in the six-teenth century, laid claim to the entire west coast. The English paid very close attention to the Oregon coast between 30° and 60° N, starting with the expeditions of James Cook and George Vancouver. The French became interested in the region in 1785–1788 during the ex-pedition of the Comte de Lapérouse. Russia, with its colonies in Alaska and the Aleutian Is-lands, pursued a measured and cautious policy. Spain, confident that the territories belonged to her by the right of discovery, had very limited forces for their development. The principal rivals for Oregon territory in the 1820-s were Great Britain and the United States. The article is draws on the latest archival finds. The authors draw on an extensive, inter alia, recent do-mestic and foreign historiography. The methodology used in writing the article is based on the achievements of modern historical scholarship. The article is the first in a series of intended further publications by the authors on the study of the struggle for Oregon and the US West Coast.
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Leigh, Devin. "A Disagreeable Text". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 94, n.º 1-2 (3 de junho de 2020): 39–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-bja10001.
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Abstract Bryan Edwards’s The History of the British West Indies is a text well known to historians of the Caribbean and the early modern Atlantic World. First published in 1793, the work is widely considered to be a classic of British Caribbean literature. This article introduces an unpublished first draft of Edwards’s preface to that work. Housed in the archives of the West India Committee in Westminster, England, this preface has never been published or fully analyzed by scholars in print. It offers valuable insight into the production of West Indian history at the end of the eighteenth century. In particular, it shows how colonial planters confronted the challenges of their day by attempting to wrest the practice of writing West Indian history from their critics in Great Britain. Unlike these metropolitan writers, Edwards had lived in the West Indian colonies for many years. He positioned his personal experience as being a primary source of his historical legitimacy.
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Walker, Timothy. "Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775-83)". Journal of Early American History 2, n.º 3 (2012): 247–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00203003.
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This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.
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Blouet, Olwyn M. "Bryan Edwards, F.R.S., 1743-1800". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 54, n.º 2 (22 de maio de 2000): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2000.0108.
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Bryan Edwards was a Jamaican planter and politician who published a well–respected History of the West Indies in 1793. He articulated the planter view concerning the value of the West Indian colonies to Great Britain, and opposed the abolition of the slave trade. Edwards disputed European scientific speculation that the ‘New World’ environment retarded nature, although his scientific interests have largely gone unnoticed. Elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1794, he became a Member of Parliament in 1796, and wrote a History of Haiti in the following year. As Secretary of the African Association, Edwards edited the African travel journals of Mungo Park.
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Gogaev, Sanal Igorevich. "The role of Thomas Jefferson's political activity in the history of American statehood." Genesis: исторические исследования, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2023): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.1.37249.
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The subject of the study is the results, results and consequences of the political activity of Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826). Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Independence and the third president of the United States, considered one of the founding fathers of the United States. The first American president to hold the posts of Secretary of State, Vice President and President of the United States successively. The article examines the political ideas of Jefferson, who was one of the first political figures who spoke and justified the idea of separating its North American colonies from Great Britain. His political ideas and decisions as a statesman and politician were timely and brought much benefit to his country. As the author of the Declaration of Independence of the United States, he made a huge contribution to the creation of the United States. Its adoption meant the formation of a new state - the United States. For him, the principles of the declaration were to create a free American state based on the principles of democracy and civil liberty. The Declaration defined the social and legal status of a person in society. Declaring the people the only source of power, she put them on a par with the great ideologists of the Enlightenment. As Ambassador to France, he managed to secure a number of trade agreements with European countries. His merits as president undoubtedly lie in the acquisition of Louisiana and the establishment of diplomatic relations with Russia, as well as the pacification of relations with Great Britain.
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Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. "Definitions of Liberty on the Eve Of Civil War: Lord Saye and Sele, Lord Brooke, and the American Puritan Colonies". Historical Journal 32, n.º 1 (março de 1989): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015284.
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Arthur Wilson, in his History of Great Britain, (1653) named William Fiennes, first Viscount Saye and Sele, as among the few ‘gallant Spirits’ who ‘aimed at the publick Liberty more than their own interest’. He went on to say that the men he singled out, including in addition to Saye the earls of Oxford, Southampton, Essex and Warwick, ‘supported the Old English Honour and would not let it fall to the ground’. In 1640 Warwick and Saye, this time in company with their associate Robert Greville, Lord Brooke, were praised by a commoner as ‘the best men of the kingdom’ according to the report of a government informer.
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Rönnbäck, Klas. "Who Stood to Gain from Colonialism? A Case Study of Early Modern European Colonialism in the Caribbean". Itinerario 33, n.º 3 (novembro de 2009): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016296.
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Both Adam Smith and Karl Marx considered British colonies to be a net burden on British society. Ever since the issue has been a controversial one and has received a great deal of attention from scholars, not least thanks to the publication of Eric Williams's book “Capitalism and Slavery”. To a large extent the debate has been concerned with the issue of whether the profits from colonialism were large enough to have a decisive effect upon, or at least contribute to, the industrialisation of Britain and/or other countries in Europe.
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Darity, William. "British Industry and the West Indies Plantations". Social Science History 14, n.º 1 (1990): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002068x.
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Is it not notorious to the whole World, that the Business of Planting in our British Colonies, as well as in the French, is carried on by the Labour of Negroes, imported thither from Africa? Are we not indebted to those valuable People, the Africans for our Sugars, Tobaccoes, Rice, Rum, and all other Plantation Produce? And the greater the Number of Negroes imported into our Colonies, from Africa, will not the Exportation of British Manufactures among the Africans be in Proportion, they being paid for in such Commodities only? The more likewise our Plantations abound in Negroes, will not more Land become cultivated, and both better and greater Variety of Plantation Commodities be produced? As those Trades are subservient to the Well Being and Prosperity of each other; so the more either flourishes or declines, the other must be necessarily affected; and the general Trade and Navigation of their Mother Country, will be proportionably benefited or injured. May we not therefore say, with equal Truth, as the French do in their before cited Memorial, that the general Navigation of Great Britain owes all its Encrease and Splendor to the Commerce of its American and African Colonies; and that it cannot be maintained and enlarged otherwise than from the constant Prosperity of both those branches, whose Interests are mutual and inseparable?[Postlethwayt 1968c: 6]The atlantic slave trade remains oddly invisible in the commentaries of historians who have specialized in the sources and causes of British industrialization in the late eighteenth century. This curiosity contrasts sharply with the perspective of eighteenth-century strategists who, on the eve of the industrial revolution, placed great stock in both the trade and the colonial plantations as vital instruments for British economic progress. Specifically, Joshua Gee and Malachy Postlethwayt, once described by the imperial historian Charles Ryle Fay (1934: 2–3) as Britain’s major “spokesmen” for the eighteenth century, both placed the importation of African slaves into the Americas at the core of their visions of the requirements for national expansion. Fay (ibid.: 3) also described both of them as “mercantilists hardening into a manufacturers’ imperialism.” For such a “manufacturers’ imperialism” to be a success, both Gee and Postlethwayt saw the need for extensive British participation in the trade in Africans and in the maintenance and development of the West Indies.
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Morris, Caroline. "Book Review: The Constitution of Independence". Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 36, n.º 3 (1 de outubro de 2005): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v36i3.5612.
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This article is a book review of Peter C Oliver The Constitution of Independence: The Development of Constitutional Theory in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005) (367 + xx pages). The book is a contribution to the area of domestic constitutional law of the Commonwealth. Oliver addresses the question: are the former colonies of Britain ever truly independent, or is that independence illusory? He also asks how such colonies seek to understand and explain their constitutional history. Morris argues that the book had a great deal of potential but has been left unrealised. As a legal historiography, the book does not always satisfactorily explain how people involved in creating that legal history (or in analysing it since) understand it. As an exercise in constitutional theory, the book merely suggests that there is nothing much to choose between theories as a matter of logic. The book also suffers from very dense prose and a number of distracting metaphors for the process of constitutional independence. Morris ultimately concludes that the book fails to provide useful insight into New Zealand's constitutional theory.
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Sergeev, E. Yu. "British Edition of the Monroe Doctrine versus ‘Com- munist Militarism’: Collisions between the USSR and the UK in Eastern Countries in the mid-1920s". Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, n.º 3 (4 de dezembro de 2023): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-125-159.
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The new US foreign policy concept in the Western hemisphere introduced by the American President J. Monroe in December 1823 has become a milestone both in the country’s history and in the theory and practice of international relations in general. For Great Britain, the principles of the Monroe Doctrine acquired new relevance after the end of the First World War. The prospect of unfettered Bolshevik expansion into British colonies and dependent territories in Asia and Africa became a matter of particular concern for the UK ruling circles. It was this threat that forced the military and political elites of Great Britain to turn to the experience of their overseas counterparts and develop a set of measures that can be described as the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine. These measures were directed right against the Bolsheviks’ attempts to revolutionize the national liberation movement and to use it to undermine the ‘colonial rear’ of the imperialist powers. British decision-makers interpreted these attempts as a Bolsheviks’ endeavor to revive the foreign policy practices of the Russian Empire and denoted them as ‘communist militarism’. It is through the lens of the collision of the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine and the concept of ‘communist militarism’ that this study examines the dynamics of the Soviet-British confrontation in Central Asia in the mid-1920s. Special attention is paid to the struggle that took place between the two countries in Iran (Persia), Afghanistan, northwest India, Xinjiang and Tibet. This competition for influence over local rulers took a variety of forms: from information and propaganda campaigns to rivalry in the field of infrastructure and logistics projects. At the same time, it was accompanied by a constant clash of interests of various factions within the USSR and Great Britain, which prevented them from pursuing a coherent policy in the region. Together, these circumstances endowed the Soviet-British rivalry in Central Asia in the 1920s with a number of unique features that does not allow it to be interpreted as just yet another round of the ‘Great Game’.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "French and English Methods of Colonial Expansion in the Maghreb on the Example of the Franco-Moroccan Crisis of the Late 1840s — Early 1850s". ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025637-9.
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The article is devoted to the Franco-Moroccan crisis of the late 1840s — early 1850s, in which Great Britain was directly involved. This historical event is not covered at all in Russian/Soviet historiography and only in the few works of French and English scientists. The research is based on the study of published documents of archives and works of historians of France and Great Britain of the late 19th — early 20th centuries — the heyday of European colonial empires. The analysis of the causes, course and consequences of the crisis allows the author to compare the methods of colonial expansion used by France and Great Britain when creating their colonial empires in the 19th century. The article shows that both European empires were interested in subjugating the sultanate, but if France sought to include Morocco in its colonial empire, then Britain, using economic and political pressure, gradually turned the North African country into its obedient puppet. The author concludes that Morocco's loss of independence was only a matter of time — when France and Britain could agree on the terms of this seizure. Thus, the fact that the sultanate of Morocco remained independent throughout the 19th century was explained by the conflicting interests of European empires in this region, and not by the success of the policy of the authorities of this country.
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Adas, Michael. "Comparative History and the Colonial Encounter: the Great War and the Crisis of the British Empire". Itinerario 14, n.º 2 (julho de 1990): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009992.
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In his recent work on the Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy stresses the importance of Great Britain's colonial empire in establishing its credentials as the most imposing ofthe great powers in the decades before the First World War. Britain not only possessed ‘the greatest empire the world had ever seen’, but its status as the great global power appeared to be enhanced by the fact that in the last three decades of the nineteenth century ‘it had added 4.25 million miles and 66 million people to the empire’. Other key ‘indicators of British strength’ marshalled by Kennedy include overseas fleets, naval bases and cable stations, which were inextricably bound up with its farflung colonial enterprises. Though empire is essential to Britain's great power status, in Kennedy's argument it has almost nothing to do with the steady decline in British power in the period before the Great War and, at an accelerating pace, throughout the twentieth century. He alludes in places to imperial crises and commitments as key contributors to Britain's perilously overextended position both before and after the war. He also concedes that resistance by colonized peoples, whether in the form of ‘tribal unrest’ or ‘western-educated lawyers and intellectuals seeking to create mass parties’ was somewhat troublesome, but ‘less threatening’ than developments within Europe itself. In Kennedy's view, Britain's retreat from imperial and global power (and, for that matter, that of France as well) can best be understood by charting the decline, relative to that of the other great powers, of its economic base, both industrial and commercial, and its incapacity, due to that decline, to meet the ever-expanding and more costly military commitments that its leaders viewed as essential to the maintenance of its positions as a great power.
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Floud, Roderick. "The Origins of Anthropometric History". Social Science History 28, n.º 2 (2004): 337–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013195.
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I knew nothing of anthropometry—not even the meaning of the word—when, in 1977, Robert Fogel invited me to give a seminar at Harvard. Over lunch after quite a grueling occasion, he asked me if I would be interested in taking part in a project to investigate the long-term decline in mortality in the United States. As he pointed out, the vast majority of migrants to the American colonies and the United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries came from Great Britain and Ireland; it was important, in explaining their subsequent mortality experience, to be able to assess their state of health before they arrived in North America. Their heights and those of the British population as a whole might, he suggested, provide evidence for such an assessment.I was flattered to be asked to work with one of the leaders of the economic history profession, intrigued by the project—if initially skeptical about the use of height data—and, by the end of a long lunch, enthusiastic about working with Fogel and his collaborator, Stan Engerman, whom I had known for some years.
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Sharp, Heather. "Representing Australia's Involvement in the First World War". Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 6, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2014): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2014.060101.
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This article investigates discrepancies between narratives of national independence in public discourses surrounding the First World War and narratives of loyalty in school textbooks in Queensland, Australia. Five textbooks commonly used in schools from 1916 to 1936 are analyzed in order to ascertain how the First World War was represented to pupils via the history curriculum. This article argues that, although public discourses were in a state of flux, and often viewed Australia as a country that was becoming increasingly independent of its colonial ruler Great Britain, textbooks that maintained a static view continued to look to Great Britain as a context in which to teach national history to school pupils.
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Mironov, V. V. "«The Children of Darkness» and «International Community»: Colonial Policy from the Perspective of the English School of International Relations". Izvestiya of Altai State University, n.º 6(116) (18 de dezembro de 2020): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-05.
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The article is devoted to the evaluation of the role of colonial policy in the works of historians of the English School of international relations. The aim of the article is to highlight the main stages in the study of colonial problems in the concept of international society and to show the specifics of the evaluation of colonialism in the historiographic aspect. The sources of the work were texts of leading representatives of this scientific community. The historiographical analysis shows that there are three stages in the study of colonial issues in the English School of international relations. They reflect both the processes of historical development of Great Britain in the second half of the 20th century, and the internal line of evolution of the school concept. At the first stage (1950-1970), the colonial problem did not have an independent significance for the analysis of international relations. The second stage (1980-1990) is characterized by the recognition of colonial policy as an institution for the development of international society in history, although it is evaluated inconsistently. The third stage is modern and it shows the important role of the former colonies in the structure of modern international society. The article analyzes the key arguments in assessing the role of colonies for each stage based on the work of leading representatives of the community. The main conclusion of the article is that the ability to change attitudes to colonialism in the analysis of international society explains the growing interest in the concept of school in modern Asian countries.).
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Sundue, Sharon Braslaw. "Confining the Poor to Ignorance? Eighteenth-Century American Experiments with Charity Education". History of Education Quarterly 47, n.º 2 (maio de 2007): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00086.x.
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In 1738, the English evangelist George Whitefield traveled to the new colony of Georgia intending to establish “a house for fatherless children.” Inspired by both August Hermann Francke, the German Pietist who had great success educating and maintaining poor orphans in Halle, and by charity schools established in Great Britain, Whitefield's orphan house and charity school, named Bethesda, opened its doors early in 1740. For years, Whitefield devoted himself tirelessly to ensuring the success of the Bethesda school, preaching throughout Britain and North America on its behalf. Whitefield's preaching tour on behalf of his beloved Bethesda is well known for its role in catalyzing the religious revivals known collectively as the Great Awakening. The tour also marked an important shift in the history of education in America. News of the establishment of the orphanage at Bethesda coincided with new efforts to school the poor throughout the colonies. Drawing on both the British and German models of charity schooling that were highly influential for Whitefield, eighteenth-century Americans began or increased commitments to charity schooling for poor children. But the European models were not adopted wholesale. Instead, local administrators of the schooling experiments deviated from these models in a striking way. In America, elites offered some children the opportunity for extensive charity instruction, but not necessarily children at the bottom of the social hierarchy. This article will argue that the execution of these charity schooling programs was contingent upon local social conditions, specifically what appears to have been local elites' desire to maintain a certain social order and ensure a continued supply of cheap labor.
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Diakov, Nikolai. "Arab States of North Africa: from the Ottoman Empire to the Colonial Empires of Modern Times". ISTORIYA 14, n.º 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028616-6.
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The modern history of the Northern Africa (Egypt and the Maghreb) was marked with the progress in transformation of the local social and political institutions with at the same a vast expansion of the Ottoman Porte and later of the West European powers. The Arab Maghreb which firstly became an object of the European aggression from Spain and Portugal in the 15th — 16th CC. later joined the Ottoman Empire together with Egypt. Morocco, however, managed to save its formal independence until the very beginning of the 20th C.A.D. With the European expansion in the 19th C. the Northern Africa turned into a field of colonial experiments: from the direct military occupation to the assimilation politics of the French departments in Algeria, with a later introducing the protectorate regimes in Tunisia and Morocco and transforming Egypt into a zone of strategic communications between the Great Britain and its colonies in Arabia and India. The civilization interaction within the Northern Africa during the colonial epoch brought to light, both in Europe and Russia, a numerous academic historiography, defining main trends in studying modern history of Egypt and the Maghreb area — the most important crossroads of the historical contacts between the peoples and cultures of the Orient and the Occident.
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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "The Ideology of Colonization: Metamorphoses of the Colonial Question in the Political Philosophy of Alexis de Tocqueville". ISTORIYA 13, n.º 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021057-1.
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In this article the evolution of views on the empire, colonies and colonization by Alexis de Tocqueville, the outstanding French liberal thinker of the 19th century, are analyzed. It was shown that in the process of expanding the scale of the colonization of the 19th century Tocqueville, like many other French thinkers, began to defend and justify colonial domination, trying to justify colonial policy in every possible way and try to give it legitimacy. Although Tocqueville was fully aware of the vices of colonization, he was ready to defend it. He believed that the French nation could not afford not to be the dominant colonial power. Justifying the expansion of the French empire, he believed that the colonial project could contribute to the political unification of the French, and at the same time he feared that France would lose its position and its international reputation, lagging behind Great Britain in the annexation of overseas possessions. Tocqueville’s ideas about progress and the understanding of progress were fairly typical of nineteenth-century European thinkers. In 19th century Europe as a rule, attempts to justify colonization were combined with a linear theory of progress and a belief in the superiority of Europeans over other worlds.
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Burachok, Liliia, e Mariia Demkiv. "Elizabeth II ― forming and becoming of personality". History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, n.º 56 (30 de dezembro de 2022): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2022.56.114-120.
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The monarchy is the oldest governing institution in Great Britain; called the British Monarchy or the Monarchy of Great Britain. It is one of the oldest European monarchies, as well as the most famous. Queen Elizabeth II is the head of state from 1952; she is also a symbol of stability and the main figure in Great Britain. Researching the stages becoming personality of queen, we see how formed her strong, unshakable character through the prism of historical events with which Elizabeth II managed to adapt to present and remain a national symbol for the Britishs. The epoch of Elizabeth II ruling (especially from the end of ХХ to beginning of XXI century) is an important period in British history. It is time for serious reforms in country and also for major changes on global: the collapse of the socialist system in Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the end of the Cold War, unification of Germany, disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. During the queen's reign and her life in general, many important events took place. Her Majesty has also been involved in numerous changes to the monarchy, from becoming Queen at the age of twenty-five to traveling the world more than any other monarch before her. Elizabeth II managed to unite the countries of former British colonies and create Concord of nations, that she heads by now. Analysing activity of Her Majesty, it is possible to notice that Elizabeth ІІ supports conservatism, for example, she gives preference to classic style, old books and other things like that. However, at the same time, modernity makes Queen to get used also to new realities, such as radio, television and internet. The Queen is supposed to be impartial, but she is still the head of the executive, legislature and judiciary, as well as the role of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and Supreme Governor of the Church of England. Elizabeth II symbolizes the sovereignty of the state and her carries out only ceremonial functions in Great Britain and in the countries of Concord, mainly carrying out only official visits, since a leading role in political life of Great Britain is played by Prime Minister. Meantime a queen cares about representativity of her country and propagandizes such values, as following and unity, supports good relationships with foreign leaders out of politics. It seems that the reign of Elizabeth II, due to the individuality of the queen and the length of her reign, may go down in history as the "New Elizabethan Era".
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Lavrenko, Valeriia. "Images of Great Britain and the British in Russian society during the First World War". Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 5, n.º 1-2 (30 de dezembro de 2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26220512.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the general ideas about Great Britain and the British as military allies of the bloc of Entente countries, which existed in Russian society during the First World War. Methods used in the research: the method of content analysis, historical-genetic and historical-comparative. Main results: the article examines the visions of the British, common among the Russian intelligentsia on the eve of the First World War, and the influence of previous historical experience on the formation of these visions. It is analyzed in what way Russians' ideas about Britain as an allied state were transformed during the course of hostilities. Attempts to carry out state actions to promote Britain in the Russian Empire are considered, in particular, the visit of Russian journalists to the British Isles in 1916.Journalistic notes and journalistic works resulting from this visit are examined. Concise conclusions: the experience of the First World War showed that the state propaganda of the Russian Empire paid much more attention to the formation of the image of the enemy. Conversely, efforts aimed at familiarizing Russian society with allies in the bloc of Entente countries were significantly less powerful. At the beginning of the First World War, most representatives of Russian society looked skeptically at Britain as an ally, taking to the attantion the country's lack of general mobilization and its desire to fight only at sea. The experience of the war showed that although general mobilization was not introduced in Great Britain, the number of the British Expeditionary Force in continental Europe increased tenfold due to volunteers who demonstrated high fighting qualities. Britain abandoned the strategy of war exclusively at sea, fulfilling the All-Allied obligations, the country learned to overcome the resource crisis that arose as a result of raids by German submarines on the routes connecting the British Isles with the colonies. It was these messages that Russian journalists and publicists tried to convey about Britain, in particular, the participants of the 1916 visit. However, the number of materials aimed at a mass reader, dedicated to allies in Russia was much less than articles dedicated to the enemy. Even at the end of the war, Russian society looked at the Western Front as an unknown war. Over time, this gave rise to the idea among Russian veterans during the years of the Civil War that Britain and France had failed to fulfill their duty as allies and were guilty of Russia. Practical meaning: the materials of the article can be used in the teaching of the basic course for students of the Faculty of History (Oles Honchar Dnipro National University) at the bachelor's level – “History of Western Europe and North America in modern times”. Originality: for the first time, attention is focused on the fact that the sphere of ideas about the Allies by the Entente bloc during the First World War directly influenced the events at the front and determined the narratives of the USSR and Russian emigration after the world carnage. Scientific novelty: for the first time, the change in perceptions of the British as allies of the Russian Empire (within the Entente countries) during the entire period of active hostilities during the First World War was analyzed. Type of article: descriptive and analytical.
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McCusker, John J. "Introduction". Business History Review 79, n.º 4 (2005): 697–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25097111.
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This special issue of the Business History Review has as its theme the business of trade in the Atlantic World of the eighteenth century. It has as its purpose to highlight the rich and diverse work that is being accomplished by business historians, including people like the four authors—Kenneth Morgan, Silvia Marzagalli, Linda Salvucci, and Thomas Truxes—whose essays constitute the substance of this issue. The articles have a common focus but reveal very different aspects of their shared theme in delightfully instructive ways. While both sides of the Atlantic Ocean are represented and the northern and southern regions are discussed, and while France and Spain and their colonies receive nearly as much play as Great Britain and its colonies (and one-time colonies), almost by the very nature of trade, the stories told are more about links and connections than they are about the limitations imposed by national and imperial boundaries. My contribution, as editor—an otherwise unknown tract written in the 1780s by a minor but influential British civil servant, Thomas Irving, and edited and newly presented here—implicitly argues the case put forth by the other contributors: it was the limitless bounds of eighteenth-century business that defined the Atlantic World.
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García Cabrera, Marta. "El control de la opinión pública canaria durante la Gran Guerra (1914-1918): propaganda y diplomacia extranjera". Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia 22, n.º 1 (7 de fevereiro de 2022): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.51349/veg.2022.1.10.
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La posición estratégica de Canarias convirtió al archipiélago en un enclave destacado de la Primera Guerra Mundial. La guerra trastocó el panorama comunicativo insular y movilizó un amplio debate sociocultural en el que también participaron los organismos diplomáticos y propagandísticos internacionales, las compañías navieras y las colonias extranjeras. Este artículo analiza los esfuerzos desplegados por las potencias extranjeras para dirigir a la opinión pública canaria entre 1914 y 1918, describiendo las maquinarias propagandísticas de Francia, Alemania y Gran Bretaña, así como los instrumentos empleados para difundir sus mensajes en las islas. The strategic position of the Canary Islands made the archipelago a prominent enclave of the First World War. The war disrupted the island’s communication, sparking a broad sociocultural debate that also took in international diplomatic and propaganda organizations, shipping companies and foreign colonies. This article analyses the efforts made by foreign powers to direct Canarian public opinion between 1914 and 1918, describing the messages and propaganda apparatus of France, Germany, and Great Britain, as well as the instruments of dissemination employed on the islands.
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Linne, Karsten. "The “New Labour Policy” in Nazi Colonial Planning for Africa". International Review of Social History 49, n.º 2 (agosto de 2004): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900400149x.
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The National Socialist planning for a recolonization of Africa was based on a new social and labour policy and focused chiefly on the “labour question”. In designing their schemes, planners strove to mobilize wage labour and circumvent the much-feared “proletarianization” of the workers. The key problem in exploiting the African colonies had two main aspects: a shortage of manpower and migrant labour. Therefore, planners designed complex systems of organized, state-controlled labour recruitment, and formulated rules for labour contracts and compensation. An expanded labour administration was to ensure that the “deployment of labour” ran smoothly and that workers were registered, evaluated, and supervised. Furthermore, “white labour guardians” were to be assigned the responsibility of overseeing the social wellbeing of the African workers. As was evident not only in Germany but in the colonial powers, France and Great Britain, as well, these concepts all fit into the general trend of the times, a trend characterized by the application of scientific methods in solving social issues, by the increased emphasis on state intervention, and by the introduction of sociopolitical measures. Nazi planning was based on Germany's prewar politics but also reflected the changes occurring in German work life after 1933.
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Kharkovsky, Ruslan. "Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s)". ISTORIYA 13, n.º 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.
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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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Unwin, Patrick R., e Robert W. Unwin. "Humphry Davy and the Royal Institution of Great Britain". Notes and Records of the Royal Society 63, n.º 1 (28 de julho de 2008): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2008.0010.
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The abortive attempts of Sir Humphry Davy to introduce modest reforms at the Royal Society of London during his Presidency (1820–27) contrast with his (largely unstudied) earlier experience of administration at the Royal Institution of Great Britain (RI). Davy's attempts to combat the systemic weaknesses in governance and funding, and his role in effecting changes at the RI, in association with a core group of reformers, merit consideration. This paper analyses important aspects of the early management and social structure of the RI and examines the inner workings of the institution. It shows how and why the Library, its most valuable financial asset, and its celebrated Laboratory, developed along distinctive lines, each with its own support structures and intra-institutional interests. While acknowledging the roles traditionally ascribed to Count Rumford and Sir Joseph Banks, the paper highlights the contributions of other early patrons such as Thomas Bernard, son of a colonial governor of Massachusetts, and Earl Spencer, a leading European bibliophile and RI President from 1813 to 1825. The promotion of a Bill in Parliament in 1810, designed to transform the RI from a proprietary body politic into a corporation of members, and the subsequent framing of the bye-laws, provided opportunities to establish a more democratic structure of elected committees for the conduct of science.
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Velichko, Ekaterina. "To the Establishment of the Practice of Royal Visits to the Colonies of Great Britain: Background for the First Official Tour of the Prince of Wales to Canada in 1860". Izvestia of Smolensk State University, n.º 2(62) (18 de dezembro de 2023): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-62-197-210.
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The article regards the background of the first official visit of a member of the royal family to the colonial possessions of the British Empire – the tour of the Prince of Wales to Canada in 1860. The purpose of the analysis is to trace how the history of the emergence and development of the idea of traveling the heir
to the British throne to Canada reflected the evolution of the views of the British and colonial politicianson of the Empire building and its perspectives. It is proved that the initiative of the royal journey,coming from the Canadian administration
and supported by the British government,was aimed at strengthening ties between the mother country and the colony and solving pragmatic problems on both sides.The obtained results allow us to conclude that the project of the first official
royal tour to overseas territories of Britain, being a product of the thought of the colonial society, indicated the mutual desire of the administration of Britain and Canada to find a balance of interests between the mother country and the colony in the process of updating forms and methods of colonial interaction and constructing the course of imperial policy.
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Swain, Warren. "‘The Great Britain of the South’: the Law of Contract in Early Colonial New Zealand". American Journal of Legal History 60, n.º 1 (21 de outubro de 2019): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/njz019.
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Abstract Some nineteenth century writers like the Scottish born poet William Golder, used the term ‘the Great Britain of the south’ as a description of his new home. He was not alone in this characterisation. There were of course other possible perspectives, not least from the Māori point of view, which these British writers inevitably fail to capture. A third reality was more specific to lawyers or at least to those caught up in the legal system. The phrase ‘the Great Britain of the south’ fails to capture the complexity of the way that English law was applied in the early colony. The law administered throughout the British Empire reflected the common law origins of colonial legal systems but did not mean that the law was identical to that in England. Scholars have emphasised the adaptability of English law in various colonial settings. New Zealand contract law of this time did draw on some English precedents. The early lawyers were steeped in the English legal tradition. At the same time, English authorities were used with a light touch. The legal and social framework within which contract law operated was also quite different. This meant, for example, that mercantile juries were important in adapting the law to local conditions. Early New Zealand contract law provides a good example of both the importance of English law in a colonial setting and its adaptability.
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Colley, Linda. "Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848". Law and History Review 32, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2014): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000801.
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Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”
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Sparks, Randy J. "Blind Justice: The United States's Failure to Curb the Illegal Slave Trade". Law and History Review 35, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2017): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000535.
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On March 2, 1807, President Thomas Jefferson signed a bill outlawing the African slave trade. Opponents of the traffic rejoiced that the bill was passed at almost the same time as a similar anti-slave-trade bill in Britain. As one Philadelphia newspaper put it, “Thus, will terminate, on the same day, in two countries of the civilized world, a traffic which has hitherto stained the history of all countries who made it a practice to deal in the barter ofhuman flesh.” Efforts to end the African slave trade in the British colonies of North America dated back to the 1760s, proceeded in fits and starts, and resulted from a wide range of motives. In contrast to Great Britain, the United States 1807 bill was not the result of a long, hard-won, popular abolition campaign. However, despite a series of laws intended to curb the trade, eventually making the United States laws the world's toughest, smugglers continued to bring enslaved Africans into the South after 1808, and, more significantly, American vessels played a crucial role in the massive illegal slave trade to Cuba and Brazil during the nineteenth century. The impact on the United States economy was not inconsequential, but even more important was the trade's impact on the Atlantic economy, fueling the rapid economic growth of Cuba and Brazil in the decades that followed.
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Cochran, Thomas C. "The Culture of Technology: An Alternative View of the Industrial Revolution in the United States". Science in Context 8, n.º 2 (1995): 325–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002040.
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The ArgumentThe purpose of this essay is revisionist on two counts: first, that the American colonies and early United States republic kept pace with Great Britain in reaching a relatively advanced stage of industrialization by the early nineteenth century and second, that the Middle Atlantic States shared equally with New England the innovative role in creating America's industrial revolution. In both cases the industrial leaders achieved their preeminence by different routes. By concentrating on the importance of the sources of machine power as the defining characteristic of industrialism, scholars have overlooked alternative paths to industrial change. In Britain steam power and the textile industry were the foundations of an industrial revolution. But in American colonies the use of water power and the growth of industries such as woodworking and building led to an equally revolutionary change in the production of machine-made products. Benign geography in colonial America provided abundant wood and water power and an excellent transportation system based on navigable rivers and a hospitable coastline. But the crucial factors were cultural: the compelling urge to do things with less human work, the open reception to new immigration, a younger and more venturesome population, a favorable legal and fiscal environment for enterpreneurs. In the American context the tendency of scholars to emphasize the leadership of New England was largely a result of the greater local availability of manufacturing records. But recent research has demonstrated that Philadelphia, the largest port of entry in the eighteenth century, was quite naturally a center of innovation in construction materials, woodworking machinery and shipbuilding to meet the needs of the expanding agricultural hinterland and the coastal trade. In sum, the values of an expanding, youthful, skilled population replenished by fresh and venturesome sources from abroad helped shape cultural values that were particularly favorable in the geographic environment of North America for alternative paths of rapid industrial growth.
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Levin, Yaroslav Alexandrovich. "Colonial system: balance and prospects after 1945 in the assessments of diplomats of the United States, the USSR and Great Britain". Samara Journal of Science 6, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2017): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764214.
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The following paper deals with the views of the ambassadors of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, expressed in telegrams for foreign affairs agencies. Rolling the world to a new global confrontation, the aggressive rhetoric of each participating country, specific actions to build up political and military capabilities required some kind of balanced assessment from experts who were well-versed in the political and social development of states that appeared after the Second World War on different sides of the barricade. In addition, the third world acquired special importance in the new conditions. The disintegration of the colonial system opened great prospects for each of the great powers. Therefore, besides the analyses of prospects and characteristics of relations between the USSR and Western countries, diplomats in their analytical reports affected the prospects for the development of the former colonies, as well as tried to forecast the actions of the probable enemy and the closest allies, comprehended the existing contradictions on this issue and tried to give some assessment, propose solutions to these problems. Considering the influence of the telegrams analyzed in the framework of this study on the formation of the Cold War, conclusions are drawn about the impact of assessments expressed by diplomats on the development of relations with the countries of the third world. The analysis of J. Kennan, N. Novikov and F. Roberts notes shows the difference in the approaches and understanding of each country, both its opponents and its allies, a different view of the process of decolonization and its prospects. The paper is based on the sources on the diplomatic history of the Cold War and on some references on the topic.
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Karličić, Miljkan. "An overview of the history of Serbian-British relations". Bezbednost, Beograd 63, n.º 2 (2021): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bezbednost2102057k.
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The upcoming year, 2022, marks a jubilee - 185 years since the establishment of official diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland at the very beginning of its Victorian era, and the Principality of Serbia at the beginning of its era of establishing statehood. In 1837, diplomatic and consular relations were established between the empire "on which the sun never sets" and the non-sovereign Serbian principality which was nominally autonomous within the framework and structure of the Turkish Ottoman Empire. The topic of this paper is an outlook on the history of relations between two old European nations - the Serbs and the English, the Anglo-Saxons or the British , and two states - a great power and a colonial empire on the one hand, and a small but promising European country on the other.
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Hopkins, A. G. "The United States, 1783–1861: Britain's Honorary Dominion?" Britain and the World 4, n.º 2 (setembro de 2011): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2011.0024.
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This essay reinterprets the evolution of the United States between 1783 and 1861 from the perspective of imperial history. The established literature on this period focuses on the national story, and particularly on the struggle to achieve liberty and democracy. Historians of empire, however, routinely distinguish between formal and effective independence and evaluate the often halting progress of ex-colonial states in achieving a substantive transfer of power. Considered from this angle, the dominant themes of the period were the search for viability and development rather than for liberty and democracy. The article illustrates this proposition by re-evaluating the political, economic, and cultural themes that are central to the history of the period. The argument in each case is that the United States remained dependent on Great Britain to an extent that greatly limited her effective independence. The standard controversies of domestic political history, notably the battle between Hamiltonian and Jeffersonian visions of the state, are recast as differing strategies for achieving real and permanent independence. Strategies for achieving economic development made practical politics of competing arguments for protection and free trade, but failed to release the economy from its dependence on the British market and British capital. Attempts to create an independent national identity were compromised by the continuing influence of British culture and by the related notion of Anglo-Saxonism, on which prevailing policies of assimilation relied. In all these respects, the United States was an unexceptional ex-colonial state, and indeed closely followed the trajectory of other colonies of white settlement that were classified as dominions within the British Empire. The United States, however, was a dependent state that failed in 1861, and its struggle for independence had to be renewed after the Civil War.