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1
Hallon, Robert J. M. Brøondal Viggo. "Brøondal's system of grammar : a translation of, and commentary on, Morfologi Og Syntax (1932) /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh192.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of English, 1989.This thesis is a study of the grammatical theories of Viggo Brøondal ; the central part of the thesis consists of an English translation of his Morfologi og syntax (1932). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 386-416).
2
Schueler, David Edward. "The syntax and semantics of implicit conditionals filling in the antecedent /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1619097961&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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3
Te, Velde John R. "Coordination and German syntax /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9935.
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4
Pierce, Patricia Ann. "On merging morphology and syntax in Romance /". Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004358.
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5
Tanaka, Hidekazu. "Conditions on logical form derivations and representations". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0028/NQ50266.pdf.
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6
LIU, HSIAO-MEI. "A CATEGORIAL GRAMMAR ANALYSIS OF CHINESE SEPARABLE COMPOUNDS AND PHRASES (SYNTAX, SEMANTICS)". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183896.
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The lexicon of modern Chinese is composed mainly of disyllabic compound words; some of the compounds are separable, while others are not. Hindered by problems with the definition of the Chinese word and by the concept of separate grammatical levels on which morphological, syntactic and semantic processes occur, previous linguistic studies have been unable to fully account for the separability of some compounds and for the relationship of compound separability to phrase separability. This dissertation finds that, with morphemes having the same syntactic association with other morphemes that words or phrases have with other words or phrases, categorial rules logically explain the common syntax of Chinese words and phrases. In categorial grammar analysis based on the work of Ajdukiewicz (1935), Montague (1974), Partee (1972; 1975), and Bach (1983; 1984), categories are determined by functions associating the expressions in component sets, and syntactic operations build categories up into larger derived categories according to specified functor-argument relations. In the present analysis of Chinese, to the set of the non-verb general category belong morphemes, words and phrases whose form classes are not verbs and which are generic names. Argument expressions, both compound words and verb phrases which belong to this category, combine with the intransitive/non-verb general functor to form the IV category. Rules operating by concatenation, cliticization and wrapping account for the occurrence of resultative expressions, aspect markers, and expressions of time duration or time frequency between the components of separable compounds. Further, the hierarchy of thematic roles devised by Jackendoff (1972) is applied to account for cases in which the functors in IV combine with more than one argument. In this way, an analysis which combines principles of morphology, syntax and semantics is able to account for the identity of compound and phrase separability and derive grammatical sentences for the language.
7
Gelderen, Elly van. "S-bar : its character, behavior and relationship to (i)t". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=73992.
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8
Sekiguchi, Tomoko. "The syntax and interpretation of resultative constructions /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8378.
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9
Veysey, Christopher Lawrence. "Syntactic complexity and sentence processing". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708578.
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10
Farrell, Gayle 1959. "Compensatory mechanisms in aphasia : production of syntactic forms that express thematic roles". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63336.
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11
Noonan, Máire B. "Case and syntactic geometry". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39372.
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The first part of this thesis addresses the following questions: where in the syntactic tree, and at what representational level is an NP Case-checked. To this end, it presents converging data from French, Welsh and Irish, which suggest (i) that Case-checking may be accomplished under a variety of functional projections (subject to parametric variation); and (ii) that Case positions are--at least partially--independent of the A/A$ sp prime$-distinction. It furthermore presents evidence from Irish and Welsh--VSO languages in which NPs typically raise to their Case position only at LF--that NPs are, under certain conditions, Case-checked at S-structure.Chapter 2 investigates word order and cliticisation in Standard French and Quebec French interrogatives and proposes a typology of interrogatives. Chapter 3 and 4 account for complementizer variation, pre-verbal particles and agreement patterns in Welsh and Irish under a Case-theoretic approach.
The second part of this thesis concerns the conditions on the availability of structural accusative Case. A theory of structural Case is proposed according to which accusativity is a configurational rather than a lexical property--i.e., resulting from syntactic geometry and not from lexical feature specifications on verbs. To this end, a comparison between the syntactic mapping of stative and perfective predicates in Irish and English is undertaken.
12
Tomioka, Naoko. "Resultative constructions : cross-linguistic variation and the syntax-semantics interface". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102217.
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This thesis examines constructions known as resultative constructions. In addition to the well-known adjectival resultative construction in English, I investigate the resultative V-V compound, found in Japanese, and the resultative serial verb construction, found in Edo.I propose a new classification of these constructions, which focuses on the argument structure of the construction. In Japanese resultative V-V compounds, the argument structure of a compound reflects the argument structure of the second verb only, while in Edo, the argument structure of the construction reflects the argument structure of both verbs involved. With this criterion, English resultative constructions are divided into two classes---a resultative construction containing an intransitive verb is classified with Japanese resultative V-V compounds, and a resultative construction containing an object-selecting verb is classified with Edo resultative serial verb constructions.
Based on the classification provided here, I investigate two types of syntactic operations which license the concatenation of the predicates in resultative constructions. I argue that English intransitive resultative constructions and Japanese resultative V-V compounds are formed by adjoining one of the predicates on the other. The adjunction structure is then interpreted as conjunction called event identification. In contrast, English transitive resultative constructions and Edo resultative serial verb constructions are licensed by treating one of the predicates as a causative predicate. I argue that one of the predicates in these constructions undergoes lexical coercion, and acquires a causative meaning. The newly-formed causative verb takes the other predicate of the construction as its complement. This structure is then interpreted with function-application. I hence argue that the structural difference between the two types of resultative constructions also mirrors the difference in the type of semantic operations used to interpret these constructions.
13
Chow, Pui-lun, e 周佩倫. "The syntax-semantics interface of resultative constructions in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50434482.
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This thesis focuses on a special type of construction in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese long discussed in the literature, namely resultative constructions. The interest of the study lies in the fact that resultative constructions involve an interesting mismatch phenomenon of the mapping of grammatical functions and semantic roles. Since grammatical functions and semantic roles are the building blocks of syntax and semantics, the mapping between grammatical functions and semantic roles is considered a manifestation of the syntactic and semantic interface and it is believed that the study of the mapping between them will shed light on the form and meaning association found inhuman language.
However, while an adequate mapping theory can reflect how human experience or meaning is expressed in language, the mapping between grammatical functions and semantic roles is neither linear nor mutually correspondent on a one-to-one basis, rendering the nature of its mechanism obscure.
In this thesis, the interface between the semantic and syntactic realizations of resultative constructions in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese will be investigated. The goal is to seek an optimal approach which can provide a more satisfactory account in handling mapping of Mandarin and Cantonese resultatives and explaining the special properties of the V-V structures involved in Mandarin and Cantonese resultative constructions. Drawing from the insights of previous accounts and the properties of resultative constructions, a working definition for resultatives is proposed. Through reviewing some current mapping accounts and revealing their inadequacies and limitations in handling grammatical functions and semantic roles mapping in resultative constructions in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese, I am going to argue that Jackendoff’s (1990) conceptual semantics approach provides an optimal structure for the representation of resultative compounds in particular and the resultative constructions in general in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese.
I also want to argue that the investigation of the resultative constructions in Mandarin and Cantonese not only sheds light on the prospect of applying Jackendoff’s (1990) conceptual semantics approach to understanding other types of constructions and special phenomena in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese, but also indicates a new direction of study in the possible multiple sense involved in Mandarin and Cantonese compounds.published_or_final_version
Linguistics
Master
Master of Philosophy
14
Nakamura, Masanori 1966. "Economy of chain formation". Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=40211.
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This thesis investigates chain formation processes in syntax within the general framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993, 1994, 1995), where comparison among derivations plays a central role. It is primarily concerned with interactions between Grammatical Function changing (Baker 1988a) and wh-movement. Constructions such as antipassive, applicative, and Object Preposing: (special "passive") from typologically different languages are examined together with their implications for extraction. On a theoretical level this thesis proposes a modification of the notion of reference set (Chomsky 1994, 1995), which fixes the domain of comparison for the purpose of economy. In particular, the notion of reference set is defined in terms of non-distinctness of numerations; this in turn is sensitive to the Interpretability of features (Chomsky 1995). It is also argued that the Minimal Link Condition is an economy condition that elects among convergent derivations on the basis of the notion of chain link comparability. The system advanced here, in combination with some independently motivated Minimalist assumptions, explains phenomena which have so far defied a unified account, thereby providing important empirical support for the leading ideas of the Minimalist Program.
15
Ikeda, Edward. "Sentential complementation in Mohawk". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61093.
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This thesis examines the behaviour of sentential complements in Mohawk within the framework of Government and Binding Theory. Past proposals concerning the syntactic structure of sentential complements in Romance languages (and English) are explored in Mohawk. It is claimed that Mohawk only has full CP complements and no distinct types of embedded clauses (such as a subjunctive or infinitival). This is due to a morphological requirement (specified by the Minimal Word Constraint) on Mohawk verbs which dictates the need for obligatory agreement morphology. Tense/aspect co-occurrence restrictions are given to show what type of CP complements a verb can take. The evidence indicates that selection of complements is due to semantic and not syntactic reasons.
16
Field, Deborah. "Patterns of lexical synaesthesia in Japanese". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/132952.
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The phenomenon known as Tsynaesthesia' -- "the
translation of attributes of sensation from one sensory
domain to another" (Marks, 1975:303) .-- is one of
the most intriguing products of the human mind, and
represents one area of study which extends into a
number of academic disciplines, including physiology,
psychology, philosophy, aesthetics, literary criticism,
and linguistics. Perhaps the most commonplace of
all synaesthetic correspondences is the conjunction
of the sense modality of sight (colour) and touch
(thermal sensations): Blue and green are often perceived
and described as cool colours , red and yellow as
warm.
17
De, Freitas Leslie J. (Leslie Jill). "The syntax of sentential negation : interactions with case, agreement, and (in)definiteness". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41360.
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This thesis undertakes to refine our understanding of the syntactic properties of sentential negation. The proposed analyses operate at the juncture of recent innovations to Case, Agreement, and X-bar theories, within a Government and Binding framework. Case is checked in a Specifier/Head configuration whenever possible, and agreement is analyzed as the reflex of a Case-checking operation at S-structure. The proposal that the inventory of functional categories available in Universal Grammar includes a Negation Phrase (NegP) is adopted as a point of departure.In the context of this investigation, certain syntactic properties are attributed to the head and specifier of NegP. It is proposed that the specifier of NegP provides an A-position in which NPs may be Case-checked. S-structure Case-checking is reflected in agreement marking on the negative head. Evidence for LF Case-checking in this position is derived from the Case-licensing of direct objects in negated clauses in Colloquial Welsh and Russian. Definiteness effects are analyzed as due to constraints on an additional Case-licensing option required if negation blocks Case assignment under government. Variations in agreement patterns in affirmative and negative relative clauses in Literary and Colloquial Welsh are attributed to the barrier status of the head of NegP.
18
Miller, Amanda. "Language indexation : a syntactic constraint on code-mixing". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68122.
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Code-mixing, defined as intra-sentential language alternation, is known to demonstrate structurally determined patterns of restriction. Universal constraints have been proposed to account for these structural restrictions (Poplack (1980), Woolford (1983), Di Sciullo, Muysken and Singh (1986)) but have had limited success in accounting for code-mixing between typologically diverse languages. This thesis examines the structural principles that apply universally to the interaction of languages in code-mixed sentences. We argue that systematic cross-linguistic restrictions on code-mixing can be accounted for by a syntactic constraint that is sensitive to the distinction between functional and lexical categories.We propose the constraint of Language Indexation, according to which (structurally) adjacent categories of like functional/lexical category status must be realised in the same language. We show how this proposal accounts for code-mixed data from a range of language pairs, including Tagalog/English, Moroccan Arabic/French, Swahili/English, Irish/English, Hindi/English, Spanish/English and French/English. A difference in the application of Language Indexation in nominal versus verbal projections is discussed with reference to Tagalog/English and Moroccan Arabic/French code-mixing. Finally, we briefly examine the implications of Language Indexation with respect to the code-mixing of aphasic bilinguals.
19
Baruzzi, Anna L. "Effects of degree of literacy on syntactic comprehension in normal and aphasic populations". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63314.
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French, Margot Anne. "Markedness and the acquisition of pied-piping and preposition stranding". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63335.
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21
Nishida, Chiyo. "Interplay between morphology and syntax: A lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184304.
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The purpose of this study is to propose a lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish within the framework of Categorial Grammar, and to show how morphology and syntax interplay with one another in this language. I postulate that inflectional suffixes and clitics are syntactic expressions in their own right; inflectional suffixes are the instantiation of the grammatical relation, subject, whereas certain clitics, i.e. DAT and ACC clitics, are of the object. In this regard, inflection and cliticization can be conceived as functions from one set of syntactic expressions into another. I assume that inflectional suffixes and clitics are stored in the lexicon assigned to categories which specify their syntactic (and semantic) properties. These elements are combined to form complex expressions by two kinds of operations: (1) Function/argument application, and (2) Functional Composition. Three lexical rules are proposed in order to account for the distribution of the morphological properties at issue: (1) Inflection, (2) Cliticization, and (3) Complex Verb Formation. These rules make an explicit statement of what syntactic processes take place as morphologically complex expressions are formed. One consequence of my analysis is the redefinition of nominals commonly referred to as "subject NP" and "object NP" (doubled by a clitic) as elements which mark a referential contrast. This way, the formal variation as to the presence or absence of these nominals in Spanish sentences has a coherent explanation. Two rules of nominal adjunction are proposed in order to account for "clitic doubling" and "subject doubling". These two rules apply under certain conditions. With a lexical treatment of inflection and cliticization proposed, all the word formation processes in the Spanish language are now relegated to one single component, the lexicon. Morphology in Spanish, thus, has a clearly delineated domain of its own as an integral part of the lexicon. Furthermore, inflection and cliticization are morphological processes which, at the same time, construct syntactically complex expressions. This direct interplay between morphology and syntax is what uniquely characterizes the so-called "pro-drop" languages, of which Spanish is one, and distinguishes them from the "non-pro-drop" languages.
22
Peterson, Justin. "Making novelty normal : a theory of sentence processing". Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/8241.
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Zushi, Mihoko. "Long-distance dependencies". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28974.
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This thesis proposes a modification of Chomsky's (1992) theory of locality to deal with restructuring phenomena which allow an apparent violation of the locality condition on certain local processes. Various restructuring phenomena including long-distance NP movement exemplified by long-distance Object Preposing (Chapter 2) and long-distance head movement exemplified by clitic climbing (Chapter 3) are examined cross linguistically. Long-distance anaphora (Chapter 4) are also examined based on the view the locality on various types of anaphor-antecedent relationships follow from the theory of movement.It is argued that the peculiar behavior of restructuring constructions in terms of locality follows from the lexical properties of restructuring verbs that allows a defective Tense to occur in the complement clause. The following effects result: (i) Case checking within the embedded clause becomes impossible; (ii) the defective Tense triggers incorporation of the infinitive verb into the matrix verb. As a result, the embedded element that requires Case is forced to raise into the matrix clause as a last resort operation, hence motivation long-distance movement.
In order to reconcile long-distance movement with the economy principle which requires chain links to be minimal, this thesis refines Chomsky's (1992) theory of locality. The proposed hypothesis claims that the locality condition on certain operations such as NP movement and head movement follows from the economy principle in such a way that an element can move to the closest position in which its morphological requirement can be satisfied. This notion of the shortest movement is further clarified in that the domain in which the shortest movement requirement is satisfied can be extended if there is an appropriate linked chain formed by head movement. The proposed system not only provides principled account for the phenomena of restructuring, but also has some important implications for the notion of economy of derivation.
24
Prévost, Philippe 1966. "Truncation in second language acquisition". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34766.
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In this thesis, I argue that early child second language (L2) grammars allow truncation, on a par with proposals by Rizzi (1993/1994) and Haegeman (1995) for first language (L1) acquisition. This account (the Truncation Hypothesis) holds that Rizzi's (1994) Root Principle, according to which root declaratives are CPs, is initially underspecified in L2 systems (for processing reasons). This means that the root of main declaratives will not systematically be CP. Instead, different types of roots should be projected, such as CP, IP or VP, with VP underlying root infinitives. If one further assumes that functional categories are present in early grammars, the possibility of truncation can thus account for optionality of verb-movement and finiteness in early SLA, and more generally for why such categories seem to be optionally projected initially (Vainikka & Young-Scholten, 1994; 1996; Eubank, 1992; 1993/1994; 1996).Predictions based on the Truncation Hypothesis were tested against longitudinal spontaneous production data from child and adult L2 learners. There were two child and two adult learners of L2 French (whose L1s were English and Arabic) and two child two adult learners of L2 German (native speakers of Romance pro-drop languages). The findings suggest that the distribution of finite and nonfinite verbs is structurally determined in L2 child grammar, i.e. tenseless verbs only appear when VP is the root, while finite verbs are found when functional categories are projected. This in turn means that children project truncated structures in early L2 acquisition. I argue that no other theory of the nature of early L2 grammars is able to account for the full range of properties of the child L2 data.
The adult data are less conclusive concerning the possibility of truncation in adult L2 grammars. In particular, the learners seem to use infinitival markers as substitutes for finite inflections, which means that nonfinite verbs are found in contexts which are not predicted by the Truncation Hypothesis. The difference between the child and adult learners is attributed to problems that adults may have in mapping the syntactic and morphological systems (Lardiere, 1996), and not to a discrepancy in syntactic knowledge.
25
Kim, Jung-tae. "The initial state of second language syntax : an investigation of L2 wh-movement and null-subjects from the minimalist perspective /". Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004306.
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26
Snijders, Liselotte. "The nature of configurationality in LFG". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1310f160-283e-411e-a8d7-20ab4b3380c2.
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The central issue in this thesis is configurationality, which has broadly been defined in terms of a division of the world's languages based on their core syntactic structure. Specifically, languages are traditionally divided into so-called configurational and non-configurational languages. Configurational languages are assumed to be languages with many restrictions on word order, and non-configurational languages are assumed to be languages with very few or no word order restrictions. Many linguists posit a strict division between the two different types of languages. In this thesis I propose a non-derivational approach to configurationality, and I discuss in detail three posited characteristics of non-configurational languages (in comparison to configurational languages): free word order, discontinuous expressions and subject-object asymmetries in binding. I propose a four-way classification of languages instead of a two-way one, based on constraints on annotations on phrase structure nodes, both for argument functions and for information structural roles (such as topic and focus). I propose that this four-way distinction is what underlies configurationality. I show that discontinuous expressions and potentially subject-object symmetries follow from the nature of languages that have traditionally been classified as non-configurational. For my analysis I employ Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG), a non-derivational framework which is particularly well-suited to account for languages in which grammatical functions are not tied to specific phrase structural positions, due to its parallel architecture. This characteristic of LFG enables me to provide a straightforward classification of languages, by the ability to separate the influence of grammatical functions and information structural roles on word order and phrase structural configuration.
27
Juzek, Thomas Stephan. "Acceptability judgement tasks and grammatical theory". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b276ec98-5f65-468b-b481-f3d9356d86a2.
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This thesis considers various questions about acceptability judgement tasks (AJTs). In Chapter 1, we compare the prevalent informal method of syntactic enquiry, researcher introspection, to formal judgement tasks. We randomly sample 200 sentences from Linguistic Inquiry and then compare the original author judgements to online AJT ratings. Sprouse et al., 2013, provided a similar comparison, but they limited their analysis to the comparison of sentence pairs and to extreme cases. We think a comparison at large, i.e. involving all items, is more sensible. We find only a moderate match between informal author judgements and formal online ratings and argue that the formal judgements are more reliable than the informal judgements. Further, the fact that many syntactic theories rely on questionable informal data calls the adequacy of those theories into question. In Chapter 2, we test whether ratings for constructions from spoken language and constructions from written language differ if presented as speech vs as text and if presented informally vs formally. We analyse the results with an LME model and find that neither mode of presentation nor formality are significant factors. Our results suggest that a speaker's grammatical intuition is fairly robust. In Chapter 3, we quantitatively compare regular AJT data to their Z-scores and ranked data. For our analysis, we test resampled data for significant differences in statistical power. We find that Z-scores and ranked data are more powerful than raw data across most common measurement methods. Chapter 4 examines issues surrounding a common similarity test, the TOST. It has long been unclear how to set its controlling parameter d. Based on data simulations, we outline a way to objectively set d. Further results suggest that our guidelines hold for any kind of data. The thesis concludes with an appendix on non-cooperative participants in AJTs.
28
Teixeira, de Sousa Lílian 1980. "Sintaxe e interpretação de negativas sentenciais no português brasileiro = Syntax and interpretation of sentential negation in Brazilian Portuguese". [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268918.
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Orientador: Sonia Maria Lazzarini CyrinoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A negação sentencial no Português Brasileiro (PB) pode ser realizada através de três tipos diferentes de estruturas considerando o número e a posição de partículas negativas: [Neg V], [Neg V Não] e [V Não]. Essa distribuição é bastante rara nas línguas naturais, já que, geralmente, as línguas apresentam apenas uma estrutura para expressar negação sentencial e, algumas vezes, uma estrutura adicional com função discursiva. Alguns pesquisadores associam essa alternância de formas a um processo de mudança linguística conhecido como Ciclo de Jespersen (Schwegler 1991, Furtado da Cunha 1996), enquanto outros explicam a alternância em termos de estrutura informacional (Schwenter 2005; Cavalcante 2007, 2012). Neste estudo, buscamos descrever a ocorrência das estruturas na língua, através de testes de aceitabilidade e preferência, com o objetivo de formular uma análise dentro do quadro teórico da sintaxe gerativa que considerasse tanto as características distributivas quanto as possibilidades de interpretação dessas estruturas. Na literatura linguística é bastante recorrente a afirmação de que apenas a estrutura [Neg V] é livre de restrições sintáticas, o que tem servido de argumento para caracterizá-la como a negação padrão do PB. As outras duas formas, porém, apresentam fortes restrições sintáticas, não sendo ambas possíveis em perguntas-Qu ou em encaixadas temporais. Em nossa análise, verificamos que, além das diferenças entre forma padrão e formas marcadas, as estruturas [Neg V Não] e [V Não] apresentam distinções quando comparadas, por isso, as consideramos, assim como Biberauer & Cyrino (2009), como fenômenos diversos. [V Não], como observamos, não é possível em nenhum tipo de oração encaixada ou com o preenchimento de sujeitos não definidos ou ainda para veicular informação nova, estando restrita a contextos responsivos. [Neg V Não], por outro lado, não é compatível apenas com infinitivas ou encaixadas temporais e não apresenta restrições quanto ao tipo de sujeito e nem quanto ao tipo de informação, se nova ou dada. Também entoacionalmente as estruturas apresentam distinções, enquanto o não de [V Não] não é prosodicamente proeminente, o não final de [Neg V Não] pode ou não ser prosodicamente proeminente. Uma vez que tanto [Neg V] quanto [Neg V Não] podem veicular informação nova e dada, tratamo-las como negações semânticas. Considerando, entretanto, as restrições de [Neg V Não] em sentenças não temporalmente marcadas ou coocorrendo com conjunções subordinativas temporais, passamos a relacioná-la à categoria T. Tendo em vista, ainda, a incompatibilidade dessa estrutura em contextos narrativos, em que não há proposições, mas o sequenciamento de eventos, definimos essa estrutura enquanto um tipo de negação semântica com escopo sobre proposições em oposição à [Neg V], que teria escopo sobre situações. [V Não], por ocorrer unicamente em contextos responsivos e não ser capaz de licenciar itens de polaridade, é interpretada não como uma negação semântica, mas como uma estrutura com a função pragmática de foco. Do ponto de vista teórico, considerando a proposta de Fases, relacionamos a estrutura [Neg V] à fase V, [Neg V Não] à fase T e [V Não] ao CP, periferia à esquerda da fase T
Abstract: Sentential negation in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) may be accomplished through three different kinds of structures, considering the number and position of the negative particles: [Neg V], [Neg V Não] and [V Não]. This distribution is quite rare in natural languages, which usually feature only one structure to express sentential negation, with an optional structure to convey a discourse function. While some researchers have identified this alternation between forms with a process of linguistic change known as Jespersen's Cycle (Schwegler 1991, Furtado da Cunha 1996), some others explain this variation in terms of information structure (Schwenter 2005; Cavalcante 2007, 2012). In this study, we seek to describe the occurrence of these structures in BP by means of acceptability and preference tests, with the objective of formulating an analysis within the theoretical framework of generative syntax that would consider both distributive characteristics and possible interpretations of these structures. In the linguistic literature, it is frequently claimed that the [Neg V] structure is the only one devoid of syntactic restrictions. Such an idea has been presented as an argument for its character as the standard negation form in BP. On the other hand, the other two forms do have strong syntactic restrictions, once they are not both possible in wh-questions or in embedded time clauses. In our analysis we have noticed that, in addition to the differences between the standard form and the other ones, there is a distinction between the [Neg V Não] and [V Não] structures. Therefore we consider them to be separate phenomena, likewise Biberauer & Cyrino (2009a, 2009b): [V Não], as we have observed, is impossible in all kinds of embedded clause, with undefined subjects or even when conveying new information, as it is restricted to response contexts; [Neg V Não], on the other hand, is only incompatible with infinitive or embedded time clauses, and is unrestricted as to the type of subject or type of information conveyed, that is, whether new or given. These structures also contain intonational distinctions: while the 'não' in [V Não] is not prosodically prominent, the final 'não' in [Neg V Não] may or may not be prosodically prominent. Given that both [Neg V] and [Neg V Não] can convey both new and given information, they are treated as semantic negations. By taking into account that [Neg V Não] is not acceptable either in infinitival sentences or in sentences introduced by temporal conjunctions, we put forth that the second 'não' is merged in the T domain. Besides, given the incompatibility of this structure with narrative contexts in which there are no propositions but rather a sequence of events, we have defined this structure as a kind of semantic negation taking scope over propositions as opposed to [Neg V], which takes scope over situations. And because [V Não] occurs solely in the context of response and does not allow for polarity items, we have defined it not as a semantic negation, but as a structure marking pragmatic focus. From a theoretical standpoint, considering Phase Theory, we have related the [Neg V] structure to the V phase, [Neg V Não] to the T phase and [V Não] to the CP, the left periphery of the T phase
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutora em Linguística
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Gustin, Edward Louis. "A semantic analysis of 'get' and its acquisition by students of English in Macau : a cognitive approach". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2586626.
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De, Bruin Jeané. "A minimalist analysis of expletive daar (“there”) and dit (“it”) constructions in Afrikaans". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6513.
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Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with syntactic aspects of expletive daar (“there”) and dit (“it”) constructions in Afrikaans. Previous analyses of these constructions have mostly been of a non-formalistic nature (e.g. Barnes 1984; Donaldson 1993; Du Plessis 1977; Ponelis 1979, 1993). The present study investigates the properties of Afrikaans expletive constructions within the broad theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Four recent minimalist analyses of expletive constructions in English, Dutch and German are set out, namely those proposed by Bowers (2002), Felser and Rupp (2001), Richards and Biberauer (2005), and Radford (2009). Against this background, an analysis is proposed of transitive, non-passive unaccusative, passive unaccusative, and unergative expletive constructions in Afrikaans. Throughout, the focus is on whether the devices available within Minimalist Syntax, and specifically the Expletive Conditions proposed by Radford (2009), provide an adequate framework in which the relevant facts of Afrikaans can be described and explained. Where required, modifications to the devices in question are proposed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handel oor sintaktiese aspekte van ekspletiewe daar- en dit-konstruksies in Afrikaans. Vorige analises van dié konstruksies was grootliks nie-formalisties van aard (bv. Barnes 1984; Donaldson 1993; Du Plessis 1977; Ponelis 1979, 1993). Die huidige studie ondersoek die eienskappe van Afrikaanse ekspletiewe konstruksies binne die breë teoretiese raamwerk van Minimalistiese Sintaksis. Vier onlangse minimalistiese analises van ekspletiewe konstruksies in Engels, Nederlands en Duits word uiteengesit, naamlik dié wat voorgestel is deur Bowers (2002), Felser en Rupp (2001), Richards en Biberauer (2005), en Radford (2009). Teen hierdie agtergrond word ’n analise voorgestel van transitiewe, nie-passiewe onakkusatiewe, passiewe onakkusatiewe, en onergatiewe ekspletiewe konstruksies in Afrikaans. Die fokus is deurgaans op die vraag of die meganismes wat beskikbaar is binne Minimalistiese Sintaksis, en spesifiek die drie Ekspletiewe Voorwaardes wat voorgestel word deur Radford (2009), ’n toereikende raamwerk bied waarbinne die tersaaklike feite van Afrikaans beskryf en verklaar kan word. Waar nodig, word aanpassings aan die betrokke meganismes voorgestel.
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Kizu, Mika. "Unbounded dependencies in cleft constructions". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64589.pdf.
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Delin, Judith Lesley. "Cleft constructions in discourse". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6599.
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This thesis presents an analysis of the structure and function of cleft constructions in discourse. Drawing on a corpus of naturally-occurring spoken and written data, we present a multi-layered explanation of how it-clefts, wh-clefts, and reverse wh-clefts are different from non-clefts, and from one another. After a review of previous research on clefts in discourse, we explore the aspects of syntax, semantics, and pragmatics relevant to the structure and function of all three types of cleft. The discussion falls into three main parts: An analysis of the three cleft types, within the framework of Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar (cf. Gazdar et al. [1985]), in which particular attention is paid to the variety of constituents that can appear in particular positions in each type. The output of the grammar rules is compared to the examples that occur in the corpus of data. A treatment of cleft presupposition in terms of an analogy (suggested by van der Sandt [1988]) between presupposition and the treatment of pronominal anaphora in Kamp's [1981] Discourse Representation Theory An examination of the range of accentual patterns, presuppositional relations, and information structures typically appearing in clefts of all three kinds. We show that marked distinctions exist between the three cleft types in terms of all these factors, and suggest ways in which this helps to differentiate the range of discourse contexts in which clefts in general, and each cleft type in particular, are appropriate. At the end of the thesis we point to an analogy between the formal model for clefts presented and a psychological model of sentence processing We also suggest how the conclusions regarding both the structure and function of clefts as a class of construction and the distinction between the three types of cleft could be synthesised in a decision procedure for syntactic choice. Finally, we suggest some related areas for further research.
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Botha, Morne. "Die interne struktuur van die komplementeerdersisteem in Afrikaans". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2114.
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Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.This study focuses on the internal structure of the CP in Afrikaans. Rizzi’s (1997) Split-CP Hypothesis serves as the starting-point; however, careful consideration is also given to the more recent proposals of Beninca’ and Poletto (2004). The aim of the study is to determine whether the proposals of Rizzi (1997) and Beninca’ and Poletto (2004) provide an adequate framework for the description of the CP-domain in Afrikaans. The study is presented within the theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Specific adaptations to the Split-CP Hypothesis are suggested throughout the course of the discussion in an attempt to make the Split-CP Hypothesis compatible with the facts of Afrikaans. Finally, attention is also given to three problematic issues in Afrikaans that require further investigation.
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Hu, Yuxiu Lucille, e 胡玉秀. "The acquisition of English articles by Mandarin-speaking learners: an optimality-theoretic syntax account". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46482738.
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Pereira, Antonia Alves. "Estudo morfossintatico do Asurini do Xingu". [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270869.
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Orientador: Lucy SekiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta tese é um estudo da morfossintaxe da língua Asuriní do Xingu (família Tupi- Guaraní), falada pelos asuriní que residem no Posto Indígena Kwatinemu, no município de Altamira, estado do Pará. A análise pretendeu dar uma visão geral da língua e apresentar aspectos socioculturais de seu povo. Dessa forma, além da morfologia e da sintaxe, partes centrais da tese, procuramos também apresentar a fonologia no nível segmental, pois essa parte era essencial para a continuidade do estudo da língua nos níveis morfológicos e sintáticos. Em conformidade com nossos objetivos, a tese encontra-se dividida em seis capítulos. O capítulo 1 trata de aspectos históricos e socioculturais do grupo, o 2 trata da fonologia no nível segmental, o capítulo 3 discute as classes de palavras da língua, apresentando os critérios para a sua divisão. O capítulo 4 trata de fenômenos relacionados a subconstituintes da oração, nele são discutidos aspectos como a marcação de caso na língua, a oposição nome /verbo x argumento/ predicado, além disso, é mostrada a estrutura dos sintagmas nominal e verbal da língua. O capítulo 5 trata das orações independentes e de como é feita sua classificação. E o capítulo 6 trata das sentenças complexas, que compreendem as coordenadas e as subordinadas.
Abstract: This thesis is a study of the morphosyntax of the Asuriní of Xingu language (Tupi-Guarani family), spoken by the Asuriní who reside at the Posto Indígena Kwatinemu in the municipality of Altamira, Pará State, Brazil. Chapter 1 summarizes the historical and sociological background of the group. Chapter 2 presents the segmental phonology of the language. Chapter 3 discusses word classes and gives criteria for class division. Chapter 4 deals with phenomena related to sentence constituents, including case marking, the noun/verb vs. argument/predicate opposition, and the structure of noun and verb phrases. Chapter 5 deals with independent clauses and their classification. Chapter 6 describes coordination and subordination in complex sentences. Complex sentences are classified into sub-types, and their morphological and syntactic structure is described.
Doutorado
Linguas Indigenas
Doutor em Linguística
36
Bryant, Doreen. "Koordinationsellipsen im Spracherwerb die Verarbeitung potentieller Gapping-Strukturen". Berlin Akad.-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2845731&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Su, Kim Nam. "Statistical modeling of multiword expressions". Connect to thesis, 2008. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/3147.
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In natural languages, words can occur in single units called simplex words or in a group of simplex words that function as a single unit, called multiword expressions (MWEs). Although MWEs are similar to simplex words in their syntax and semantics, they pose their own sets of challenges (Sag et al. 2002). MWEs are arguably one of the biggest roadblocks in computational linguistics due to the bewildering range of syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and statistical idiomaticity they are associated with, and their high productivity. In addition, the large numbers in which they occur demand specialized handling. Moreover, dealing with MWEs has a broad range of applications, from syntactic disambiguation to semantic analysis in natural language processing (NLP) (Wacholder and Song 2003; Piao et al. 2003; Baldwin et al. 2004; Venkatapathy and Joshi 2006).Our goals in this research are: to use computational techniques to shed light on the underlying linguistic processes giving rise to MWEs across constructions and languages; to generalize existing techniques by abstracting away from individual MWE types; and finally to exemplify the utility of MWE interpretation within general NLP tasks.
In this thesis, we target English MWEs due to resource availability. In particular, we focus on noun compounds (NCs) and verb-particle constructions (VPCs) due to their high productivity and frequency.
Challenges in processing noun compounds are: (1) interpreting the semantic relation (SR) that represents the underlying connection between the head noun and modifier(s); (2) resolving syntactic ambiguity in NCs comprising three or more terms; and (3) analyzing the impact of word sense on noun compound interpretation. Our basic approach to interpreting NCs relies on the semantic similarity of the NC components using firstly a nearest-neighbor method (Chapter 5), then verb semantics based on the observation that it is often an underlying verb that relates the nouns in NCs (Chapter 6), and finally semantic variation within NC sense collocations, in combination with bootstrapping (Chapter 7).
Challenges in dealing with verb-particle constructions are: (1) identifying VPCs in raw text data (Chapter 8); and (2) modeling the semantic compositionality of VPCs (Chapter 5). We place particular focus on identifying VPCs in context, and measuring the compositionality of unseen VPCs in order to predict their meaning. Our primary approach to the identification task is to adapt localized context information derived from linguistic features of VPCs to distinguish between VPCs and simple verb-PP combinations. To measure the compositionality of VPCs, we use semantic similarity among VPCs by testing the semantic contribution of each component.
Finally, we conclude the thesis with a chapter-by-chapter summary and outline of the findings of our work, suggestions of potential NLP applications, and a presentation of further research directions (Chapter 9).
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Johns, Kenneth W. Jr. "Toward managing & automating CyberCIEGE scenario definition file creation". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1669.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedThe CyberCIEGE project seeks to create an alternative to traditional Information Assurance (IA) training and education approaches by developing an interactive, entertaining commercial-grade PC-based computer game/virtual laboratory. CyberCIEGE will provide a robust, flexible and extensible gaming environment where each instance of the game is based on a fully customizable scenario. These scenarios are written in the CyberCIEGE Scenario Definition Language. Unfortunately, the trade-off for flexibility, extensibility and fully customizable scenarios is syntax complexity in the scenario definition language. This thesis will solve this real world problem by showing that the complexity of scenario definition language syntax can be managed through a software tool. This thesis will develop such a tool and further demonstrate that progress can be made toward automating scenario generation.
Civilian, Federal Cyber Service Corps, Naval Postgraduate School
39
Antonelli, André Luís 1980. "O clitico se e a variação enclise/proclise do Portugues Medio ao Portugues Europeu Moderno". [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269036.
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Orientador: Charlotte Marie Chambelland GalvesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: No Português Europeu, do século 16 ao 19, é atestado em textos escritos que a ênclise e a próclise podem co-ocorrer no contexto sintático das orações afirmativas finitas não-dependentes XP-V, sendo XP um sintagma de natureza [+ referencial]. Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa (2005) já observaram que, até por volta de 1700, o uso da próclise é quantitativamente maior que o da ênclise. No entanto, a partir do início do século 18, começa a haver uma inversão nessa proporção, de tal modo que, no Português Europeu Moderno, os mesmos contextos que outrora admitiam a colocação proclítica apresentam agora a ênclise de maneira categórica. Em textos escritos antes do século 18, Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa já notaram que a opção pela ênclise está fortemente associada ao uso do clítico se. Elas mostram que, em textos dos séculos 16 e 17, um alto percentual de ênclise em sentenças sujeito-iniciais tipicamente traduz-se em uma alta proporção da ordem ?sujeito + verbo + clítico se?. Esse mesmo paradigma, porém, não é observado para os textos dos séculos 18 e 19, já que, nos textos escritos por autores nascidos após 1700, a distribuição da ênclise com se e com os outros clíticos é muito mais balanceada. Dada essa particularidade no fenômeno da colocação de clíticos do Português Europeu envolvendo o pronome se, procuro investigar, dentro do quadro teórico da gramática gerativa, a dinâmica da alternância ênclise/próclise especificamente em sentenças com esse clítico entre os séculos 16 e 19, buscando entender melhor em que circunstâncias a ênclise aparece e como isso se relaciona com o clítico se.
Abstract: In European Portuguese, from the 16th to the 19th century, it is noticed that, in written texts, enclisis and proclisis may co-occur in non-dependent affirmative sentences XP-V, XP being a [+ referential] phrase. Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa (2005) already observed that, up to about 1750, the use of proclisis is quantitatively higher than that of enclisis. However, from the beginning of the 18th century on, an inversion of this proportion started to occur in such a way that, in Modern European Portuguese, enclisis is categorical in all those contexts where the proclitic placement was allowed earlier. In texts written before the 18th century, Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa already noticed that the enclitic choice is strongly correlated with the use of the clitic se. They show that, in 16th and 17th century texts, a high rate of enclisis in subject-initial sentences typically translates into a high proportion of the word order ?subject + verb + clitic se?. However this same paradigm is not observed in relation to the 18th-19th century texts since, in the texts written by authors born after 1700, the distribution of enclisis with se and with other clitics is much more balanced. Given such particularity of the clitic-placement phenomenon in European Portuguese involving the clitic se, I try to investigate, within the theoretical framework of the generative grammar, the dynamics of enclisis/proclisis variation specifically in this kind of sentence between the 16th and 19th century, trying to improve the understanding about the circumstances in which enclisis arises and how it relates to the clitic se.
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestre em Linguística
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Prost, Jean-Philippe. "Modelling Syntactic Gradience with Loose Constraint-based Parsing". Phd thesis, Université de Provence - Aix-Marseille I, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00352828.
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La grammaticalité d'une phrase est habituellement conçue comme une notion binaire : une phrase est soit grammaticale, soit agrammaticale. Cependant, bon nombre de travaux se penchent de plus en plus sur l'étude de degrés d'acceptabilité intermédiaires, auxquels le terme de gradience fait parfois référence. À ce jour, la majorité de ces travaux s'est concentrée sur l'étude de l'évaluation humaine de la gradience syntaxique. Cette étude explore la possibilité de construire un modèle robuste qui s'accorde avec ces jugements humains.Nous suggérons d'élargir au langage mal formé les concepts de Gradience Intersective et de Gradience Subsective, proposés par Aarts pour la modélisation de jugements graduels. Selon ce nouveau modèle, le problème que soulève la gradience concerne la classification d'un énoncé dans une catégorie particulière, selon des critères basés sur les caractéristiques syntaxiques de l'énoncé. Nous nous attachons à étendre la notion de Gradience Intersective (GI) afin qu'elle concerne le choix de la meilleure solution parmi un ensemble de candidats, et celle de Gradience Subsective (GS) pour qu'elle concerne le calcul du degré de typicité de cette structure au sein de sa catégorie. La GI est alors modélisée à l'aide d'un critère d'optimalité, tandis que la GS est modélisée par le calcul d'un degré d'acceptabilité grammaticale. Quant aux caractéristiques syntaxiques requises pour permettre de classer un énoncé, notre étude de différents cadres de représentation pour la syntaxe du langage naturel montre qu'elles peuvent aisément être représentées dans un cadre de syntaxe modèle-théorique (Model-Theoretic Syntax). Nous optons pour l'utilisation des Grammaires de Propriétés (GP), qui offrent, précisément, la possibilité de modéliser la caractérisation d'un énoncé. Nous présentons ici une solution entièrement automatisée pour la modélisation de la gradience syntaxique, qui procède de la caractérisation d'une phrase bien ou mal formée, de la génération d'un arbre syntaxique optimal, et du calcul d'un degré d'acceptabilité grammaticale pour l'énoncé.
À travers le développement de ce nouveau modèle, la contribution de ce travail comporte trois volets.
Premièrement, nous spécifions un système logique pour les GP qui permet la révision de sa formalisation sous l'angle de la théorie des modèles. Il s'attache notamment à formaliser les mécanismes de satisfaction et de relâche de contraintes mis en oeuvre dans les GP, ainsi que la façon dont ils permettent la projection d'une catégorie lors du processus d'analyse. Ce nouveau système introduit la notion de satisfaction relâchée, et une formulation en logique du premier ordre permettant de raisonner au sujet d'un énoncé.
Deuxièmement, nous présentons notre implantation du processus d'analyse syntaxique relâchée à base de contraintes (Loose Satisfaction Chart Parsing, ou LSCP), dont nous prouvons qu'elle génère toujours une analyse syntaxique complète et optimale. Cette approche est basée sur une technique de programmation dynamique (dynamic programming), ainsi que sur les mécanismes décrits ci-dessus. Bien que d'une complexité élevée, cette solution algorithmique présente des performances suffisantes pour nous permettre d'expérimenter notre modèle de gradience.
Et troisièmement, après avoir postulé que la prédiction de jugements humains d'acceptabilité peut se baser sur des facteurs dérivés de la LSCP, nous présentons un modèle numérique pour l'estimation du degré d'acceptabilité grammaticale d'un énoncé. Nous mesurons une bonne corrélation de ces scores avec des jugements humains d'acceptabilité grammaticale. Qui plus est, notre modèle s'avère obtenir de meilleures performances que celles obtenues par un modèle préexistant que nous utilisons comme référence, et qui, quant à lui, a été expérimenté à l'aide d'analyses syntaxiques générées manuellement.
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Poortvliet, Marjolein. "Perception and predication : a synchronic and diachronic analysis of Dutch descriptive perception verbs as evidential copular verbs". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:71136ea5-67a8-4a76-ad8d-e0c26e820c45.
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Descriptive perception verbs have failed to receive a uniform analysis in previous verb classifications (cf. Chomsky 1965, Rogers 1974, Hengeveld 1992, Levin 1993, Van Eynde et al. 2014). This thesis argues that the descriptive perception verbs in Dutch (i.e. eruitzien 'look', klinken 'sound', voelen 'feel', ruiken 'smell', and smaken 'taste') should be classified as copular verbs, much like lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem'. This classification is supported by both the synchronic and diachronic behaviour of these verbs in Dutch. Synchronically, proposing that Germanic copular verbs (as opposed to copulas) are defined by their syntax rather than their (empty) semantics, I discuss that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs behave like stereotypical copular verbs: they require a predicative complement, usually in the form of an adjective. Semantically, the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are much like the copular verbs blijken 'turn out', lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem' in terms of epistemicity and evidentiality. Diachronically, I hypothesize that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs have evolved from one of the following two origins: either from intransitive verbs (as is the case for klinken and ruiken), much like English remain, through grammaticalization processes of semantic bleaching and reanalysis; or from cognitive perception verbs (as is the case of eruitzien and voelen), as found in Latin, Japanese and Zulu, through the process of argument reordering. The origin of smaken is not clear, and is left for future research. I show that other Germanic evidential copular verbs (i.e. lijken, schijnen 'seem', scheinen 'seem', seem) have developed diachronically in a uniform fashion, suggesting the following grammaticalization path: from a lexical verb to a copular verb, to taking a that-complement, an infinitival complement or a like-complement, and eventually being used in parenthetical constructions. The results of this thesis indicate that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are only at the beginning of this grammaticalization path, but are on their way to becoming grammaticalized evidential copular verbs.
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Gonçalves, Solange Aparecida 1960. "Aspecto no Kaingang". [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268995.
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Orientador: Wilmar da Rocha D'AngelisDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A presente dissertação avalia a pertinência do emprego da noção de Aspecto para definir a função desempenhada por um conjunto de partículas oracionais finais na língua Kaingang (família Jê, tronco Macro-Jê). Essa língua indígena é falada no Brasil Meridional em uma população de cerca de 30 mil pessoas. Para tanto, apresenta-se uma revisão da abordagem teórica dos fatos lingüísticos comumente classificados na categoria de Aspecto, destacando as distintas visões do fenômeno, muitas vezes tomado em perspectivas divergentes em diferentes autores. Ressalta-se, por exemplo, a distinção - para alguns teóricos, clara e necessária; para outros, inexistente ou sem grande utilidade - entre Aspecto e Acionalidade ('Aktionsart'). Há resenhas da bibliografia sobre a língua Kaingang, destacando as obras em que o tema foi abordado ou mencionado de algum modo. Finalmente, analisa-se um 'corpus' produzido, em sua maior parte, por dados colhidos diretamente em campo em função dessa pesquisa (uma parte dele, no entanto, é constituído de dados emprestados de outros trabalhos de pesquisa). A partir desses dados, sugerem-se hipóteses sobre a função de tais partículas, apontando, em algumas, efetivas funções aspectuais, mas em outras, uma função modal ou uma perspectiva de evidenciar Acionalidade
Abstract: This dissertation evaluates the relevancy of using the notion of Aspect to define the function performed by a set of final phrasal particles in the Kaingang language (Jê family, Macro-Jê stock). This aboriginal language is spoken by a population of about thirty thousand people in Southern Brazil. For this, a revision of the theoretical approach of the linguistic facts usually classified as Aspect's category is presented, detaching the distinct viewpoints about the phenomenon, many times taken in divergent perspectives by different authors. It's standed out, for example, the distinction - for some theoreticians, clear and necessary; for others, inexistent or without much use - between Aspect and Actionality ('Aktionsart'). There are bibliography summaries on the Kaingang language, detaching the workmanships where the subject boarded or was mentioned in some way. Finally, it is analyzed a set of data that, in its bigger part, was produced in field investigation specially applied for this research (a part of it, however, is constituted of borrowed data of other works of research). From these data, hypotheses are suggested on the function of such particles, concluding, in some cases, that they have effective aspectual functions, but in others, they suggest a modal function or a perspective of evidencing Actionality
Mestrado
Mestre em Linguística
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Kovitz, David Immanuel. "Looking into phrasal verbs". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2362.
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The phrasal verb is a unique type of verb phrase that consists of a main verb, usually of only one or two syllables, followed by a particle, that works as a single semantic unit. Such meaning, however, is characteristically expressed in idomatic terms, which poses a formidable problem for students of English as a second language. To be understood, this meaning must be figuratively interpreted as well as literally translated.
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Lopes, Ana Luiza Araújo. "A ênclise em orações dependentes na história do Português Europeu (Séc. 16 a 19)". [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269029.
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Orientador: Charlotte Marie Chambelland GalvesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A dissertação investiga a ênclise em orações dependentes na história do PE - entre os séculos 16 e 19. A colocação pronominal é um dos assuntos mais estudados da língua portuguesa, mas sempre priorizando as orações principais finitas onde há grande variação na colocação dos clíticos, com a mudança gramatical ocorrida no século 18 (Galves, Brito e Paixão de Sousa 2005, Galves, Namiuti e Paixão de Sousa2005; Paixão de Sousa, 2004). As orações dependentes sempre foram consideradas como contexto de próclise categórica. No entanto, nos dados extraídos do Corpus Histórico Tycho Brahe, apesar da predominância proclítica, foram atestados dados de ênclise em dependentes. A ênclise ocorre em orações dependentes nas gramáticas do Português - Clássico e Europeu moderno- sempre que há pelo menos um constituinte entre o complementador e o verbo. A ênclise ocorre em todo o período - Português Clássico ao Português Europeu moderno - em vários tipos de oração: relativas, completivas, dependentes iniciadas em porque. Mostro ainda que há uma estabilidade ao longo do tempo na colocação de clíticos em orações dependentes, ao contrário do que acontece nas orações principais A pergunta a ser respondida foi: como estas duas gramáticas geram a ênclise nas dependentes? Analiso o fenômeno com base no CP expandido de Rizzi (1997), e ainda retomando a proposta de Galves e Sandalo 2009 para a colocação de clíticos no PCl e no PE
Abstract: The aim of this work is to investigate the enclisis on subordinate clauses in the history of the European Portuguese. The clitic placement is one of the most popular subjects about the Portuguese language, but these researches always focus on the main clauses, there is a large variation on the clitics placement, after the language change around 18 century (Galves, Brito e Paixão de Sousa 2005; Paixão de Sousa 2004). The subordinate clauses were always considered as categorical proclisis context. Nevertheless, despite the high rates of proclisis on subordinates clauses, there are enclisis data from Tyhco Brahe Parsed Corpus of historical Porutuguese. The enclisis is only possible on subordinate clauses in Classical Portuguese and European Portuguese, when there is at least on constituent between the complement and the verb. The enclisis occurs in all type of subordinate clauses: relatives, completives, dependent clauses beginning with porque (because), during all the period - from Classical Portuguese to European Portuguese, and there are a stability during time. The aim of this work was to answer the question: How these two grammar produce the enclisis on subordinates? The phenomena was analyzed based on expanded CP proposed by Rizzi (1997), and the proposal from Galves and Sandalo (2009) for clitic placement on Classical Portuguese and European Portuguese
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestre em Linguística
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Toyota, Junichi. "Diachronic change in the English passive /". Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780230553453.
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Camacho, Ramírez Rafael Martín 1966. "El clítico se aspectual y causa = O clítico se aspectual e causa". [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270965.
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Orientador: Maria Filomena Spatti SandaloDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta tese tem como objetivo principal dar conta do assim chamado Se aspectual no espanhol, especificamente no dialeto falado na cidade de Lima. Fundamentalmente tem tido duas aproximações para explicar ao clítico: semântico-aspectual e sintático. Neste trabalho trata-se de combinar as duas perspectivas através da hipótese de que há um nó Causa nas construções com o clítico aspectual. Baseados nos trabalhos de Pylkkänen (2002, 2008) postulamos que o espanhol é uma língua voice-bundling e root-selecting, isto é, os nós Causa e Voice aparecem juntos, fundidos, e Causa seleciona diretamente a uma raiz que será verbalizada. Construções com o Se aspectual com verbos como Morir(se) ou Beber(se) seriam casos de um processo de causativización (opcional) do verbo. Para a parte aspectual, baseamos-nos no trabalho de de Miguel y Fernández (2000). As autoras argumentam que as construções com o Se aspectual têm duas fases. A segunda fase, que inclui a culminação do evento e a mudança do estado, é focalizada pelo clítico Se. Na tese trata-se de fazer equivaler essas duas fases com os eventos causante e causado, respectivamente. A análise, por outro lado, ajudará a mostrar qual é a função do clítico Se e qual posição ocuparia na sintaxe; especificamente, postulamos que o clítico é um reflexivo que se geraria no Sv, adotando a hipótese base-generated dos clíticos. Também se pretende no trabalho dar conta de maneira exaustiva de todos os contextos verbais nos que aparece o clítico em questão: com verbos inacusativos e transitivos
Abstract: This thesis has like main aim give account of the called aspectual Se in Spanish, specifically in the dialect spoken in the city of Lima. Fundamentally there have been two approaches to explain to the clitic: semantic-aspectual and syntactic. In this work, I try to combine the two perspectives through the hypothesis that there is a Cause node in the constructions with the aspectual clitic. Based in the Pylkkänen's work (2002, 2008), I posit that the Spanish is a voice-bundling and root-selecting language, this is, the Cause node and Voice appear together, merged, and Cause selects directly to a root that will be verbalize. Constructions with the aspectual Se with verbs like Morir (Die) or Beber (Drink) would be cases of a optional causation process of the verb. For the aspectual part, I have based in the de Miguel and Fernández (2000) work. The authors argue that constructions with the aspectual Se have two phases. The first phase is the process (or equivalent) expressed by the verb. The second phase, that includes the culmination of the event and the change of state, is focalized by the clitic. In the thesis, I treat to be equivalent these two phases with the causing event and caused event, respectively. The analysis, on the other hand, will help us to elucidate the function of the Se, and which position would occupy in the syntax; specifically, I posit that the clitic is one reflexive that would have been generated in the Sv, adopting the base-generated hypothesis of the clitics. Also I pretend in this thesis give account, of exhaustive way, of all the verbal contexts in which the clitic appears: with unacussative, inergative, and transitive verb
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestra em Linguística
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Malinga, Bongiwe Bernadette. "A semantic and syntactic analysis of break and bend verbs in Zulu". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52131.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The subject of this study is Break and Bend verbs in isiZulu, which can be classified as verbs of change of state. This study examines the semantic as well as the syntactic analysis of these verbs of change of state in Zulu. Semantically Bend verbs are divided into verbs denoting the bending of body parts, e.g: thoba, khothema, qomfa, bhena, guqa, vosho, and verbs that denote the bending of body parts as well as physical objects, e.g. goba, qethuka/qethula as shown in the sentences below: Indoda igobe ucingo The man bent the wire. Indoda ithe qethu ikhanda The man bent the head backwards. Inkosikazi igobe amadolo The woman bent the knees. Uthe qethu isigxobo He made the pole bend backwards. The study will demonstrate that Break verbs are semantically divided into verbs denoting break or fracture, e.g. aphula/aphuka; those denoting "break off" e.g. nqamuka/nqamula; a verb denoting "to smash", e.g. fahlaza/fahlaka; those denoting " crack", e.g. chachamba, verbs meaning "to tear", e.g. dabula/dabuka; verbs denoting "to demolish", e.g. bhidliza/bhidlika and verbs denoting "to break open", e.g. havuka I havula. Syntactically, Break predicates may occur as ideophones, which are ergative with transitive/intransitive alternation, e.g. aphulaj aphuka, In addition, Break predicates may consist of ideophones with verbal suffixes: [-k-] is the suffix of intransitive ideophone [-I-] or [-z-] is the suffix of transitive ideophone Intransitive ideophone: Intambo ithe nqamu The rope broke Intransitive verb with [-k-]: Intambo inqamukile The rope broke Transitive ideophone: Indoda ithe nqamu intambo The man broke the rope Transitive verb with [-1-]: Indoda inqamule intambo. The man broke a rope Transitive verb with [-z-]: Indoda iphoqoze intambo. The man broke a bone The study demonstrates that with Bend verbs there are two ergative verbs, namely thoba and goba. -- The study further demonstrates that Bend verbs are mostly intransitive with a shadow argument; there is an ideophone qethu, which takes the transitive / intransitive alternation with the suffix [-k-] for the intransitive and [-1-] for the transitive alternation, respectively. The study provides evidence that Break and Bend verbs are characterised by specific selection restrictions as well as event structures. Some alternations were also investigated in the study, such as the Possessive alternation and Instrument-Subject alternation. Lastly, the Lexical conceptual paradigm and the Lexical Inheritance Structure of each verb were examined.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onderwerp van hierdie studie is Breek en Buig werkwoorde in isiZulu, wat geklassifiseerword as werkwoorde van toestandverandering. Hierdie studie ondersoek die semantiese en die sintaktiese analise van die werkwoordtipe van toestandverandering in isizulu. Buigwerkwoorde word semanties ingedeel in werkwoorde wat die buig van liggaamsdeleaandui, byvoorbeeld: thoba, khothema, qomfa, bhena, guqa, vosho, en werkwoorde wat die buig van liggaamsdele sowel as die fisiese objekte aandui, byvoorbeeld: goba, qethuka/qethula, soos aangedui word in die sinne hieronder: Indoda igobe ucingo Die man het die draad gebuig Indoda ithe qethu ikhanda Die man het sy kop agteroor gebuig Inkosikazi igobe amadolo Die vrou het (haar) knieë gebuig Uthe qethu isigxobo Hy het die paal agtertoe gebuig. Hierdie studie toon aan dat Breek-werkwoorde semanties ingedeel kan word in werkwoorde wat "breek" aandui, bv. aphula/aphuka: werkwoorde wat "afbreek" aandui, bv. nqamuka/nqamula; werkwoorde wat "flenters breek" aandui, bv. fahlaza/fahlaka; werkwoorde wat "bars" aandui, bv. chachamba, werkwoorde wat "skeur" aandui, bv. dabula/dabuka; werkwoorde wat "ruineer" aandui, bv. bhidliza/bhidlika en werkwoorde wat "oopbreek" aandui, bv. havuka/havula. Breek-predikate kan sintakties as ideofone verskyn, wat ergatief (ergative) is met 'n transitief/intransitief alternasie, bv.. aphula/aphuka. Voorts kan Breek-predikate ook verskyn as ideofone met werkwoordagtervoegsels: [-k-] is die suffiks van die intransitiewe ideofoon [-1-] of [-z-] is die suffiks van die transitiewe ideofoon Intransitiewe ideofoon: Intambo ithe nqamu Die tou het gebreek Intransitiewe werkwoord met [-k-]: Intambo inqamukile Die tou het gebreek Transitiewe ideofoon: Indoda ithe nqamu intambo Die man het die tou gebreek Transitiewe werkwoord met [-1-]: Indoda inqamule intambo. Die man het die tou gebreek Transitiewe werkwoord met l-e-l: Indoda iphoqoze umlenze Die man het die been gebreek Die studie toon aan dat met Buigwerkwoorde, twee ergatiewe werkwoorde gevind is, naamlik thoba en goba. Die studie toon ook aan dat Buigwerkwoorde meestal intransitiewe werkwoorde is wat met 'n skadu-argument verskyn. Daar is 'n ideofoon qethu, wat die transitief/intransitief alternasie vertoon met die suffiks [-k-] vir die intransitief en [-I-] vir die transitief alternasie, respektiewelik Die studie bied bewys daarvoor dat Breek- en Buigwerkwoorde gekenmerk word deur seleksiebeperkings en gebeure ('event') strukture. Sommige alternasies is ook ondersoek in die studie, byvoorbeeld die Possessief alternasie en Instrument-Subjek alternasie. Laastens, is die leksikaal-konseptuele paradigma en die Leksikale-erwingstruktuur van elke werkwoord ondersoek.
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Hjálmarsson, Guðmundur Andri. "What if? : an enquiry into the semantics of natural language conditionals". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/949.
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This thesis is essentially a portfolio of four disjoint yet thematically related articles that deal with some semantic aspect or another of natural language conditionals. The thesis opens with a brief introductory chapter that offers a short yet opinionated historical overview and a theoretical background of several important semantic issues of conditionals. The second chapter then deals with the issue of truth values and conditions of indicative conditionals. So-called Gibbard Phenomenon cases have been used to argue that indicative conditionals construed in terms of the Ramsey Test cannot have truth values. Since that conclusion is somewhat incredible, several alternative options are explored. Finally, a contextualised revision of the Ramsey Test is offered which successfully avoids the threats of the Gibbard Phenomenon. The third chapter deals with the question of where to draw the so-called indicative/ subjunctive line. Natural language conditionals are commonly believed to be of two semantically distinct types: indicative and subjunctive. Although this distinction is central to many semantic analyses of natural conditionals, there seems to be no consensus on the details of its nature. While trying to uncover the grounds for the distinction, we will argue our way through several plausible proposals found in the literature. Upon discovering that none of these proposals seem entirely suited, we will reconsider our position and make several helpful observations into the nature of conditional sentences. And finally, in light of our observations, we shall propose and argue for plausible grounds for the indicative/subjunctive distinction.distinction. The fourth chapter offers semantics for modal and amodal natural language conditionals based on the distinction proposed in the previous chapter. First, the nature of modal and amodal suppositions will be explored. Armed with an analysis of modal and amodal suppositions, the corresponding conditionals will be examined further. Consequently, the syntax of conditionals in English will be uncovered for the purpose of providing input for our semantics. And finally, compositional semantics in generative grammar will be offered for modal and amodal conditionals. The fifth and final chapter defends Modus Ponens from alleged counterexamples. In particular, the chapter offers a solution to McGee’s infamous counterexamples. First, several solutions offered to the counterexamples hitherto are all argued to be inadequate. After a couple of observations on the counterexamples’ nature, a solution is offered and demonstrated. the solution suggests that the semantics of embedded natural language conditionals is more sophisticated than their surface syntax indicates. The heart of the solution is a translation function from the surface form of natural language conditionals to their logical form. Finally, the thesis ends with a conclusion that briefly summarises the main conclusions drawn in its preceding chapters.
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Franks, Steven Laurence. "Matrices and indices some problems in the syntax of case /". 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/13104110.html.
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Eggert, Randall. "Disconcordance : the syntax, semantics, and pragmatics of or-agreement /". 2002. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3060208.
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