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NACHUM, IRIS, e SAGI SCHAEFER. "The Semantics of Political Integration: Public Debates about the Term ‘Expellees’ in Post-War Western Germany". Contemporary European History 27, n.º 1 (14 de dezembro de 2017): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731700042x.
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In the immediate period following the Second World War the Western occupation zones of Germany received eight million ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe. Initially these newcomers were lumped in Western German discourse under the term ‘refugees’. Yet, within less than a decade, the term ‘expellees’ emerged as a more popular denotation. Scholarship has offered two explanations for this semantic change, emphasising the political influence of both the Allies and the ‘expellee’ leadership. This article presents a complementary reason for this discursive shift. We argue that ‘expellees’ marked the symbolic weight that the ethnic Germans offered as expulsion victims in order to balance out German guilt for Nazi crimes.
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Brinkmann, Tobias. "German Migrations: Between Blood and Soil". German Politics and Society 20, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2002): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385345.
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Dieter Gosewinkel, Einbürgern und Ausschließen. Die Nationalisierung der Staatsangehörigkeit vom Deutschen Bund bis zur Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001)Daniel Levy, Yfaat Weiss, ed., Challenging Ethnic Citizenship: German and Israeli Perspectives on Immigration (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)Barbara Marshall, The New Germany and Migration in Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)Jan Motte, Rainer Ohliger, Anne von Oswald, ed., 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik – 50 Jahre Einwanderung: Nachkriegsgeschichte als Migrationsgeschichte (Frankfurt am Main/New York: Campus, 1999)David Rock and Stefan Wolff, ed., Coming Home to Germany? The Integration of Ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe in the Federal Republic since 1945 (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)Stefan Wolff, ed., German Minorities in Europe: Ethnic Identity and Cultural Belonging (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2000)
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Swanson, John C. "Minority Building in the German Diaspora: The Hungarian-Germans". Austrian History Yearbook 36 (janeiro de 2005): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004872.
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Issues concerning the status and rights of ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe have become significant in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. A focus on co-nations in neighboring states, “others” in so-called nation-states, and questions of immigration dominate the media in many areas in Europe. Even though ethnic minorities and ethnic identity are part of modern conversation, the subject of ethnic minorities needs to receive serious scholarly attention to demonstrate its nuanced sense of meaning. Like nations, ethnic minorities are not static entities; they are not primordial. They are constructed or imagined in the same way nations are, even though there has been little scholarly attention devoted to minority building. In order to understand the complex meaning of an ethnic minority, one needs to view the creation of a minority—minority building—on different levels, and understand it as members of the minority understand it and as others perceive it.
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Beer, Matthias. "Vertriebene und “Umsiedlerpolitik.” Integrationskonflikte in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft und die Assimilationsstrategien in der SBZ/DDR 1945-1961". Central European History 39, n.º 1 (março de 2006): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906370069.
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Among forced population transfers in the twentieth century, the expulsion of the German population from East Central Europe at the end of World War II was remarkable. More than twelve million Germans were expelled from the eastern parts of the German Reich and some eastern European states. These refugees arrived in a defeated, occupied, destroyed, and divided country. Initially, the percentage of expelled persons in the Soviet Occupation Zone was much higher than in the western zones. With almost 4.5 million individuals, the expellees made up twenty-four percent of the total population in the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1949. By contrast, western Germany had eight million expellees, who comprised roughly sixteen percent of the total population.
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Nolte, Claire E. "Czechs and Germans—An Enduring Problem in the Heart of Central Europe: A Conclusion". Nationalities Papers 24, n.º 01 (março de 1996): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408430.
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The relationship between Germans and Czechs has often been the crucible on which the history of Central Europe was forged. Although characterized more by enmity than amity in recent times, this was not always the case. For most of the centuries when Czechs and Germans shared the same Central European space, the cultural differences between them lacked a political dimension, and their interaction was peaceful and mutually beneficial. The Teutonic Knights named their citadel “Königsberg” in honor of the Czech ruler, Přemysl Otakar II, while German townspeople contributed their skills and crafts to the economic advancement of the Bohemian kingdom which he ruled. Beginning in the nineteenth century, however, the positive aspects of this ethnic coexistence were ignored, forgotten, or suppressed by scholars and politicians, both Czech and German, who interpreted the Bohemian past in the language of national separatism.
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von Donat, Marcell. "Neutralism in Germany". Government and Opposition 21, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 1986): 406–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00029.x.
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IN 1986, THE FRENCH PRESIDENT FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND reminded us that neutralism in Germany was not just a simple reaction to political facts but a very complex constant in recent German history. Is the idea of a neutral Germany or of two neutral German states of any political importance today? Are there still supporters for neutrality in Central Europe? Would it not be normal for some people to think in those terms?In today's relatively tension-free period of East-West relations, the fact may be overlooked that the German situation remains exceptional and that the Germans have a burden to carry which other nations do not have. The Federal Republic of Germany does not have full freedom of choice like for instance, Norway, which is a member of NATO without being a member of the EC, or Ireland which is an EC-member without belonging to NATO. What is considered as a normal option for any other nation might not be permitted for the Germans. Thus the frontline state at the frontier of the two world ideologies cannot claim normal freedom of action.
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Langenbacher, Eric. "Twenty-first Century Memory Regimes in Germany and Poland: An Analysis of Elite Discourses and Public Opinion". German Politics and Society 26, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2008): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260404.
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One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast majority of Germans were expelled—have reacted with fear. Yet, do these elite voices resonate with mass publics? Have these arguments had demonstrable effects on public opinion? This paper delves into these questions by looking at survey results from both countries. It finds that there has been a disjuncture between the criticisms of elites and average citizens, but that the barrage of elite criticisms leveled at German expellees and their initiatives now may be affecting mass attitudes in all cases.
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Cordell, Karl, e Stefan Wolff. "Germany as a Kin-State: The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe". Nationalities Papers 35, n.º 2 (maio de 2007): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.
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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.
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BURZLAFF, JAN. "CONFRONTING THE COMMUNAL GRAVE: A REASSESSMENT OF SOCIAL RELATIONS DURING THE HOLOCAUST IN EASTERN EUROPE". Historical Journal 63, n.º 4 (19 de dezembro de 2019): 1054–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000566.
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AbstractThis historiographical review focuses on the complex interactions between Nazi Germany, local populations, and east European Jews during the Holocaust. Braving fierce historical revisionism in eastern Europe and the Baltic states, recent studies have shifted the spotlight from Germans to Poles, Ukrainians, Russians, Lithuanians, and other ethnicities. As a result, the analytic categories with which most historians still work – notably ‘perpetrator/victim/bystander’ and ‘collaboration/resistance’ – have outlived their usefulness. A more complex picture of the Nazi-occupied territories in eastern Europe has emerged and now awaits new theoretical frameworks. This article argues that past paradigms blinded scholars to a range of groups lost in the cracks and to behaviours remaining outside the political sphere. Through four criteria that shed light on the social history of the Holocaust in eastern Europe, it draws connections between central and east European, German, Jewish, and Soviet histories, in order to engage with other fields and disciplines that examine modern mass violence and genocide. As Holocaust studies stands at a crossroads, only a transnational history including all ethnicities and deeper continuities, both temporal and geographical, will enhance our knowledge of how social relations shaped the very evolution of the Holocaust.
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Bryant, Chad. "Habsburg History, Eastern European History … Central European History?" Central European History 51, n.º 1 (março de 2018): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000225.
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Germany and all things German have long been the primary concern ofCentral European History(CEH), yet the journal has also been intimately tied to the lands of the former Habsburg monarchy. As the editor stated in the first issue, published in March 1968,CEHemerged “in response to a widespread demand for an American journal devoted to the history of German-speaking Central Europe,” following the demise of theJournal of Central European Affairsin 1964. The Conference Group for Central European History sponsoredCEH, as well as the recently mintedAustrian History Yearbook(AHY). Robert A. Kann, the editor ofAHY, sat on the editorial board ofCEH, whose second issue featured a trenchant review by István Deák of Arthur J. May'sThe Passing of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914–1918. The third issue contained the articles “The Defeat of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the Balance of Power” by Kann, and Gerhard Weinberg's “The Defeat of Germany in 1918 and the Balance of Power.” That same year,East European Quarterlypublished its first issue.
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Oltmer, Jochen. "“The Unspoilt Nature of German Ethnicity”: Immigration and Integration of “Ethnic Germans” in the German Empire and the Weimar Republic". Nationalities Papers 34, n.º 4 (setembro de 2006): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600841959.
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In 1950, in the aftermath of the Second World War and after flight and expulsion had come to an end, there were about four million Germans still living in East, East Central and Southeast Europe. Between 1950 and 1975, a total of about 800,000 Aussiedler (immigrants who are recognised by the German authorities as being of German descent) passed through the West German border transit camps, and 616,000 more arrived between 1976 and 1987. Then, with the opening of the Iron Curtain, mass immigration of Aussiedler began. Against the background of glasnost and perestroika in the USSR, their numbers increased rapidly from 1987 onwards. During the next nearly two decades, three million Aussiedler entered the Federal Republic of Germany. In all, more than four million migrants of officially recognised German descent migrated into Germany during the second half of the twentieth century.
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Gerlach, David. "Czechs and Germans 1848–2004: The Sudeten Question and the Transformation of Central Europe". German History 34, n.º 4 (20 de agosto de 2016): 693–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghw071.
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Novotný, Lukas. "Sudeten German Party Complaint to the League of Nations and the Situation of the German Minority in Czechoslovakia". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n.º 4 (2021): 1177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.409.
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The ethnic problem had never before been such a pressing issue at the international level as it was in the initial post-war years, in particular, in the areas of Central and Southeast Europe. Based on post-war negotiations, the idea of international protection of national minorities was born, which was closely connected with the system of peace treaties concluded with defeated states. The submitted study uses unpublished sources of Czechoslovak (National Archives in Prague, Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague) and British (National Archives in Kew) provenance, published sources and specialist publications to look at the complaints of national minorities to the League of Nations during the 1930s; specifically — at the petition of the Sudeten German Party in Czechoslovakia in 1936, which concerned an instruction from the Ministry of National Defence to companies intending to apply for state contracts about the ethnic composition of their employees. It uses this example to demonstrate the instrumental nature of Sudeten German Party policy, showing that it did not represent a real attempt at improving the living conditions for the German minority in the First Czechoslovak Republic but rather was a deliberate effort to increase the visibility of the political entity and to internationalize the issue of the cohabitation of Czechs and Germans in interwar Czechoslovakia. The study also demonstrates that another objective of the Sudeten German Party was to attract attention from Great Britain, which had been avoiding significant engagement in Central Europe.
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Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)". Politology bulletin, n.º 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.40-50.
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Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.
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Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)". Politology bulletin, n.º 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.40-50.
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Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.
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Rigó, Máté. "Imperial Currencies after the Fall of Empires: The Conversion of the German Paper Mark and the Austro-Hungarian Crown at the End of the First World War". Central European History 53, n.º 3 (setembro de 2020): 533–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919001146.
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AbstractFollowing the 1918 collapse of the two major empires that ruled central Europe, Austria-Hungary and Germany, successor states inherited billions of increasingly depreciating paper monies. The conversion of imperial currencies posed enormous difficulties for successor states and exposed the limits of an emerging international order that rendered the pan-European predicament of defunct imperial currencies the problem of individual states. This article compares the first, and one of the last, conversions of imperial currencies, taking monetary transitions in Alsace-Lorraine (1918) and Transylvania (1920) as case studies. Although historians usually treat western and east-central European history separately, the conversion of imperial currencies produced similar outcomes in both the former Alsace-Lorraine and Transylvania. Differences emerge where one would not expect them: the phasing out of the paper mark was coupled with systematic ethnic discrimination against Germans in Alsace and Lorraine, while in Transylvania, some ethnic minorities even managed to benefit from the process.
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Johnston, Rosamund. "Listening in on the Neighbors: The Reception of German and Austrian Radio in Cold War Czechoslovakia". Central European History 54, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2021): 603–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000054.
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AbstractIn 1966, a Radio Free Europe (RFE) report estimated that seven in ten Czechs and Slovaks listened to Radio Vienna, making it the most popular foreign station in Czechoslovakia. Yet conventional narratives of Western radio in socialist central Europe highlight the role played by runner-up RFE. By focusing on the practice of listening to German-language radio in Czechoslovakia between 1945 and 1969, this article shows that cross-border, German-language listening mattered not only between the Germanies, but also in central Europe, where listening habits were shaped by the region's multilingual heritage. In addition to highlighting German's significance as a language of regional communication, the article reveals the importance of cross-border contacts and the significance of light entertainment in Cold War central Europe. Rather than separating listeners out by citizenship, foreign radio listening fostered solidarities that cut across national boundaries and divided people by generation, geography, class, and technical dexterity instead.
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Dreves, Friedrich. "Życie codzienne ludności niemieckiej w stolicy Kraju Warty Poznaniu na podstawie dokumentów z wybranych archiwów". Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 9 (2022): 99——116. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.22.006.17218.
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W okresie II wojny światowej Poznań o zniemczonej nazwie Posen był stolicą wcielonego do Wielkiej Rzeszy Niemieckiej „wzorcowego okręgu” o nazwie Okręg Kraj Warty (Mustergau Wartheland). Ludność niemiecką w Poznaniu, której liczebność od czasu wybuchu wojny do 1944 r. wzrosła z 6 do 100 tys. osób, stanowiły heterogeniczne grupy takie jak: Niemcy z R zeszy, przesiedleńcy, głównie z państw bałtyckich, i tzw. Volksdeutsche. Ich życie codzienne w Poznaniu nie zostało dotychczas zbadane i opracowane, pomimo że aspekt ten stanowi interesujący temat historiograficzny. W celu jego rekonstrukcji nie należy powoływać się jedynie na bogate zasoby Archiwum Państwowego w Poznaniu i placówek Bundesarchiv, lecz uwzględnić w nich również inne, mocno rozproszone źródła. Są one przechowywane w licznych — wskazanych w tekście — niemieckich archiwach naukowych i bibliotekach, które nie zawsze specjalizują się w badaniach nad historią Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Daily lives of German people in Poznań, the capital of the Wartheland, based on documents from selected archives In the years of the Second World War, Poznań (Germanized name — Posen), was the capital of the “model administrative unit” called Mustergau Wartheland and incorporated into Nazi Germany. From the outbreak of the war, the number of Germans in Poznań grew: in 1939, there were 6,000 G ermans, and in 1944 — 100,000. They belonged to several heterogeneous groups such as: Germans from the Reich, displaced persons (mainly from the Baltic states), as well as the so-called Volksdeutsche. Their daily lives in Poznań have not been researched and described yet, even though this makes an interesting historiographical topic. In order to reconstruct them, one should not only refer to the rich resources of the State Archive in Poznań and the Bundesarchiv branches, but also include other, largely dispersed sources. These are stored in numerous German scientific archives and libraries (described in the article), which do not always specialize in studies on the history of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Polunin, Evgeny. "The History Of The German Minority In Central Europe (S. V. Kretinin. The Germans In Poland. 1918-1939 Tambov, 2019)". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia 5 (2019): 242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640006363-7.
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Cohen, G. Daniel. "Ruth Gay. Safe Among The Germans: Liberated Jews After World War Two. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002. 330 pp.; Zeev Mankowitz. Life Between Memory and Hope: The Survivors of the Holocaust in Occupied Germany. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 348 pp." AJS Review 28, n.º 2 (novembro de 2004): 378–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404320210.
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In the last decade or so, new research on Jewish displaced persons in occupied Germany has pushed the traditional boundaries of “Holocaust studies” (1933–1945) toward the postwar period. Indeed, the displaced persons or “DP” experience—the temporary settlement in Germany of the Sheءerith Hapleitah (“Surviving Remnant”) from the liberation of concentration camps in the spring of 1945 to the late 1940s—provides important insights into post-Holocaust Jewish life. The impact of trauma and loss, the final divorce between Jews and East-Central Europe through migration to Israel and the New World, the rise of Zionist consciousness, the shaping of a Jewish national collective in transit, the regeneration of Jewish demography and culture in the DP camps, and the relationships between Jews and Germans in occupied Germany are some of the many themes explored by recent DP historiography—by now a subfield of postwar Jewish history.
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O'Sullivan, Michael E. "Religion, Modernity, and Democracy in Central Europe: Toward a Gendered History of Twentieth-Century Catholicism". Central European History 52, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2019): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891900102x.
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Numerous past review articles by scholars of German history share ideas produced by the religious turn in historiography since the 1970s and 1980s. Although highlighting a still growing groundswell of work focused on the German Catholic minority, these essays typically express discomfort with the relation of their subspecialty to the rest of the discipline. Bemoaning the marginalization of Catholic history and the self-inflicted ghettoization of research narrowly focused on regional traditions, past reviewers have worried about the integration of Catholicism within a larger framework. These past articles summarize phases of research on German Catholicism that produced much scholarship and multiple conceptual frameworks through which to understand the enduring impact of the church. Scholars of the 1970s and 1980s pushed against the grain of Hans-Ulrich Wehler's Bielefeld School to prove that Catholicism contributed more to the liberal democratic development of Germany than had been previously assumed, and by the 1990s German Catholic research focused primarily on the social history of Catholicism. The field of German Catholic history underwent a period of uncertain change during the early 2000s. Many of the German-language monographs on the topic remained wedded to the milieu model, but some younger scholars responded to critiques of German Catholic history by studying women's history or deploying poststructuralist analysis.
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Surman, Jan. "Imperial Science in Central and Eastern Europe". Histories 2, n.º 3 (14 de setembro de 2022): 352–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2030026.
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The history of imperial science has been a growing topic over recent decades. Overviews of the imperial history of science have rarely included the Russian, Habsburg, and German empires. The history of Central and Eastern Europe has embraced empire as an analytical and critical category only recently, having previously pursued national historiographies and romanticised versions of imperial pasts. This article highlights several key narratives of imperial sciences in Central and Eastern Europe that have appeared over the past twenty years, especially in anglophone literature. Interdependence between national and imperial institutions and biographies, the history of nature as an interplay of scales, and finally, the histories of imagining a path between imperialism and nationalism, demonstrate how the history of imperial science can become an important part of the discussion of Central European history from a global perspective, as well as how the history of science can be factored into the general history of this region. Finally, I argue that the imperial history of science can play an important role in re-thinking the post/decolonial history of Central and Eastern Europe, an issue that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, has become the centre of intellectual attention.
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Wettestad, Jørgen. "Implementing Stronger European Air Pollution Policies: Will High Hopes in Brussels and Geneva Be Dashed in London?" Energy & Environment 13, n.º 3 (julho de 2002): 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/095830502320268241.
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The recently adopted National Emission Ceilings (NEC) Directive within the European Union and the 1999 Gothenburg Protocol within the Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP) require a substantial further reduction of emissions. What are the chances for implementation success and what are the determining factors? The earlier central air pollution ‘laggard’ the UK is singled out for specific scrutiny, along with Germany and France. With regard to the UK, it does not seem reasonable to assume that the ‘high hopes’ in Geneva/CLRTAP and Brussels will be dashed in London. Despite a recent worrying increase in the use of coal, the UK as ‘the dirty man of Europe’ seems to be history. The prospects for German implementation are more uncertain, but it seems reasonable to assume that the Germans will do quite well, but be less impressive than in the past. France is even more of an uncertain card here, and its unimpressive NOx and VOC performance so far does not bode well. As these countries are central in both the EU and CLRTAP contexts, the implementation prospects for the new EU and CLRTAP commitments are overall quite promising, even though there are huge uncertainties to be clarified further.
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Süssner, Henning. "Still Yearning for the Lost Heimat? Ethnic German Expellees and the Politics of Belonging". German Politics and Society 22, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2004): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503004782353258.
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As a result of Nazi race politics, World War II, and the restructuringof Europe in the postwar era, the painful experience of forced migrationbecame a reality in the lives of many Europeans. About 12 million1ethnic Germans shared the fate of being forced to leave theirancestral areas of settlement in Eastern and Eastern/Central Europebetween 1939 and 1948. These people were either forced to move“back to the Reich” by the Nazi government, fled from advancingenemy forces in 1944/45, or were forced out of their homes by Easternand Central European postwar governments.
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Port, Andrew I. "Central European History since 1989: Historiographical Trends and Post-Wende “Turns”". Central European History 48, n.º 2 (junho de 2015): 238–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000588.
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In a luncheon address at the annual meeting of the German Studies Association in 2013, David Blackbourn delivered an impassioned plaidoyer to “grow” German history, i.e., to rescue it from the temporal “provincialism” that has, he believes, increasingly characterized the study of Germany over the past two decades. Blackbourn was critical of the growing emphasis on the twentieth century and especially the post-1945 period—not because of the quality of the work per se, but rather because of the resultant neglect of earlier periods and the potential loss of valuable historical insights that this development has brought in its wake. There have been other seemingly seismic shifts in the profession as a whole that have not left the history of Germany and German-speaking Central Europe untouched: greater emphasis on discourse analysis and gender, memory and identity, experience and cultural practices (i.e., the “linguistic turn” and the “new” cultural history). Accompanied by a decline in interest about Germany exclusively as a “nation-state,” the last decade in particular has seen a spike in “global” or “transnational” approaches. And, like other fields, the study of Germany has also witnessed greater interest in the study of race, minorities, immigration, and colonization—what Catherine Epstein referred to as the “imperial turn” in a piece that appeared in the journal Central European History (CEH) in 2013.
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Juhászová, Tereza. "The Troubled Pasts of Hungarian and German Minorities in Slovakia and Their Representation in Museums". Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 12, n.º 1 (30 de julho de 2018): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0002.
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Abstract In the 20th century, the two world wars reshaped the map of Central Europe as well as the status of Central Europe’s diverse societies. In my article, I focus on the Hungarian and German minorities in Slovakia and the representation of their problematic historical past in contemporary Slovak museums. More specifically, I zoom in on the exhibition Exchanged Homes displayed in Bratislava, which aims to commemorate the fate of Hungarians, Germans, and Slovaks, all of whom were affected by the population transfers after World War II. Based on the concept of memorial museums theorized by Paul Williams, I aim to show how the different exhibitions engage with the traumatic past of forceful resettlement. By offering multifaceted memories of a troubled past, these exhibitions avoid categorizing “victims” and “perpetrators” along national or ethnic lines. My paper thus analyzes the concepts and components of the exhibitions—the context of the postwar events, oral history interviews, and objects of everyday use that should bring the visitor closer to the experience of the people who were forced to leave. I argue that exhibitions of this sort have the ability to challenge the dominant historical narrative focusing on a national “Slovak” history and help the process of reconciliation between the Slovak majority society, and the Hungarian and German minorities.
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Kazanski, Michel, e Anna Mastykova. "Dogs in the Burial Rite of the Sambian-Natangian Culture of the Great Migration Period and the Early Middle Ages and Warriors-Werewolves". Stratum plus. Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology, n.º 5 (outubro de 2022): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55086/sp2251530.
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Two “military” burials of the Sambian-Natangian culture are considered — Dollkeim-Kovrovo No. 269 and Kleinheide-Guryevsk No. 21 of the Great Migration Period, where there are burials of dogs. Burials with dogs in the early Middle Ages were widespread in the Germanic area, but extremely rarely found among the Balts. Apparently in Sambia, their appearance is associated with the influence of the funerary customs of the Germans, most likely from Central Europe. It is possible that these customs reflect military rituals associated with warriors-werewolves (wolves/dogs).
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Łukomski, Grzegorz. "Polacy i Niemcy w geopolitycznej przestrzeni XX w." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 1 (2014): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.14.004.14865.
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Wielowiekowe trudne sąsiedztwo polsko-niemieckie skłania do refleksji nad wzajemną akulturacją, mającą swoje pozytywne i negatywne skutki, splataniem się w naszych dziejach wielkiej polityki i mikrohistorii, ludzkich losów wpisanych w dzieje obu narodów. W przeszłości relacje polsko - niemieckie kreowali nade wszystko intelektualiści i politycy, oni narzucali je społeczeństwom. W niemieckiej praktyce politycznej zagadnienie geopolityki łączyło się z pojęciami: Lebensraum (przestrzeń życiowa), Grossraum (wielka przestrzeń), Blut und Boden (krew i ziemia), Grossraumwirtschaft (gospodarka wielkiej przestrzeni) oraz Mitteleuropa (Europa Środkowa). Ta ostatnia koncepcja, głoszona przez ideologów i polityków niemieckich, miała bardzo istotne znaczenie, dotyczyła stworzenia zdominowanego przez Niemcy obszaru gospodarczego i geopolitycznego. Geopolityka to problem globalny, dotyczy każdego niemal państwa jako organizacji politycznej, której celem jest zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa swym obywatelom. W przypadku Polski, położonej w sercu Europy, realia geopolityczne miały od wieków także bardzo istotny aspekt globalny, który stanowi część rozważań w prezentowanej pracy. Podstawą myślenia geopolitycznego był realizm polityczny, reprezentowany przez środowiska konserwatywne i narodowe. Do nurtu tego zaliczyć należy myśl polityczną ks. Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego, Aleksandra Wielopolskiego, oraz tradycję krakowskich stańczyków. Poles and Germans in Geopolitical Reality in the 20th Century Long, difficult Polish-German neighborhood is an inspiration to reflect upon the mutual acculturation, which has both positive and negative outcomes, and to reflect on how the great politics and micro-history overlapped across our history. It is also aimed to consider individual histories inscribed in the history of both nations. In the past, Polish-German relations were primarily created by politicians and great intellectual minds. They imposed those relations onto society. In the German politics, the notion of geopolitics was related to the notions of Lebensraum (living space), Grossraum (the great space), Blut und Boden (blood and soil), Grossraumwirtschaft (the economy of the great space) and Mitteleuropa (Central Europe). The last one, advocated by some German ideologists and politicians, was of primary significance. It was about creating a German-dominated economic and geopolitical area. Geopolitics is a global issue, it concerns almost every state – a political organization – which aims to provide security for its own citizens. In the case of Poland, a country located in the heart of Europe, for centuries, geopolitical reality has had an important global aspect, which is part of the discussion in the article. Political realism was the foundation of geopolitical thought, and it was represented by the conservative and national circles, e. g. political thought of father Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and Aleksander Wielkopolski and the tradition of Stanczyks from Cracow.
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Gajdis, Anna. "Sarmacja Johannesa Bobrowskiego (1917-1965) w perspektywie geopoetyki. Litewskie reminiscencje". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, n.º 2 (8 de janeiro de 2023): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8463.
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The subject of the article is Sarmatia in the geopoetical perspective. Lithuanian reminiscences is Bobrowski’s literary output in the context of his concept of Sarmatia, with a special attention towards Lithuanian motives. The writer referred to the vast areas of Central and Eastern Europe from Berlin to the Urals as Sarmatia, and he defined his poetic task as the study of the Germans' transgressions against their eastern neighbours. According to geopoetics, Sarmatia is a place made up of personal experiences, feelings and emotions. Research on the autobiography conducted by M. Czermińska allows us to call it an autobiographical place created out of landscape, history and tradition. The writer himself described East Prussia as a place of childhood and happiness, but he also felt fulfilled as a wanderer on the great expanses of Eastern Europe.
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Müller, Uwe. "East Central Europe in the First Globalization (1850-1914)". Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 36, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2018-0004.
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Summary The article analyzes the position and the positioning strategy of East Central Europe in the so-called “first globalization (1850-1914)”. The focus is on foreign trade and the transfer of the two most important production factors, i.e. capital and labor. East Central Europe included in this period the territories of the Habsburg Monarchy, the Kingdom of Poland as a part of the Russian Empire, and the eastern provinces of the Kingdom of Prussia which were from 1871 onwards part of the German Reich. The article combines the theories and methods of economic history and transnational history. It sees itself as a contribution to a trans-regional history of East Central Europe by analyzing first the main “flows” and then the influence of “controls”. The article analyzes to what extent and in what way East Central Europe was involved in the globalization processes of the late 19th century. It discusses whether East Central Europe was only the object of global developments or even shaped them. In this context it asks about the role of the empires (Habsburg monarchy, German Reich, Russia) for the position of East Central European economies in the world economy. It shows that the economic elites in the centers but also on the edges of the empires developed different strategies for how to respond to the challenges of globalization.
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Lück, Heiner. "'Flemish law' in Central Germany". Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 78, n.º 1-2 (2010): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181910x487314.
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AbstractIn the general context of 12th- and 13th-century migrations in Europe, several communities from the Low Countries settled in central Germany, in territories now divided between the Länder Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia. Many of these settlements were concentrated in the region between Berlin and Wittenberg, still known today as the Fläming (from Flamen, German for Flemings, but also a generic name for populations from the Low Countries); the settlements also include areas around Burg and Magdeburg, a few localities around Leipzig and Naumburg, and the Goldene Aue, near the Kyffhäuser Hills. The law in those Flemish-Dutch settlements can to some extent be traced back through local customs and place-names, as well as through references in charters granting a distinctive legal status to the colonists. Characteristic features of the legal migration are the equal division of property after death and the terms Schulze and Schultheiß, which may in some cases go back to Netherlandish origins and influences.
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Seipp, Adam R. "‘We Have to Pay the Price’: German Workers and the US Army, 1945–1989". War in History 26, n.º 4 (13 de setembro de 2019): 563–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517738550.
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This article examines the relationship between German civilian workers and the United States Army in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War. Using archival and published sources, the article offers an entangled history of ‘local national’ employees and their role in maintaining the American presence in Central Europe. Beginning in the late 1960s, German labour unions began to challenge American labour policy. In doing so, they consistently argued for a more forceful assertion of German sovereignty. This labour relationship was therefore important for both the military history of the Cold War and for the development of German democracy.
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Soukupová, Blanka. "The Socio-Historical Contexts of Czech Anti-Semitism and Anti-German Sentiments Following the Establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic and their Reflection in Contemporary Caricatures". Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 67, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2019): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2019-0001.
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Abstract The Czechoslovak Republic was created as the national state of the Czechs and Slovaks. Although it was based on the ethnic principle, the new state simultaneously assured relatively extensive rights for its national and religious minorities; in the Czech lands primarily for Czech Germans and the structured Jewish minority (in the new state, Jews could claim Jewish nationality and religion, or only Jewish religion). Although the Jewish minority was ideologically and politically heterogeneous and absolutely loyal to the state, it repeatedly became, not for the first time historically, the target of largely socially and ethnically motivated attacks after the foundation of the Republic. However, their nature was escalated even more by the difficult social conditions following World War I and the generally traumatic experience of the unexpected world war. Contemporary journalism helped disseminate the image of Jews as the main culprits who had caused the world war and were responsible for the general post-war destabilisation and shortages, Jews as non-state building residents of the republic, disloyal, pro-German orientated asocial elements, intensified by the image of Jewish refugees from Galicia and Bukovina, justly or unjustly accused of operating chain businesses. Contemporary journalism also emphasised the traditional image of Czech Germans as the ancient enemy of the Czech nation, currently accused of starting World War I. The fact that most Czech Germans were truly disloyal citizens of the new state after the foundation of the republic (and again in the 1930s) was balanced by the efforts of the Czechoslovak government to “win the Germans over for the new state” and therefore controlled the suppression of anti-German sentiments which were often linked to anti-Jewish sentiments. The text questions the significance of the image of the national enemy at a time in history that saw the destabilisation of existing socio-political relations, undoubtedly represented by the dissolution of the monarchy and the rise of new national states in Central Europe and their contemporary visualisation.
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Baranowski, Shelley. "The Future of Central European Studies". Central European History 51, n.º 1 (março de 2018): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000146.
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It is obviously difficult to envision the future of Central European studies with any precision. The broader context that surrounds historians, as well as scholars in other disciplines, influences the topics and methodologies they choose. In recent years (i.e., the post-1990, neoliberal era), transnational, global, and imperialism studies have had a significant impact on the historical profession at large. As David Blackbourn observed in a 2013 address to the German Studies Association, ambitious “deep history” projects that cut across multiple cultures and historical periods have recently thrived, prompting him to encourage historians of Germany to push beyond their narrow graduate training and embrace such undertakings. To be sure, historians of Central Europe have adapted to prevailing trends in the discipline (discussed later), but concerns about the chronological, spacial, methodological, and topical limitations of the field have arisen. Even if scholars of Central Europe utilize different methodologies and approaches, they rarely pioneer. Rather, they latch onto the innovations that other fields have spawned instead of breaking new ground.
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Luft, David S. "Austria as a Region of German Culture: 1900–1938". Austrian History Yearbook 23 (janeiro de 1992): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002939.
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This Essay Attempts to contribute to our understanding of the intellectual and cultural history of Central Europe by making explicit a variety of themes that haunt discourse about Austrian culture and by making some suggestions about periodizing the relationship between Austria and German culture. I originally developed these thoughts on Austria as a region of German culture for a conference in 1983 at the Center for Austrian Studies on regions and regionalism in Austria. Although the political institutions of Central Europe have undergone a revolution since then, the question of Austria's relationship to German culture still holds its importance for the historian-and for contemporary Austrians as well. The German culture I have in mind here is not thekleindeutschnational culture of Bismarck's Reich, but rather the realm that was once constituted by the German-speaking lands of the Holy Roman Empire. This geographical space in Central Europe suggests a more ideal realm of the spirit, for which language is our best point of reference and which corresponds to no merely temporal state.
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Scales, Leonard E. "At the Margin of Community: Germans in Pre-Hussite Bohemia". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (dezembro de 1999): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679408.
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Arguably, the single most important dimension in the existence of any community, medieval or modern, is its members' shared conviction that it exists, and that its existence represents a significant bond between them. The central and later Middle Ages have been viewed as a period of particular importance for the growth of such self-consciousness - and for its growth, particularly among those large political communities which Susan Reynolds suggests we call ‘regnal’, and which many medievalists appear happy to refer to as ‘national’. As Reynolds showed, communities of this sort evolved legitimising mythologies which overlay existing structures of government with notions of ancient and primal ethnic solidarity, and thus placed such communities, imaginatively, outside the normal processes of contingency and change. Challenging questions therefore arise if we call to mind the many new political formations which were established during this period, which saw the extension into neighbouring regions, by both violent and peaceful means, of the political and social forms characteristic of continental western Europe. The new settlements had not only to be organised and defended physically, but also explained and justified. A vocabulary of argument thus evolved to account for their existence and to illuminate their relationships with existing political and social structures. In formulating this vocabulary, however, writers were con-fronted by the strong impulse in medieval thought to lay upon all significant communities a veneer of timelessness, or at least of antiquity. How this obstacle was overcome for particular new communities doubtless has many specific answers. But an obstacle it must surely have been, and the study of how — or whether — it was surmounted in any given instance is thus inherently worth while.
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Mádly, Loránd. "Die Deutschen im Banat, von der Kolonisation bis zur Integration in den rumänischen Staat Ein kurzer Rückblick". Transylvanian Review 32, n.º 1 (4 de julho de 2023): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.1.01.
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In the historical process of expelling the Ottomans from Europe, Habsburg rule spread across Central and Eastern Europe. In the context of the somewhat later dominant views that guided pol itics, such as the Enlightenment or the populationist politics, the settlement of colonists became more and more important, also in Banat, a depopulated area during the Turkish wars, which was mainly used for defense purposes. Here, the new colonists, the new types of settlements and the industrial activities in a highly multicultural environment made Banat one of the most developed and industrialized regions of the Habsburg Monarchy. In the description of the settlement of Ger man population groups that took place in the 18th century, the example of the Transylvanian Sax ons is used first, who were settled very early on by the kings of Hungary on the eastern border of the kingdom in order to protect them and also to farm. Over time they have developed and always defended their own identity and dialect as well as their own laws and constitutional status. The settlement of the Banat Germans, which took place in several waves, is followed along the social, geographical, economic and last but not least demographic coordinates. Later, the constitutional status of Banat also changed, until this multicultural region became part of Greater Romania after the First World War. All these changes always brought new challenges for the Banat Germans, who had their own organizational forms at that time. Political activity in defense of collective rights continued throughout the interwar period, marked by political instability.
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DONERT, CELIA, EMILY GREBLE e JESSICA WARDHAUGH. "New Scholarship on Central and Eastern Europe". Contemporary European History 26, n.º 3 (13 de julho de 2017): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000224.
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A steady stream of creative new scholarship on Central and Eastern Europe has been arriving at the desks of reviews editors in Contemporary European History. Commissioning and editing essays on this scholarship has persuasively demonstrated its wider importance, not least in challenging the ambiguous and arbitrary line that continues to divide European historiography between East and West. We have therefore taken the decision to present the following five articles collectively, as a means of reflecting on and interrogating assumptions in European historiography. Why do Germany and France still dominate narratives of the Great War? Can we speak of urban continuities and similarities across the socialist and capitalist spheres? How does studying food offer new insights on the global phenomenon of socialism and socialist production?
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Gispen, Kees. "Memories of Central European History, 1997–2005". Central European History 51, n.º 1 (março de 2018): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000031.
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I became involved with what was then called the Conference Group for Central European History in early 1997, when I accepted Roger Chickering's invitation to succeed him as Executive Secretary and Treasurer. This put me in charge of preparing and distributing the biannual (now defunct) Newsletter and of carrying out a variety of other duties, including keeping track of the money and organizing the annual executive meeting and the Bierabend—a cash bar and convivial get-together for historians of Central Europe—at the annual conference of the American Historical Association. The Newsletter kept members of the Conference Group informed about matters relevant to Central European history, such as upcoming events, panels on German and Austrian history at the American Historical Association meeting, scholarships, fellowships, as well as events at the German Historical Institute in Washington, DC, including the annual Transatlantic Doctoral Seminar. At one point, it was mailed separately to members and then, sometime later, published in Central European History.
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Cohen, Gary B. "John Connelly's Long March through East European History". Austrian History Yearbook 52 (6 de abril de 2021): 273–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237821000175.
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John Connelly, a member of the history faculty at the University of California, Berkeley, for the last quarter century, has produced what will surely stand as a landmark among grand syntheses on the modern history of Eastern Europe. The book title uses the geographical designation favored during the Cold War, but the subject is more precisely East Central Europe, a term that Connelly uses interchangeably with Eastern Europe to designate the lands lying between Germany and Austria in the west and the former components of the Soviet Union to the east.
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Nedbal, Martin. "Wenzel Mihule and the Reception of Don Giovanni in Central Europe". Journal of Musicology 39, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 66–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2022.39.1.66.
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This article traces the previously overlooked transmission of a German Singspiel adaptation of Mozart’s Don Giovanni in central Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Titled Don Juan, oder Die redende Statue, the adaptation originated with the troupe of Wenzel Mihule at the Patriotic Theater in Prague in the early 1790s and, initially at least, took fewer liberties with the opera than other German reworkings, possibly because it was created in an environment sensitive to Mozart’s Italian original. The adaptation was picked up by Emauel Schikaneder’s company in Vienna, by companies across Moravia, and by Joseph Seconda’s troupe in Leipzig and Dresden, and it traveled with Mihule from Prague to southern Germany and Slovakia. Newly discovered archival documents associated with Mihule’s Don Juan shed light on the early German-language history of Don Giovanni, illustrating, in particular, its reception outside of large urban centers—in smaller towns, aristocratic palaces, and a monastery. This article argues, moreover, that the lack of scholarly attention to the adaptation is to a large extent connected to national politics in central Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, specifically to Czech-German ethnic tensions and conflicts.
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JĘDRYSIAK, Jacek. "The Lost Chance for Integration? The German Army Concept of Rebuilding the Railways in Poland, Lithuania and Courland During the First World War". Journal of European Integration History 29, n.º 2 (2023): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2023-2-227.
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The First World War had differentiated effects on the development and integration of the railway network in northern East Central Europe. Until 1914 this region was part of the German and Russian Empires and the rail network densities in the states were very contrasted. During the war, destroyed railway lines were quickly rebuilt; the railway network even expanded and was standardised in terms of gauge as a part of the German plan to rebuild the architecture of the system of East Central Europe. On the one hand, this was done for military reasons. But there was also a broader concept behind it: the idea of submitting the railways of the resurrected states of Poland, Lithuania and Courland to the unified system managed by the Germany. The aim of the article is to indicate to what extent Imperial German policy during the Great War actually contributed to the creation of a new, uniformed railway network in the occupied areas.
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Fraser, David, e Frank Caestecker. "Jews or Germans? Nationality Legislation and the Restoration of Liberal Democracy in Western Europe after the Holocaust". Law and History Review 31, n.º 2 (maio de 2013): 391–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000035.
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Statelessness continues to trouble today's international legal and political spheres. Despite the International Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, the stateless remain an unwelcome presence and awkward anomaly within an international human rights regime still fundamentally dominated by the nation state structure. In 1945, Marc Vishniak wrote that the stateless were “… restricted in their rights more than any other people and constitute the weakest chain in the link of human rights.” Hannah Arendt, who was herself a Jewish refugee from Germany, placed the enigma of the stateless in an even more central philosophical position. Whereas Visniak emphasized the problematic and marginalized legal status of the stateless within the dominant international paradigm, Arendt proposed a re-imagining of the international legal order, a vision that would prioritize a solution to the situation of the stateless, especially stateless Jews, by “somehow or other restoring to them the inalienable rights of man.” For Arendt, Jewish former citizens of Germany, stripped of their nationality by the Nazi regime, occupied a newly paradoxical situation as empowered and voluntaryHeimatlos,precisely because they now rejected the standard legal normativity of the state/citizen template. Arendt found historical support for her argument about statelessness as both abnormal within dominant international legal thinking, and at the same time strangely empowering, with regard to the situation of the mainly Jewish refugees displaced during World War I. They had fallen outside the protections offered by new succession countries at the end of that conflict, very often by their own decision to refuse incorporation as citizens of the emergent nation states. These Jewishapatridesdiscovered “privileges and juridical advantages in statelessness.” For Arendt, Jewish former citizens of Germany at the end of World War II further embodied a move toward conceptualizing a new international paradigm wherein rights could be sought beyond the traditional bounds of a state-based legal order, precisely because those bounds had been irrevocably shattered by the state itself.
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Hoerder, Dirk. "Migration and Cultural Interaction across the Centuries: German History in a European Perspective". German Politics and Society 26, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2008): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260201.
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Bordered nation-state approaches are increasingly challenged and they rarely hold up under critical questioning. In this essay I discuss the cultural interactions across Central Europe that preceded the nineteenth-century development of national consciousness and—for many only after 1918—independent states. I argue that identities based on religion, profession or craft, administrative or military expertise characterized people more than those founded on ethnocultural/regional origin during the various migrations of the period. A dual outward-inward perspective focuses on the influence of German-speakers in other parts of Europe and on men and women from other cultures in the core German-language regions. I carry the story up to the 1930s and I argue that transregional and transcultural approaches are empirically sounder than transnational ones. It follows that migrant destinations also need to be addressed as micro- or macro-regions—the several distinct locations in Eastern, East Central, and Southeastern Europe, for example—rather than in terms of states.
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Stone, James. "Bismarck and the Great Game: Germany and Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia, 1871–1890". Central European History 48, n.º 2 (junho de 2015): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000321.
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AbstractOtto von Bismarck, the first chancellor of a unified Germany, was an active participant in the Anglo-Russian rivalry for control of Central Asia. Even though Germany had no direct interests there and was never involved on the ground during the two decades of his chancellorship, Bismarck invested considerable resources in working to shape the course of events in that part of the world, stoking the flames of conflict whenever it suited the dictates ofRealpolitik. Over a twenty-year period, he actively pursued a consistent strategy that focused on tying down Russian troops in the remote Asian steppes, i.e., as far away from Central Europe as possible. At the same time, he manipulated Anglo-Russian rivalry in Asia to achieve various foreign policy goals that would further German interests. This article explores in detail all of these objectives, as well as their interrelationship. In particular, it unravels the perplexing mystery of how Bismarck was able to influence the politics of Central Asia from his distant headquarters in Berlin.
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Levintova, Ekaterina, e David Coury. "Poland, Germany and the EU: Reimagining Central Europe". Europe-Asia Studies 72, n.º 7 (16 de junho de 2020): 1186–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1764910.
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Jakubec, Ivan. "Nazi Policy of Tourism in Central Europe". HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 15, n.º 2 (8 de novembro de 2023): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2023.19.
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The primary focus of this paper is on the period of tourism from 1938/39 to 1945. The intention of this paper is to present and explain the reasons and consequences of the implementation of organizational changes, as well as the impacts of the integration of tourism into the staterun economy of Nazi Germany. In this context, we evaluated the specifics of the development of tourism areas of the former Czechoslovak state (the Sudetenland, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Slovakia). It turned out that even during the war, tourism, despite all the restrictions (legislative, territorial, time, transport, etc.) did not disappear, except in areas where war operations were taking place, and its management became an integral part of the war economy. The explanation can be seen based on the studied materials in the multilayered nature of this part of the national economy and its broad social scope. The paper is based on the study of archival unpublished materials from Czech and foreign archives and literature. The basic method used is the historical-critical method supplemented by a comparative, direct and indirect approach with an effort to capture the overall changes in the field of tourism during the war.
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Aron, Hadas. "Postcommunist Germany". German Politics and Society 41, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2023): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410406.
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Abstract This article situates Germany within postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to explain current political outcomes, particularly, the disproportionate success of the AfD in eastern Germany. Similar to CEE, politics in eastern Germany is fragmented and volatile compared to western Germany; the political system in the east reflects conservative social values; and east German patterns of discontent are similar to CEE. However, in CEE, party systems were new and thus volatile and susceptible to populist mobilization from both mainstream and radical parties. Conversely, East Germany integrated into the developed West German party system and adopted its traditional parties, lowering the east's potential for volatility and polarization. Moreover, since the east is a minority within Germany, its relative volatility has limited impact on the German system.
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Historein, Historein. "National History: Construct or/and Reality?" Historein 1 (1 de maio de 2000): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.128.
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<p>A workshop addressing the general theme “National History. Construct or/and Reality” was held at the European University Institute (Florence) on the 2nd and 3rd of May 1997. Professor Miroslav Hroch (European University Institute and University of Prague) organised and conducted this project which aimed at a comparative approach of the formation of national histories mostly within Central and Eastern Europe. The first two sessions (Friday, May 2nd, morning and afternoon) were devoted to the exploration of “The Concept of our National History”. The following scholars (according to the order of presentation) focused their analysis on certain cases of national histories:</p><p><strong>A. First session</strong></p><p>- Professor Otto Dann (University of Köln) - Germans.<br />- Professor Miroslav Hroch (EUI and University of Prague) and Dr. Jitka Maleckova (University of Prague) - Czechs.<br />- Professor Ottar Dahl (University of Oslo) - Norwegians.<br />- Professor Marjatta Hietala (University of Tampere) - Finns.</p><p><strong>B. Second session</strong></p><p>- Dr. Eva Ring Agh (University of Budapest) - Hungarians.<br />- Dr. Bronislav Hronec (University of Bratislava) - Slovaks.<br />- Dr. Effi Gazi (University of Crete) - Greeks.</p>
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Pekelder, Jacco. "Europa en de opkomst van Duitsland, 1830-1871 : De Duitse kwestie in Europees perspectief". Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2020): 229–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.2.004.peke.
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Abstract Europe and the rise of Germany, 1830-1871. The German Question in European perspectiveA century and a half ago Bismarck’s Reichgründung fundamentally changed Europe’s states system. It marked the end of a quest for German unity that, since the 1830s, had been a central theme of European politics. This era has so far received little attention, and only a few historians appreciate that the rise of Germany in the nineteenth century triggered not only anxiety and fear among its neighbours, but feelings of sympathy and hope as well. This article aims to chart the whole range of reactions and to reintroduce openness to this historical process. It analyses a variety of conceptions of a new European states system in order to understand how Polish, Italian, French, and British politicians and activists anticipated and tried to influence the emergence of a strong and powerful German nation state in Europe’s centre. The conditionality of their support stresses the influence of these neighbouring nations on European-German relations then and now.